Suchergebnisse

The article aims to examine the role of non-farm actors and environmental interest groups in the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) of the European Union (EU). It uses policy networks as an analytical tool to understand the structure, dynamics and outcomes of the EU's agricultural decision-making processes. Both locations of actors in the CAP policy structures and interaction modes between actors are examined. Also, the role of networks in shaping the CAP's reform decisions is assessed. The article shows that non-farm actors, and specifically environmentalists, researchers and other agents interested in major CAP reforms, have limited influence on final policy outcomes. At the same time though it has been found that non-farm actors play an increasingly important role in framing the CAP policy debate. They form active and vocal issue networks that impinge upon initial stages of the agenda setting phase in the policy cycle process. Also, the EU institutions become more and more dependent on non-farm actors' expertise when it comes to policy evaluation. Although the pro-reform approach of these actors is clearly noticeable, it is still too small to bring more than incremental changes within the policy

The article aims to examine the role of non-farm actors and environmental interest groups in the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) of the European Union (EU). It uses policy networks as an analytical tool to understand the structure, dynamics and outcomes of the EU's agricultural decision-making processes. Both locations of actors in the CAP policy structures and interaction modes between actors are examined. Also, the role of networks in shaping the CAP's reform decisions is assessed. The article shows that non-farm actors, and specifically environmentalists, researchers and other agents interested in major CAP reforms, have limited influence on final policy outcomes. At the same time though it has been found that non-farm actors play an increasingly important role in framing the CAP policy debate. They form active and vocal issue networks that impinge upon initial stages of the agenda setting phase in the policy cycle process. Also, the EU institutions become more and more dependent on non-farm actors' expertise when it comes to policy evaluation. Although the pro-reform approach of these actors is clearly noticeable, it is still too small to bring more than incremental changes within the policy

The author describes the policy change which took place within last years in the economic policy in the most developed countries as well as in Poland. That relates to the relevance of industrial sector in the world economy. During the prevalence of the neoliberal way of thinking in the economic policy it has been regarded as the one in decline. Its neoliberal advocates were convinced that this sector is going to be replaced by the service sector as a growth engine in the world economy. But with 15 years, quit unexpectedly, a belief in the relevance of it collapsed. That resulted from the technological progress in the industrial sector as well as the global economic crises which began in 2008. At present, the economic discourse revolves around the necessity of the modern reindustrialization. This is a challenge for the Polish economic policy as well. In Poland we saw too much deindustrialization within last two decades, which weakened our prospects for development.

The paper presents the idea of the "silver economy" as an economic system related to population ageing and highlights the features of this policy idea. The study first describes the discourse and stages of the process of constructing this system by international and national actors of the public policy on ageing. Next, a critical analysis of the dimensions and areas of implementation and development of the silver economy as a policy concept was provided together with a review of its external and internal limitations. The conclusion includes suggestions for the future research directions.

The purpose of our research was to analyse the influence of social networks on the perception of the war in Ukraine as well as on the course of the struggle in the information field. Today, social networks have become one of the main trendsetters, therefore, to effectively fight against disinformation and enemy information attacks, it is necessary to understand not only the specifics of their audience's perception of information but also to be well-versed in the specifics of the content generated by social media. For this purpose, we used the comparative method, monitoring, and content analysis. In the article, we give examples of ethical dilemmas that Russia can use to its advantage in the war against Ukraine. For example, social media policies prohibit the posting of sensitive content. This does not allow telling the whole truth about the war, as a result of which not everyone understands the depth of the tragedy. Thanks to this, the world's reaction to Russia's criminal actions is not as harsh as it could be. Our research was an attempt not only to outline the problem but also to propose ways to solve it. It is clear that media and ethics are inseparable, but at the same time, it is necessary to understand that ethics cannot hide the truth. In future studies, it is worth investigating more deeply the ethical norms of the coverage of sensitive content, especially about war. Perhaps it would be worthwhile indicating the situations that allow departure from the general rules.

