In a response to Vladimir Vujcic's earlier review of the author's (2003) book, Politicka i medijska kultura u Hrvatskoj (Political and Media Culture in Croatia), which charged that the author had trod on research that Vujcic himself was preparing in his own recently published Politicka tolerancija (Political Tolerance), & also failed fully to account for a conclusion that intolerance of fascists, Yugoslavists, communists, & Ustashe in contemporary Croatia is not indicative of a culture of political intolerance. In response, the author points out that much of his research was carried out in 1992-1993, & that the author himself acknowledged the difficulty of adequately defining "tolerance." In conclusion Vujcic is accused of sophistry. A. Siegel
Farm Accountancy Data Network (FADN) was established in the EU in 1965 and now it is obligated for all member states of the EU. The system is based on an annual collection of production, economic and financial data from a representative sample of comercial farms, classified into groups according to the criteria of economic farm size, type of agricultural production and regional affiliation. Research made by FADN system represent the European Commission instrument for evaluating the income of agricultural producers and determining the impact of the Common Agricultural Policy of the EU on their business. In this paper the comparison is made between production and economic indicators of different types of agricultural holdings (field crops; horticulture crops; permanent crops, orchards and olive yards; dairy farms; grazing livestock; pig and poultry farms and mixed farms). On the basis of Standard Results for the year 2014 it is possible to conclude that in Croatia field crops and grazing livestock farms lead by their utilized agricultural area. Pig and poultry farming have the most livestock units, while the most working hours is spent in the cultivation of vegetables and flowers. The highest values of labor productivity have holdings that are engaged in the production of vegetables and flowers, while the lowest labor productivity have grazing livestock farms. Cost-effectiveness of all types of farms exceeding a value of 1. The highest value of the gross income is achieved at pig and poultry farms, while the smallest has a mixed type of farms. The average farm direct payments account for a high 44% in the net income, and the largest share of direct payments in the net income has field crop type of farms. ; Sustav poljoprivrednih računovodstvenih podataka (eng. Farm Accountancy Data Network-FADN), utemeljen je u EU 1965. godine, te je obavezan za sve države članice Europske unije. Sustav se temelji na godišnjem knjigovodstvenom prikupljanju proizvodnih, ekonomskih i financijskih podataka s reprezentativnog uzorka komercijalnih poljoprivrednih gospodarstava, klasificiranih u skupine prema kriterijima ekonomske veličine gospodarstva, tipu poljoprivredne proizvodnje i regionalne pripadnosti. Istraživanja FADN sustava predstavljaju instrument Europske komisije za vrednovanje dohotka poljoprivrednih proizvođača te utvrđivanje utjecaja Zajedničke poljoprivredne politike EU na njihovo poslovanje. U ovom radu napravljena je usporedba pojedinih proizvodnih i ekonomskih pokazatelja različitih tipova poljoprivrednih gospodarstava (ratarstvo; povrćarstvo i cvjećarstvo; vinogradarstvo i vinarstvo; voćarstvo i maslinarstvo; mliječno govedarstvo; govedarstvo, ovčarstvo i kozarstvo; svinjogojstvo i peradarstvo te mješoviti tip proizvodnje). Na osnovu standardnih rezultata za 2014. godinu može se zaključiti da u Hrvatskoj površinom prednjače ratarska gospodarstava i gospodarstva koja se bave govedarstvom, ovčarstvom i kozarstvom. Najviše uvjetnih grla stoke ima tip svinjogojstvo i peradarstvo, dok se najviše radnih sati troši u uzgoju povrća i cvijeća. Najveću vrijednost proizvodnosti rada imaju gospodarstva koja se bave uzgojem povrća i cvijeća, dok najmanju proizvodnost rada imaju govedarska, ovčarska i kozarska gospodarstva. Ekonomičnost svih tipova poljoprivrednih gospodarstava prelazi vrijednost 1. Najveću vrijednost bruto prihoda postižu svinjogojska i peradarska gospodarstva, dok najmanju ima mješoviti tip gospodarstava. Prosječnom gospodarstvu u neto prihodu izravna plaćanja sudjeluju sa visokih 44%, a najveći udio izravnih plaćanja u neto prihodima ima ratarski tip gospodarstava.
