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The article aims to examine the role of non-farm actors and environmental interest groups in the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) of the European Union (EU). It uses policy networks as an analytical tool to understand the structure, dynamics and outcomes of the EU's agricultural decision-making processes. Both locations of actors in the CAP policy structures and interaction modes between actors are examined. Also, the role of networks in shaping the CAP's reform decisions is assessed. The article shows that non-farm actors, and specifically environmentalists, researchers and other agents interested in major CAP reforms, have limited influence on final policy outcomes. At the same time though it has been found that non-farm actors play an increasingly important role in framing the CAP policy debate. They form active and vocal issue networks that impinge upon initial stages of the agenda setting phase in the policy cycle process. Also, the EU institutions become more and more dependent on non-farm actors' expertise when it comes to policy evaluation. Although the pro-reform approach of these actors is clearly noticeable, it is still too small to bring more than incremental changes within the policy

The article aims to examine the role of non-farm actors and environmental interest groups in the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) of the European Union (EU). It uses policy networks as an analytical tool to understand the structure, dynamics and outcomes of the EU's agricultural decision-making processes. Both locations of actors in the CAP policy structures and interaction modes between actors are examined. Also, the role of networks in shaping the CAP's reform decisions is assessed. The article shows that non-farm actors, and specifically environmentalists, researchers and other agents interested in major CAP reforms, have limited influence on final policy outcomes. At the same time though it has been found that non-farm actors play an increasingly important role in framing the CAP policy debate. They form active and vocal issue networks that impinge upon initial stages of the agenda setting phase in the policy cycle process. Also, the EU institutions become more and more dependent on non-farm actors' expertise when it comes to policy evaluation. Although the pro-reform approach of these actors is clearly noticeable, it is still too small to bring more than incremental changes within the policy

The aim of the article is a political science analysis of the European Union's response to the humanitarian crisis in Syria. The following research hypotheses will be verified in the publication. Firstly, the European Union functions in an environment of dynamic changes that determine its decisions and actions, which take place on many levels of social life and at the same time on many levels. The European Union's actions in relation to the humanitarian crisis in Syria are determined by two main variables. The first one occurs at the international level – in this case, with a distinction between the level of the regional system – and combines the effects of the end of the Cold War and globalization processes, i.e. functional and structural elements. It is the hybrid war in Syria. The second variable, unprecedented in its scale, migratory pressure takes place at the level of the interior of the Member States. Secondly, following the hybrid war in Syria and the activity of the so-called Islamic State, the migratory pressure that the European Union began to experience became a threat to its liberal model as well as its internal cohesion. Therefore, by engaging in humanitarian aid for Syria, the European Union wants to prevent a serious crisis within its own structures. A methodological assumption was made according to which the phenomena and processes in the environment of the European Union functioning on many levels are independent variables, while its decisions and actions are dependent variables. In the context of the formulated research hypotheses, the subject of the analysis in the article is, firstly, to define the essence and dynamics of the humanitarian crisis in Syria. Secondly, the identification and analysis of the determinants of that crisis. Third, to show the actions of the European Union in the face of the humanitarian crisis in Syria. ; Celem artykułu jest politologiczna analiza reakcji Unii Europejskiej na kryzys humanitarny w Syrii. W publikacji weryfikacji poddane zostaną następujące hipotezy badawcze. Po pierwsze, Unia Europejska funkcjonuje w środowisku dynamicznych, warunkujących jej decyzje i działania zmian, które zachodzą na wielu poziomach życia społecznego i jednocześnie wielu jego płaszczyznach. Działania Unii Europejskiej wobec kryzysu humanitarnego w Syrii warunkowane są przez dwie główne zmienne. Pierwsza z nich występuje na poziomie międzynarodowym – w tym przypadku z wyodrębnieniem poziomu systemu regionalnego – oraz łączy skutki końca zimnej wojny i procesów globalizacji, czyli elementy funkcjonalne i strukturalne. Jest nią wojna hybrydowa w Syrii. Druga zmienna w postaci bezprecedensowej w swej skali presji migracyjnej ma miejsce na poziomie wnętrza państw członkowskich. Po drugie, będąca następstwem wojny hybrydowej w Syrii i aktywności tzw. Państwa Islamskiego presja migracyjna, jakiej zaczęła doświadczać Unia Europejska stała się zagrożeniem dla jej liberalnego modelu, a także wewnętrznej spójności. Dlatego też angażując się w pomoc humanitarną dla Syrii, Unia Europejska chce zapobiec poważnemu kryzowi wewnątrz własnych struktur. Przyjęto założenie metodologiczne, zgodnie z którym funkcjonujące na wielu płaszczyznach zjawiska i procesy w środowisku Unii Europejskiej są zmiennymi niezależnymi, natomiast jej decyzje i działania zmiennymi zależnymi. W kontekście sformułowanych hipotez badawczych przedmiotem analizy w artykule jest po pierwsze, określenie istoty i dynamiki kryzysu humanitarnego w Syrii. Po drugie, identyfikacja i analiza uwarunkowań owego kryzysu. Po trzecie, ukazanie działań Unii Europejskiej wobec kryzysu humanitarnego w Syrii.