The network of hospitals was implemented by an amendment of healthcare services financed from public funds. The act was introduced on 1st October 2017. The goals of the new organization of healthcare were not written directly in in the law or in the justification of the draft bill. It is supposed that the Ministry of Health planned through these changes to strengthen public hospitals and limit competition of public financing for private hospitals. The aim of the article is to stress the role of public policy in programming law changes in the future. The implementation of the science of public policy could improve the quality of the Polish law in the healthcare system.

The aim of the article is a political science analysis of the European Union's response to the humanitarian crisis in Syria. The following research hypotheses will be verified in the publication. Firstly, the European Union functions in an environment of dynamic changes that determine its decisions and actions, which take place on many levels of social life and at the same time on many levels. The European Union's actions in relation to the humanitarian crisis in Syria are determined by two main variables. The first one occurs at the international level – in this case, with a distinction between the level of the regional system – and combines the effects of the end of the Cold War and globalization processes, i.e. functional and structural elements. It is the hybrid war in Syria. The second variable, unprecedented in its scale, migratory pressure takes place at the level of the interior of the Member States. Secondly, following the hybrid war in Syria and the activity of the so-called Islamic State, the migratory pressure that the European Union began to experience became a threat to its liberal model as well as its internal cohesion. Therefore, by engaging in humanitarian aid for Syria, the European Union wants to prevent a serious crisis within its own structures. A methodological assumption was made according to which the phenomena and processes in the environment of the European Union functioning on many levels are independent variables, while its decisions and actions are dependent variables. In the context of the formulated research hypotheses, the subject of the analysis in the article is, firstly, to define the essence and dynamics of the humanitarian crisis in Syria. Secondly, the identification and analysis of the determinants of that crisis. Third, to show the actions of the European Union in the face of the humanitarian crisis in Syria. ; Celem artykułu jest politologiczna analiza reakcji Unii Europejskiej na kryzys humanitarny w Syrii. W publikacji weryfikacji poddane zostaną następujące hipotezy badawcze. Po pierwsze, Unia Europejska funkcjonuje w środowisku dynamicznych, warunkujących jej decyzje i działania zmian, które zachodzą na wielu poziomach życia społecznego i jednocześnie wielu jego płaszczyznach. Działania Unii Europejskiej wobec kryzysu humanitarnego w Syrii warunkowane są przez dwie główne zmienne. Pierwsza z nich występuje na poziomie międzynarodowym – w tym przypadku z wyodrębnieniem poziomu systemu regionalnego – oraz łączy skutki końca zimnej wojny i procesów globalizacji, czyli elementy funkcjonalne i strukturalne. Jest nią wojna hybrydowa w Syrii. Druga zmienna w postaci bezprecedensowej w swej skali presji migracyjnej ma miejsce na poziomie wnętrza państw członkowskich. Po drugie, będąca następstwem wojny hybrydowej w Syrii i aktywności tzw. Państwa Islamskiego presja migracyjna, jakiej zaczęła doświadczać Unia Europejska stała się zagrożeniem dla jej liberalnego modelu, a także wewnętrznej spójności. Dlatego też angażując się w pomoc humanitarną dla Syrii, Unia Europejska chce zapobiec poważnemu kryzowi wewnątrz własnych struktur. Przyjęto założenie metodologiczne, zgodnie z którym funkcjonujące na wielu płaszczyznach zjawiska i procesy w środowisku Unii Europejskiej są zmiennymi niezależnymi, natomiast jej decyzje i działania zmiennymi zależnymi. W kontekście sformułowanych hipotez badawczych przedmiotem analizy w artykule jest po pierwsze, określenie istoty i dynamiki kryzysu humanitarnego w Syrii. Po drugie, identyfikacja i analiza uwarunkowań owego kryzysu. Po trzecie, ukazanie działań Unii Europejskiej wobec kryzysu humanitarnego w Syrii.