The concession for the third network of the Croatian TV is the most substantial concession that has been granted for the radio or television broadcasting in the Republic of Croatia. It attracted a number of big-time bidders from all over the world e.g. News Corporation, RTL Group, SBS Broadcasting & CME Group. The article outlines how the decision to disaffiliate the third network from the HTV system was eventually reached, & describes the entire procedure of grant concession, from inviting the tenders & their analysis to the final decision. The concession was granted to the corporation "RTL Ltd" on the basis of the project they had submitted called "HRTL." Thus Croatia became the 24th country in which the RTL Group, a division of the German broadcasting giant Bertlesmann, broadcasts its programmes. On 30 April 2004, eight months after the concession had been granted, the new TV station went on the air. 3 Tables, 15 References. Adapted from the source document.
The author presents the complex institutional framework of the youth policy in Croatia using the theoretical insights from network management, described in the edited volume by Kickert, Klijn & Koppenjan Managing Complex Networks, as well as the typology of Theodor Lowi who recognizes four basic types of policies: distributive, redistributive, regulative & constitutive. The analysis shows that the youth policy in Croatia is basically a redistributive policy with elements of regulative policy. It is also shown that the success of the policy depends on strengthening the roof youth organization that could be both a partner & a critic in the working of government. Exploring whether young people have material goods, whether they are represented in the formal decision making bodies & whether they are well informed, the article points to the disadvantaged position of young people in Croatia that corresponds to the concept of social exclusion, which means that young people suffer from the impossibility to influence the circumstances, rules of the game & the future development of the political community where they live. Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.
The author presents the complex institutional framework of the youth policy in Croatia using the theoretical insights from network management, described in the edited volume by Kickert, Klijn & Koppenjan Managing Complex Networks, as well as the typology of Theodor Lowi who recognizes four basic types of policies: distributive, redistributive, regulative & constitutive. The analysis shows that the youth policy in Croatia is basically a redistributive policy with elements of regulative policy. It is also shown that the success of the policy depends on strengthening the roof youth organization that could be both a partner & a critic in the working of government. Exploring whether young people have material goods, whether they are represented in the formal decision making bodies & whether they are well informed, the article points to the disadvantaged position of young people in Croatia that corresponds to the concept of social exclusion, which means that young people suffer from the impossibility to influence the circumstances, rules of the game & the future development of the political community where they live. Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.
The author analyzes the controversial concept of globalization from its technological, political, cultural, economic, & social aspects. He refers to S. Huntington, & also to J. Gray, & uses P. Chatterjee's arguments on nationalist strategy & politics. Jameson concludes that combination, social collective, & global regulation are at the core of all strategically successful responses to the globalization trends. Adapted from the source document.
The author looks into the role of TV debates in presidential electoral campaigns & how the pioneering attempt at their organization in Croatia in 2005 was received by Croatian voters & how these TV debates differed from the American model. Namely, one of the novel developments in the Croatian 2005 presidential electoral campaigns were three TV debates between Stjepan Mesic & Jadranka Kosor, the two leading candidates who competed in the run-off ballot. The debates were organized on the three national TV networks (HRT, RTL & Nova TV) & the ratings were high. Tables, Graphs, References. Adapted from the source document.
As the newly established nation-state of Slovenia continues to develop concepts, policies, & institutions to provide for its national security, it does so as a young country in a new Europe & must consider not only its own experiences, principles, & international politics, but also the dynamic environment of the multifaceted proposals & efforts at European integration. These are the basic considerations for understanding the process whereby Slovenia is forming a new national security network, both internally & on the international level, & also for following Slovenia's endeavors to participate in European integration & join NATO & the European Union. Adapted from the source document.
