Suchergebnisse

The article aims to examine the role of non-farm actors and environmental interest groups in the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) of the European Union (EU). It uses policy networks as an analytical tool to understand the structure, dynamics and outcomes of the EU's agricultural decision-making processes. Both locations of actors in the CAP policy structures and interaction modes between actors are examined. Also, the role of networks in shaping the CAP's reform decisions is assessed. The article shows that non-farm actors, and specifically environmentalists, researchers and other agents interested in major CAP reforms, have limited influence on final policy outcomes. At the same time though it has been found that non-farm actors play an increasingly important role in framing the CAP policy debate. They form active and vocal issue networks that impinge upon initial stages of the agenda setting phase in the policy cycle process. Also, the EU institutions become more and more dependent on non-farm actors' expertise when it comes to policy evaluation. Although the pro-reform approach of these actors is clearly noticeable, it is still too small to bring more than incremental changes within the policy

The article aims to examine the role of non-farm actors and environmental interest groups in the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) of the European Union (EU). It uses policy networks as an analytical tool to understand the structure, dynamics and outcomes of the EU's agricultural decision-making processes. Both locations of actors in the CAP policy structures and interaction modes between actors are examined. Also, the role of networks in shaping the CAP's reform decisions is assessed. The article shows that non-farm actors, and specifically environmentalists, researchers and other agents interested in major CAP reforms, have limited influence on final policy outcomes. At the same time though it has been found that non-farm actors play an increasingly important role in framing the CAP policy debate. They form active and vocal issue networks that impinge upon initial stages of the agenda setting phase in the policy cycle process. Also, the EU institutions become more and more dependent on non-farm actors' expertise when it comes to policy evaluation. Although the pro-reform approach of these actors is clearly noticeable, it is still too small to bring more than incremental changes within the policy

The author describes the policy change which took place within last years in the economic policy in the most developed countries as well as in Poland. That relates to the relevance of industrial sector in the world economy. During the prevalence of the neoliberal way of thinking in the economic policy it has been regarded as the one in decline. Its neoliberal advocates were convinced that this sector is going to be replaced by the service sector as a growth engine in the world economy. But with 15 years, quit unexpectedly, a belief in the relevance of it collapsed. That resulted from the technological progress in the industrial sector as well as the global economic crises which began in 2008. At present, the economic discourse revolves around the necessity of the modern reindustrialization. This is a challenge for the Polish economic policy as well. In Poland we saw too much deindustrialization within last two decades, which weakened our prospects for development.

The paper presents the idea of the "silver economy" as an economic system related to population ageing and highlights the features of this policy idea. The study first describes the discourse and stages of the process of constructing this system by international and national actors of the public policy on ageing. Next, a critical analysis of the dimensions and areas of implementation and development of the silver economy as a policy concept was provided together with a review of its external and internal limitations. The conclusion includes suggestions for the future research directions.

The purpose of our research was to analyse the influence of social networks on the perception of the war in Ukraine as well as on the course of the struggle in the information field. Today, social networks have become one of the main trendsetters, therefore, to effectively fight against disinformation and enemy information attacks, it is necessary to understand not only the specifics of their audience's perception of information but also to be well-versed in the specifics of the content generated by social media. For this purpose, we used the comparative method, monitoring, and content analysis. In the article, we give examples of ethical dilemmas that Russia can use to its advantage in the war against Ukraine. For example, social media policies prohibit the posting of sensitive content. This does not allow telling the whole truth about the war, as a result of which not everyone understands the depth of the tragedy. Thanks to this, the world's reaction to Russia's criminal actions is not as harsh as it could be. Our research was an attempt not only to outline the problem but also to propose ways to solve it. It is clear that media and ethics are inseparable, but at the same time, it is necessary to understand that ethics cannot hide the truth. In future studies, it is worth investigating more deeply the ethical norms of the coverage of sensitive content, especially about war. Perhaps it would be worthwhile indicating the situations that allow departure from the general rules.

The network of hospitals was implemented by an amendment of healthcare services financed from public funds. The act was introduced on 1st October 2017. The goals of the new organization of healthcare were not written directly in in the law or in the justification of the draft bill. It is supposed that the Ministry of Health planned through these changes to strengthen public hospitals and limit competition of public financing for private hospitals. The aim of the article is to stress the role of public policy in programming law changes in the future. The implementation of the science of public policy could improve the quality of the Polish law in the healthcare system.