Celem artykułu jest politologiczna analiza reakcji Unii Europejskiej na kryzys humanitarny w Syrii. W publikacji weryfikacji poddane zostaną następujące hipotezy badawcze. Po pierwsze, Unia Europejska funkcjonuje w środowisku dynamicznych, warunkujących jej decyzje i działania zmian, które zachodzą na wielu poziomach życia społecznego i jednocześnie wielu jego płaszczyznach. Działania Unii Europejskiej wobec kryzysu humanitarnego w Syrii warunkowane są przez dwie główne zmienne. Pierwsza z nich występuje na poziomie międzynarodowym – w tym przypadku z wyodrębnieniem poziomu systemu regionalnego – oraz łączy skutki końca zimnej wojny i procesów globalizacji, czyli elementy funkcjonalne i strukturalne. Jest nią wojna hybrydowa w Syrii. Druga zmienna w postaci bezprecedensowej w swej skali presji migracyjnej ma miejsce na poziomie wnętrza państw członkowskich. Po drugie, będąca następstwem wojny hybrydowej w Syrii i aktywności tzw. Państwa Islamskiego presja migracyjna, jakiej zaczęła doświadczać Unia Europejska stała się zagrożeniem dla jej liberalnego modelu, a także wewnętrznej spójności. Dlatego też angażując się w pomoc humanitarną dla Syrii, Unia Europejska chce zapobiec poważnemu kryzowi wewnątrz własnych struktur. Przyjęto założenie metodologiczne, zgodnie z którym funkcjonujące na wielu płaszczyznach zjawiska i procesy w środowisku Unii Europejskiej są zmiennymi niezależnymi, natomiast jej decyzje i działania zmiennymi zależnymi. W kontekście sformułowanych hipotez badawczych przedmiotem analizy w artykule jest po pierwsze, określenie istoty i dynamiki kryzysu humanitarnego w Syrii. Po drugie, identyfikacja i analiza uwarunkowań owego kryzysu. Po trzecie, ukazanie działań Unii Europejskiej wobec kryzysu humanitarnego w Syrii. ; The aim of the article is a political science analysis of the European Union's response to the humanitarian crisis in Syria. The following research hypotheses will be verified in the publication. Firstly, the European Union functions in an environment of dynamic changes that determine its decisions and actions, which take place on many levels of social life and at the same time on many levels. The European Union's actions in relation to the humanitarian crisis in Syria are determined by two main variables. The first one occurs at the international level – in this case, with a distinction between the level of the regional system – and combines the effects of the end of the Cold War and globalization processes, i.e. functional and structural elements. It is the hybrid war in Syria. The second variable, unprecedented in its scale, migratory pressure takes place at the level of the interior of the Member States. Secondly, following the hybrid war in Syria and the activity of the so-called Islamic State, the migratory pressure that the European Union began to experience became a threat to its liberal model as well as its internal cohesion. Therefore, by engaging in humanitarian aid for Syria, the European Union wants to prevent a serious crisis within its own structures. A methodological assumption was made according to which the phenomena and processes in the environment of the European Union functioning on many levels are independent variables, while its decisions and actions are dependent variables. In the context of the formulated research hypotheses, the subject of the analysis in the article is, firstly, to define the essence and dynamics of the humanitarian crisis in Syria. Secondly, the identification and analysis of the determinants of that crisis. Third, to show the actions of the European Union in the face of the humanitarian crisis in Syria.

The paper presents the attitude of the EU to the Presidential elections in Ukraine which took place this year. It discusses the statements of leading EU politicians related to Brussels–Kiev relations at the time, the impact of the elections on the further development of cooperation between the EU and Ukraine, as well as the activities of the European Parliament intended to support the pro-European policy of Ukraine, headed by the recently elected President Viktor Yanukovich. The paper also presents articles that reported the campaign and its results published in the main European newspapers, such as "Süddeutsche Zeitung", "Spiegel", "The Economist", "The Financial Times", "Liberation", "Corriere della Sera" and others, which exerted a significant influence on shaping EU public opinion on presidential elections in Ukraine. The author pays particular attention to the analysis of the first visit of the new Ukrainian President, Viktor Yanukowich, to Brussels. It resulted in the key priorities of the EU-Ukrainian coopera- tion under the new political circumstances being established.