Celem artykułu jest politologiczna analiza reakcji Unii Europejskiej na kryzys humanitarny w Syrii. W publikacji weryfikacji poddane zostaną następujące hipotezy badawcze. Po pierwsze, Unia Europejska funkcjonuje w środowisku dynamicznych, warunkujących jej decyzje i działania zmian, które zachodzą na wielu poziomach życia społecznego i jednocześnie wielu jego płaszczyznach. Działania Unii Europejskiej wobec kryzysu humanitarnego w Syrii warunkowane są przez dwie główne zmienne. Pierwsza z nich występuje na poziomie międzynarodowym – w tym przypadku z wyodrębnieniem poziomu systemu regionalnego – oraz łączy skutki końca zimnej wojny i procesów globalizacji, czyli elementy funkcjonalne i strukturalne. Jest nią wojna hybrydowa w Syrii. Druga zmienna w postaci bezprecedensowej w swej skali presji migracyjnej ma miejsce na poziomie wnętrza państw członkowskich. Po drugie, będąca następstwem wojny hybrydowej w Syrii i aktywności tzw. Państwa Islamskiego presja migracyjna, jakiej zaczęła doświadczać Unia Europejska stała się zagrożeniem dla jej liberalnego modelu, a także wewnętrznej spójności. Dlatego też angażując się w pomoc humanitarną dla Syrii, Unia Europejska chce zapobiec poważnemu kryzowi wewnątrz własnych struktur. Przyjęto założenie metodologiczne, zgodnie z którym funkcjonujące na wielu płaszczyznach zjawiska i procesy w środowisku Unii Europejskiej są zmiennymi niezależnymi, natomiast jej decyzje i działania zmiennymi zależnymi. W kontekście sformułowanych hipotez badawczych przedmiotem analizy w artykule jest po pierwsze, określenie istoty i dynamiki kryzysu humanitarnego w Syrii. Po drugie, identyfikacja i analiza uwarunkowań owego kryzysu. Po trzecie, ukazanie działań Unii Europejskiej wobec kryzysu humanitarnego w Syrii. ; The aim of the article is a political science analysis of the European Union's response to the humanitarian crisis in Syria. The following research hypotheses will be verified in the publication. Firstly, the European Union functions in an environment of dynamic changes that determine its decisions and actions, which take place on many levels of social life and at the same time on many levels. The European Union's actions in relation to the humanitarian crisis in Syria are determined by two main variables. The first one occurs at the international level – in this case, with a distinction between the level of the regional system – and combines the effects of the end of the Cold War and globalization processes, i.e. functional and structural elements. It is the hybrid war in Syria. The second variable, unprecedented in its scale, migratory pressure takes place at the level of the interior of the Member States. Secondly, following the hybrid war in Syria and the activity of the so-called Islamic State, the migratory pressure that the European Union began to experience became a threat to its liberal model as well as its internal cohesion. Therefore, by engaging in humanitarian aid for Syria, the European Union wants to prevent a serious crisis within its own structures. A methodological assumption was made according to which the phenomena and processes in the environment of the European Union functioning on many levels are independent variables, while its decisions and actions are dependent variables. In the context of the formulated research hypotheses, the subject of the analysis in the article is, firstly, to define the essence and dynamics of the humanitarian crisis in Syria. Secondly, the identification and analysis of the determinants of that crisis. Third, to show the actions of the European Union in the face of the humanitarian crisis in Syria.