The aim of the article is a political science analysis of the European Union's response to the humanitarian crisis in Syria. The following research hypotheses will be verified in the publication. Firstly, the European Union functions in an environment of dynamic changes that determine its decisions and actions, which take place on many levels of social life and at the same time on many levels. The European Union's actions in relation to the humanitarian crisis in Syria are determined by two main variables. The first one occurs at the international level – in this case, with a distinction between the level of the regional system – and combines the effects of the end of the Cold War and globalization processes, i.e. functional and structural elements. It is the hybrid war in Syria. The second variable, unprecedented in its scale, migratory pressure takes place at the level of the interior of the Member States. Secondly, following the hybrid war in Syria and the activity of the so-called Islamic State, the migratory pressure that the European Union began to experience became a threat to its liberal model as well as its internal cohesion. Therefore, by engaging in humanitarian aid for Syria, the European Union wants to prevent a serious crisis within its own structures. A methodological assumption was made according to which the phenomena and processes in the environment of the European Union functioning on many levels are independent variables, while its decisions and actions are dependent variables. In the context of the formulated research hypotheses, the subject of the analysis in the article is, firstly, to define the essence and dynamics of the humanitarian crisis in Syria. Secondly, the identification and analysis of the determinants of that crisis. Third, to show the actions of the European Union in the face of the humanitarian crisis in Syria. ; Celem artykułu jest politologiczna analiza reakcji Unii Europejskiej na kryzys humanitarny w Syrii. W publikacji weryfikacji poddane zostaną następujące hipotezy badawcze. Po pierwsze, Unia Europejska funkcjonuje w środowisku dynamicznych, warunkujących jej decyzje i działania zmian, które zachodzą na wielu poziomach życia społecznego i jednocześnie wielu jego płaszczyznach. Działania Unii Europejskiej wobec kryzysu humanitarnego w Syrii warunkowane są przez dwie główne zmienne. Pierwsza z nich występuje na poziomie międzynarodowym – w tym przypadku z wyodrębnieniem poziomu systemu regionalnego – oraz łączy skutki końca zimnej wojny i procesów globalizacji, czyli elementy funkcjonalne i strukturalne. Jest nią wojna hybrydowa w Syrii. Druga zmienna w postaci bezprecedensowej w swej skali presji migracyjnej ma miejsce na poziomie wnętrza państw członkowskich. Po drugie, będąca następstwem wojny hybrydowej w Syrii i aktywności tzw. Państwa Islamskiego presja migracyjna, jakiej zaczęła doświadczać Unia Europejska stała się zagrożeniem dla jej liberalnego modelu, a także wewnętrznej spójności. Dlatego też angażując się w pomoc humanitarną dla Syrii, Unia Europejska chce zapobiec poważnemu kryzowi wewnątrz własnych struktur. Przyjęto założenie metodologiczne, zgodnie z którym funkcjonujące na wielu płaszczyznach zjawiska i procesy w środowisku Unii Europejskiej są zmiennymi niezależnymi, natomiast jej decyzje i działania zmiennymi zależnymi. W kontekście sformułowanych hipotez badawczych przedmiotem analizy w artykule jest po pierwsze, określenie istoty i dynamiki kryzysu humanitarnego w Syrii. Po drugie, identyfikacja i analiza uwarunkowań owego kryzysu. Po trzecie, ukazanie działań Unii Europejskiej wobec kryzysu humanitarnego w Syrii.