Economic Aspects of the Internet : the Rise of the Commercial Foundations of the WebThe article describes the Internet and the crucial conflict in expectations as regards common convictions which emphasize the social view of the Web. Such views are very popular and as a result they bring the great vision of the Internet as a new public space which demands democratic civil rights for example. In this situation inevitably a conflict emerges between this vision and the business which treats the Internet as its natural environment. The article describes the very beginnings of the Internet and the early phase of this conflict, which has existed from the very beginning mostly due to the counterculture of the sixties in USA. The article also describes the commercial sources of the Web which allowed its voluminous progress and the role of the third player in this game – the Government of the USA which has seen the Internet as a chance for potential economic growth. The article also emphasizes the great significance of the macroeconomic environment in the eighties, which also considerably enhanced the development of the Web. The article documents the predominance of the economic aspect of the Internet, which has become a fact already at the beginning of the nineties and describes incidents which confirm this situation, for example the rebellion of Jon Postel in 1998.

Nowadays, most people use the Internet and social media. However, the Internet is a space in which there are various types of violations that are difficult to counteract with the use of legal institutions and tools, which are often not compatible with the fast-developing environment. The COVID-19 pandemic, which forced people to rearrange their lives in all fields and often move a significant part of their activities to the network, intensified negative phenomena including spreading false and socially harmful information. This article is an original reflection on the effectiveness of Polish legislation against the backdrop of the current activities of European Union bodies aimed at increasing the security of Internet users on the example of counteracting the dissemination of misinformation. In the author's opinion, both national and EU authorities do not seem to be interested in searching for alternatives based on technological solutions that could foster prevention of such infringements on the Internet, but rather focus on improving conventional protection models, whose effectiveness seems to be questionable. The article aims to start an interdisciplinary debate on the possibility to reduce the number of negative phenomena in the social media environment using blockchain technology, including the discussion on the possibility of developing appropriate regulations in this regard. ; W dzisiejszych czasach większość społeczeństwa korzysta z Internetu i rozwijających się tam social mediów. Internet jest jednak przestrzenią, w której bezsprzecznie dochodzi do różnego rodzaju naruszeń, którym trudno przeciwdziałać przy wykorzystaniu instytucji i narzędzi prawnych, często nieprzystających do dynamicznie rozwijającego się środowiska. Pandemia COVID-19, która zmusiła do przeorganizowania życia ludzi na wszystkich polach i przeniesienia go nierzadko do sieci, nasiliła negatywne zjawiska, w tym rozpowszechnianie nieprawdziwych i szkodliwych społecznie informacji. Niniejszy artykuł zawiera oryginalne rozważania na temat skuteczności polskiego ustawodawstwa na tle dotychczasowej działalności organów Unii Europejskiej ukierunkowanej na zwiększenie bezpieczeństwa użytkowników Internetu na przykładzie przeciwdziałania rozpowszechniania nieprawdziwych informacji. Zdaniem autorki zarówno organy krajowe, jak i organy unijne nie wydają się być zainteresowane poszukiwaniem alternatyw opierających się na rozwiązaniach technologicznych, które mogłyby sprzyjać zapobieganiu dalszym naruszeniom w Internecie, a raczej są skoncentrowane na udoskonaleniu konwencjonalnych modeli ochronnych, których skuteczność wydaje się dyskusyjna. Celem artykułu jest rozpoczęcie interdyscyplinarnego dyskursu na temat szansy zmniejszenia ilości negatywnych zjawisk w środowisku social mediów przy użyciu technologii blockchain, nie wyłączając podjęcia dyskusji na temat możliwości opracowania odpowiednich przepisów w tym zakresie.