Cilj rada je analizirati prostornu distribuciju knjižnične djelatnosti u Republici Hrvatskoj. U tu svrhu, predstavljena je struktura mreže knjižnica u RH, navedena je hijerarhija knjižničnih centara (općina i gradova koje imaju knjižnicu) te je analizirana razvijenost knjižnične djelatnosti i korištenost samih knjižnica kroz odabrane pokazatelje. Također, napravljena je usporedba razvijenosti knjižnica prema makroregijama, županijama i jedinicama lokalne samouprave. Nadalje, današnje stanje uspoređeno je sa stanjem iz 1990. godine. Prikupljeni podaci obrađeni su metodama analize, sinteze i komparativnom metodom te su prikazani grafičkim i kartografskim metodama prikazivanja podataka. Na temelju provedene analize, može se konstatirati kako je mreža narodnih knjižnica u Hrvatskoj relativno dobro razvijena, no još uvijek postoje prostori u kojima ima mjesta za razvoj. ; The aim of this paper is to analyze the spatial distribution of libraries in the Republic of Croatia. To this end, the structure of the library network in the Republic of Croatia and the hierarchy of library centers (municipalities and cities that have a library) is presented, while the development of libraries and its usage are analyzed through selected indicators. A comparison of the development of libraries has been made according to macro-regions, counties and local government units. Furthermore, the current situation has been compared to the state of the library system in 1990. The collected data is analyzed and presented using graphical and cartographic methods. Based on the conducted analysis, it can be stated that the network of public libraries in Croatia is relatively well developed, but there are still some areas where further development can be implemented.
Uvod: U Hrvatskoj, smrtnost od raka debelog crijeva (RDC) viša je u usporedbi s prosjekom država članica Europske unije (EU). U Hrvatskoj se od 2007. godine provodi Nacionalni program ranog otkrivanja raka debelog crijeva (NPRDC), s ciljem smanjenja smrtnosti od RDC, otkrivanja bolesti u ranijem stadiju, poboljšanja mogućnosti liječenja i kvalitete života oboljelih. Prema Europskim smjernicama za osiguranje kvalitete probira i dijagnostike, prihvatljiv odaziv u NPRDC je najmanje 45%, koji u Hrvatskoj do sada nije postignut. Cilj: Cilj ovoga rada je procijeniti učinak javno-zdravstvene intervencije kućnog posjeta studenata medicine osobama uključenim u NPRDC na odaziv na test na okultno krvarenje (Hemocult test). Metode: Uzorak za intervenciju činili su sve žene i muškarci uključeni u NPRDC iz dva naselja (Vetovo i Kaptol) u Požeško-slavonskoj županiji. U Vetovu je provedena intervencija (N=338), a osobe iz Kaptola uzete su kao kontrolna skupina (N=417). Intervenciju kućnim posjetima su provodili studenti završne godine studija medicine uz koordinaciju Zavoda za javno zdravstvo Požeško-slavonske županije. Osobama koje su pristale sudjelovati u intervenciji objašnjen je razlog dolaska, provedeno je informiranje o važnosti sudjelovanja u NP kroz anketom vođeni razgovor te im je ponuđen Hemocult test uz detaljne upute o primjeni. Prikupljeni podatci obrađeni su u programu Microsoft Office Excel metodama deskriptivne statistike. Rezultati: Prije provedbe intervencije u Vetovu je odaziv u sklopu NPRDC (osobe koje su dale suglasnost za Hemocult test/osobe pozvane u NPRDC) bio 14,4%, a u Kaptolu 18,6%; χ2 (1)=1,177, p>0,05. Nakon provedbe intervencije, odaziv u Vetovu bio je 45,7%, a u Kaptolu 21%; χ2 (1)=29,986, p0,05. Nakon provedbe intervencije, odaziv u Vetovu bio je 24,7%, a u Kaptolu 15,1% (bez intervencije); χ2 (1)=6,317, p=0,012. Zaključak: U naselju gdje je provedena intervencija u obliku kućnih posjeta, postignut je značajno veći obuhvat neodazvanih osoba na Hemocult test, u usporedbi sa susjednim naseljem sličnih karakteristika, gdje su provedene uobičajeni postupci pozivanja osoba predviđeni protokolom u sklopu NPRDC. Rezultati rada ukazuju na važnost individualnog pristupa u javno-zdravstvenoj praksi u unapređenju provedbe NPRDC. ; Introduction: Colorectal cancer (CC) mortality in Croatia is higher than average of European Union (EU) member states. From 2007, National Colorectal Cancer Screening Program (NPCC) has been conducted in Croatia, with aim of reducing CC mortality, detecting illness in early stage, better treatment options and life quality improvement. According to European Guidelines for Quality Assurance of Screening and Diagnosis of CC, acceptable response rate to screening is at least 45%, which hasn't been reached in Croatia so far. Aim: The aim of this study was to