Celem artykułu jest politologiczna analiza reakcji Unii Europejskiej na kryzys humanitarny w Syrii. W publikacji weryfikacji poddane zostaną następujące hipotezy badawcze. Po pierwsze, Unia Europejska funkcjonuje w środowisku dynamicznych, warunkujących jej decyzje i działania zmian, które zachodzą na wielu poziomach życia społecznego i jednocześnie wielu jego płaszczyznach. Działania Unii Europejskiej wobec kryzysu humanitarnego w Syrii warunkowane są przez dwie główne zmienne. Pierwsza z nich występuje na poziomie międzynarodowym – w tym przypadku z wyodrębnieniem poziomu systemu regionalnego – oraz łączy skutki końca zimnej wojny i procesów globalizacji, czyli elementy funkcjonalne i strukturalne. Jest nią wojna hybrydowa w Syrii. Druga zmienna w postaci bezprecedensowej w swej skali presji migracyjnej ma miejsce na poziomie wnętrza państw członkowskich. Po drugie, będąca następstwem wojny hybrydowej w Syrii i aktywności tzw. Państwa Islamskiego presja migracyjna, jakiej zaczęła doświadczać Unia Europejska stała się zagrożeniem dla jej liberalnego modelu, a także wewnętrznej spójności. Dlatego też angażując się w pomoc humanitarną dla Syrii, Unia Europejska chce zapobiec poważnemu kryzowi wewnątrz własnych struktur. Przyjęto założenie metodologiczne, zgodnie z którym funkcjonujące na wielu płaszczyznach zjawiska i procesy w środowisku Unii Europejskiej są zmiennymi niezależnymi, natomiast jej decyzje i działania zmiennymi zależnymi. W kontekście sformułowanych hipotez badawczych przedmiotem analizy w artykule jest po pierwsze, określenie istoty i dynamiki kryzysu humanitarnego w Syrii. Po drugie, identyfikacja i analiza uwarunkowań owego kryzysu. Po trzecie, ukazanie działań Unii Europejskiej wobec kryzysu humanitarnego w Syrii. ; The aim of the article is a political science analysis of the European Union's response to the humanitarian crisis in Syria. The following research hypotheses will be verified in the publication. Firstly, the European Union functions in an environment of dynamic changes that determine its decisions and actions, which take place on many levels of social life and at the same time on many levels. The European Union's actions in relation to the humanitarian crisis in Syria are determined by two main variables. The first one occurs at the international level – in this case, with a distinction between the level of the regional system – and combines the effects of the end of the Cold War and globalization processes, i.e. functional and structural elements. It is the hybrid war in Syria. The second variable, unprecedented in its scale, migratory pressure takes place at the level of the interior of the Member States. Secondly, following the hybrid war in Syria and the activity of the so-called Islamic State, the migratory pressure that the European Union began to experience became a threat to its liberal model as well as its internal cohesion. Therefore, by engaging in humanitarian aid for Syria, the European Union wants to prevent a serious crisis within its own structures. A methodological assumption was made according to which the phenomena and processes in the environment of the European Union functioning on many levels are independent variables, while its decisions and actions are dependent variables. In the context of the formulated research hypotheses, the subject of the analysis in the article is, firstly, to define the essence and dynamics of the humanitarian crisis in Syria. Secondly, the identification and analysis of the determinants of that crisis. Third, to show the actions of the European Union in the face of the humanitarian crisis in Syria.

The paper presents the attitude of the EU to the Presidential elections in Ukraine which took place this year. It discusses the statements of leading EU politicians related to Brussels–Kiev relations at the time, the impact of the elections on the further development of cooperation between the EU and Ukraine, as well as the activities of the European Parliament intended to support the pro-European policy of Ukraine, headed by the recently elected President Viktor Yanukovich. The paper also presents articles that reported the campaign and its results published in the main European newspapers, such as "Süddeutsche Zeitung", "Spiegel", "The Economist", "The Financial Times", "Liberation", "Corriere della Sera" and others, which exerted a significant influence on shaping EU public opinion on presidential elections in Ukraine. The author pays particular attention to the analysis of the first visit of the new Ukrainian President, Viktor Yanukowich, to Brussels. It resulted in the key priorities of the EU-Ukrainian coopera- tion under the new political circumstances being established.

Sosyal medya başta olmak üzere iletişim teknolojilerinde yaşanan gelişmeler terör örgütlerinin aktivist yaklaşımlarında önemli değişikliklere neden olmuştur. Örgütler geleneksel eylemlerini sürdürüyor olsalar da asıl eylemselliklerini hashtag aktivizmi ile siber dünyaya taşımış durumdadırlar.Bu çalışmada terör örgütlerinin nasıl bir ağ yapısına sahip olduğu, nasıl bir hashtag aktivizmi oluşturdukları, ağ içindeki etkin bireylerin kimler olduğu ve aktivizmin oluşma sürecinin belirlenmesi amaçlanmıştır. Bu kapsamda NodeXL adlı bir sosyal ağ analizi bilgisayar programı kullanılarak FETÖ örgütü ile PKK örgütü üyeleri ve sempatizanlarına ait Twitter hesapları ve hesaplardan açılan hashtaglar incelenmiş ve sosyal ağ analizleri yapılmıştır.Ayrıca destekleyici veri toplama adına hashtag paylaşımları içerik analizlerine tabi tutulmuştur. PKK ağlarının daha yatay ve yoğun ilişki içinde olduğu, ağ içinde yabancı aktörlerin de oldukça etkili olduğu, FETÖ ağlarının daha hiyerarşik, kontrollü ve organize bir ilişki sergilediği konusunda bulgular elde edilmiştir. Ayrıca, zıt ideolojik yapılara sahip olmalarına rağmen zaman zaman ağlarda işbirliği yaptıklarına yönelik verilere rastlanmıştır.