The article is an attempt to trace the changes taking place in vocational education in Poland, paying special attention to the possibilities of local and regional activities supporting vocational education. The conclusions presented in the text result from the author's expert experience related to the implementation of projects to support vocational education. The presented model of support for vocational education is currently carried out by the Bialystok Human Resources Training Foundation in the city of Białystok and Białystok Poviat as the Competence Centre of the Białystok Functional Area. The experience in the implementation of the project and its effectiveness is so universal that the project will be implemented throughout the Podlasie Voivodeship. It can also be a model for local government units running vocational schools.

Katastrofa samolotu TU-154 z 10 kwietnia 2010 roku, w której zginęli prezydent Polski, Lech Kaczyński, oraz 95 osób wchodzących w skład prezydenckiej delegacji, miała przede wszystkim konsekwencje ustrojowe - konieczne stało się zapewnienie ciągłości władz państwowych oraz zorganizowanie przyspieszonych wyborów głowy państwa. Kontrowersje w sprawie wypadku, jakie pojawiły się już kilka dni po tragedii, spowodowały jednak także wyraźną polaryzację opinii publicznej. Symbolicznym wyrazem podziału stała się tzw. sprawa krzyża ustawionego przed Pałacem Prezydenckim przez harcerzy w hołdzie ofiarom katastrofy. Język debaty publicznej towarzyszący temu wydarzeniu nabrał z czasem cech swoistych, które chcemy w niniejszym artykule ledwie naszkicować. Zwracamy uwagę na trzy istotne elementy konstytuujące dyskurs okołokrzyżowy: a) kontekst religijny; b) kontekst patriotyczno-martyrologiczny; c) kontekst polityczny. Ukazujemy ponadto, że komunikacja polityczna po 2010 roku unaoczniła jedynie podział społeczny, którego pierwszych symptomów upatrywać należy w rekonfiguracji polskiego systemu partyjnego na przełomie XX i XXI wieku. ; The crash of TU-154 plane on 10 April 2010, which killed the Polish president, Lech Kaczyński, and 95 other members of the presidential delegation, had most of all the consequences on the political system - it became necessary to ensure continuity of the state's authorities, and to organize early elections of the head of state. Controversies over the accident, which occurred just a few days after the tragedy, caused a conspicuous polarization of Polish public opinion (Niżyńska, 2010). The so-called "case of the cross" (concerning the cross which was erected in front of the Presidential Palace by a group of Polish scouts in honour of the victims of the disaster) turned out to be a symbolic expression of the split in Polish society. The language of the public debate about that event took on specific qualities that we want only to sketch in the presented paper. We draw attention to three important factors that constitute "the discourse on the cross": a) areligious context, b) a context ofpatriotic martyrdom, c) a political context. Furthermore we tend to show that political communication in Poland after 2010 has revealed only the existing social split, the first symptoms of which are to be sought in the reconfiguration of the Polish party system at the turn of the 20th and 21st century.

Baltic Sea, as an area of strategic importance for Russia's policy toward Europe, has become a place of showcase of Russia's military might. Its primary purpose is to show the international community the level of determination Russian authorities express to make national interests of the Federation included in the global politics. The number of incidents which cannot be a ground for military action on a larger scale – even according to Russian conventions – requires a politico- military response by regional supranational organizations. The response should take the form of smart-power strategies and the formula of military involvement must go beyond purely defensive action in response to enemy action. Hence, it is necessary to determine the scope of comprehensive EU and NATO operations (due to the need to protect the territorial sovereignty of Sweden and Finland) to offset the forms of Russian incidental activities in a way that does not elevate political tension in the region. Such a reaction is possible through effective impact on forms of activities on the waters of the Baltic Sea, which are important for Russia, notably shipping. The European Union, and the European Maritime Safety Agency (EMSA) in particular, has appropriate instruments to create an effective impact. On the other hand, the role of the North Atlantic Treaty should be to prepare and conduct systematic and comprehensive operations which limit the possibility of encroaching on the treaty territory and protect the member states against Russia applying instruments of hybrid war. Key words: Baltic Sea, Russian national interests, NATO, The European Union