evaluate impact of public health intervention in form of home visits made by medical students, on Hemoccult test to persons included in NPCC. Methods: The sample for intervention was persons included in NPCC from two settlements, Vetovo and Kaptol in Požega-Slavonia County. Intervention was performed in Vetovo (N=338), while participants from Kaptol served as control group (N=417). Home visits were conducted by final year of study medical students in coordination with Public Health Institute of Požega-Slavonia County. Students explained reason for visit, importance of participation in NP to persons who agreed to participate in intervention, using standardized survey interview, and offered Hemocult test with detailed explanation of how to use it. The data were processed in Microsoft Office Excel using descriptive statistic methods. Results: Before intervention, response rate within NPCC (persons who signed consent for Hemocult test/persons invited to NPCC) in Vetovo was 14.4% and 18.6% in Kaptol; χ2 (1)=1.177, p>0.05. After intervention, response rate in Vetovo was 45.7% and in Kaptol 21.0%; χ2 (1)=29.986, p0.05. After intervention, response rate to Hemocult test in Vetovo was 24.7%, and 15.1% in Kaptol (without intervention); χ2 (1)=6.317, p=0.012. Conclusion: In settlement where home visits intervention was performed, a significantly higher response rates on Hemocult test was achieved, compared with neighbouring settlement of similar characteristics, where usual NPCC protocol was followed. Results of the study implied importance of individual approach in public health practice in improvement of NPCC performance.
Autor u radu na temelju dostupne arhivske građe i relevantne literature analizira metode djelovanja komunističkoga represivnog aparata u Narodnoj Republici / Socijalističkoj Republici Hrvatskoj protiv Katoličke crkve od 1951. do 1965. godine. U radu se prvi put navode brojčani podaci o suradnicima Udbe iz crkvenih redova te organizacija i pojedinaca usko povezanih s Katoličkom crkvom. ; After the establishment of communist rule in Yugoslavia and the elimination of all political opponents, the Catholic Church remained the only strong and well-organised institution in which the communists saw a possible opponent. This is why the communist authorities carried out a series of repressive and political measures in order to prevent its public activities and weaken its influence in society. Bishops and priests were assassinated or imprisoned, Church property was confiscated, religious publications and seminaries were banned, religious schools were closed and ordinands pressured to give up on studying for priestly vocations, a propaganda campaign was launched against the Church and its priests, priests were scrutinized (especially through clerical associations) and recruited as informants for the secret services, and a series of other measures was carried out with the goal of weakening the influence of the Church in society. The main operational role in the implementation of these measures was played by law enforcement services, primarily the State Security Administration and the other services of the Secretariat of the Interior as well as the Counterintelligence Service, which concerned itself mostly with ecclesiastical persons performing compulsory military service in the Yugoslav People's Army. These services' annual reports for Croatia from 1951 to 1965 and their analyses and studies, which only became available to the public in the Croatian State Archives in Zagreb in 2017, offer us insights into law enforcement's views on the conditions in the Catholic Church, their assessments of its 'hostile' activities, and the ways in which they planned their activities and carried out certain anti-Church measures. In addition, this paper is the first to present the actual numerical indicators of priests and other Church officials or persons closely connected to the work of the Church who were in various ways employed as a part of the collaborator networks of communist secret services in their activities regarding the Catholic Church in the stated period. It is important to highlight that the vast majority of these persons agreed to collaborate due to pressure or blackmail, for the most part failed to produce the results that the State Security Administration had expected of them, and were therefore often removed from the collaborator network. The State Security Administration benefited little from this network, and the fact that it failed to achieve its goals in its struggle against the Catholic Church confirms this.
U ovom radu tvrdim kako je za istočnu Europu istovremeno prisustvo slabih država i slabih društava ključna prepreka s kojom se analitičari i reformatori moraju suočiti. Razumijevanje drugih normativno važnih procesa bit će nepotpuno bez osviještenog razmišljanja o ovom problemu i njegovim implikacijama. Ovaj rad pokušava artikulirati "relacijski" pristup državi i društvu. Uz to rad daje tipologiju mogućih obrazaca odnosa između države i društva ovisno o tome je li država slaba ili jaka i je li društvo slabo ili jako. Predstavljaju se komparativni podaci kako bi se dala empirijska podrška tezama. Na kraju rad skicira dva reformska pristupa koja bi mogla omogućiti razbijanje začaranog kruga koji nastaje u kontekstu slabih država i slabih društava. ; This paper argues that, for Eastern Europe, the simultaneous presence of weak governments and weak societies is a crucial obstacle which must be faced by analysts and reformers. The understanding of other normatively significant processes will be deficient without a consciousness-raising deliberation on this problem and its implications. This paper seeks to articulate the "relational" approach to state and society. In addition, the paper lays out a typology of possible patterns of relationship between state and society, dependent on whether the state is weak or strong and whether society is weak or strong. Comparative data are presented in order to provide an empirical support for the theses. Finally, the paper outlines two reform approaches which could enable breaking the vicious circle emerging in the context of weak governments and weak societies.
The author gives a brief account of the (active or passive) complicity of the overwhelming majority of Serbian intellectuals in the Serbs war on Croatia & Bosnia-Herzegovina & the war crimes & crimes against humanity, including genocide, they have committed in its course. The author then argues that in view of this complicity, intellectuals outside Serbia should not be doing "business as usual" with their Serbian colleagues. He advances an argument for a comprehensive, but selective, boycott of Serbian intellectuals as the morally appropriate response of intellectuals the world over. Adapted from the source document.
Ovaj rad pruža dokaze koji govore u prilog tome da društveni mediji omogućavaju javnu deliberaciju, što je u suprotnosti s hipotezom koja naglašava dominaciju učinka "eho-komore". Rad se bavi konverzacijskim interakcijama na Twitteru između podupiratelja suprotstavljenih strana u debati o katalonskoj nezavisnosti. Ta tema, o kojoj mišljenja mogu biti snažno polarizirana, upotrijebljena je za studiju slučaja. Istraživanje je provedeno na slučajnom uzorku komunikacija na Twitterovoj platformi za odgovore i uključuje zagovornike i protivnike nezavisnosti. Unatoč tendenciji stvaranja "homofilnih mreža" koje okupljaju ljude sličnih stavova, utvrdili smo da je komunikacija između suprotstavljenih političkih tabora relativno česta. Nadalje, heterogene konverzacije (u kojima se suprotstavljene strane upuštaju u dijalog) značajno su duže nego homogene (u kojima svi sudionici dijele isto mišljenje), što se može smatrati znakom prave deliberacije, utemeljene na racionalnoj razmjeni argumenata između suprotstavljenih perspektiva. ; This article provides evidence in favour of social media serving as facilitators of public deliberation, in contrast with the hypothesis that emphasises the dominance of the "echo chamber" effect. It focuses on conversational interactions on Twitter between supporters from opposite sides in a potentially highly polarised political issue, i.e. the debate on the independence of Catalonia, which is used as a case study. Methodologically we rely on a random sample of communications on the Twitter reply network, involving for and against independence supporters. Remarkably, despite the tendency of forming homophilic networks, we find that communication across political lines is relatively frequent. Furthermore, heterogeneous conversations (where opposing sides are engaged in a dialogue) tend to be significantly longer than homogenous ones (where all participants share the same view), which can be seen as a sign of genuine deliberation based on reasonably exchanging arguments between competing viewpoints.
The contrast in responses to Milosevic's aggression toward Bosnia & Saddam Hussein in Iraq under the Blair government in GB is instructive: discussed is the extent to which media coverage of the wars of Yugoslavia affected official policy toward, variously, Croatian secession & war, Bosnia, & Kosovo. Reviewed are several leftist analyses of Western reaction to the Yugoslav crises, among them N. Chomsky's A New Generation Draws the Line: Kosovo, East Timor and the Standards of the West (London: Verso, 2000), P. Hammon & E. S. Herman's Degraded Capability: the Media and the Kosovo Crisis (London: Pluto, 2000), & M. Parenti's To Kill a Nation: The Attack on Yugoslavia (London: Verso, 2000). A. Siegel