The paper presents the attitude of the EU to the Presidential elections in Ukraine which took place this year. It discusses the statements of leading EU politicians related to Brussels–Kiev relations at the time, the impact of the elections on the further development of cooperation between the EU and Ukraine, as well as the activities of the European Parliament intended to support the pro-European policy of Ukraine, headed by the recently elected President Viktor Yanukovich. The paper also presents articles that reported the campaign and its results published in the main European newspapers, such as "Süddeutsche Zeitung", "Spiegel", "The Economist", "The Financial Times", "Liberation", "Corriere della Sera" and others, which exerted a significant influence on shaping EU public opinion on presidential elections in Ukraine. The author pays particular attention to the analysis of the first visit of the new Ukrainian President, Viktor Yanukowich, to Brussels. It resulted in the key priorities of the EU-Ukrainian coopera- tion under the new political circumstances being established.

Economic Aspects of the Internet : the Rise of the Commercial Foundations of the WebThe article describes the Internet and the crucial conflict in expectations as regards common convictions which emphasize the social view of the Web. Such views are very popular and as a result they bring the great vision of the Internet as a new public space which demands democratic civil rights for example. In this situation inevitably a conflict emerges between this vision and the business which treats the Internet as its natural environment. The article describes the very beginnings of the Internet and the early phase of this conflict, which has existed from the very beginning mostly due to the counterculture of the sixties in USA. The article also describes the commercial sources of the Web which allowed its voluminous progress and the role of the third player in this game – the Government of the USA which has seen the Internet as a chance for potential economic growth. The article also emphasizes the great significance of the macroeconomic environment in the eighties, which also considerably enhanced the development of the Web. The article documents the predominance of the economic aspect of the Internet, which has become a fact already at the beginning of the nineties and describes incidents which confirm this situation, for example the rebellion of Jon Postel in 1998.

Nowadays, most people use the Internet and social media. However, the Internet is a space in which there are various types of violations that are difficult to counteract with the use of legal institutions and tools, which are often not compatible with the fast-developing environment. The COVID-19 pandemic, which forced people to rearrange their lives in all fields and often move a significant part of their activities to the network, intensified negative phenomena including spreading false and socially harmful information. This article is an original reflection on the effectiveness of Polish legislation against the backdrop of the current activities of European Union bodies aimed at increasing the security of Internet users on the example of counteracting the dissemination of misinformation. In the author's opinion, both national and EU authorities do not seem to be interested in searching for alternatives based on technological solutions that could foster prevention of such infringements on the Internet, but rather focus on improving conventional protection models, whose effectiveness seems to be questionable. The article aims to start an interdisciplinary debate on the possibility to reduce the number of negative phenomena in the social media environment using blockchain technology, including the discussion on the possibility of developing appropriate regulations in this regard. ; W dzisiejszych czasach większość społeczeństwa korzysta z Internetu i rozwijających się tam social mediów. Internet jest jednak przestrzenią, w której bezsprzecznie dochodzi do różnego rodzaju naruszeń, którym trudno przeciwdziałać przy wykorzystaniu instytucji i narzędzi prawnych, często nieprzystających do dynamicznie rozwijającego się środowiska. Pandemia COVID-19, która zmusiła do przeorganizowania życia ludzi na wszystkich polach i przeniesienia go nierzadko do sieci, nasiliła negatywne zjawiska, w tym rozpowszechnianie nieprawdziwych i szkodliwych społecznie informacji. Niniejszy artykuł zawiera oryginalne rozważania na temat skuteczności polskiego ustawodawstwa na tle dotychczasowej działalności organów Unii Europejskiej ukierunkowanej na zwiększenie bezpieczeństwa użytkowników Internetu na przykładzie przeciwdziałania rozpowszechniania nieprawdziwych informacji. Zdaniem autorki zarówno organy krajowe, jak i organy unijne nie wydają się być zainteresowane poszukiwaniem alternatyw opierających się na rozwiązaniach technologicznych, które mogłyby sprzyjać zapobieganiu dalszym naruszeniom w Internecie, a raczej są skoncentrowane na udoskonaleniu konwencjonalnych modeli ochronnych, których skuteczność wydaje się dyskusyjna. Celem artykułu jest rozpoczęcie interdyscyplinarnego dyskursu na temat szansy zmniejszenia ilości negatywnych zjawisk w środowisku social mediów przy użyciu technologii blockchain, nie wyłączając podjęcia dyskusji na temat możliwości opracowania odpowiednich przepisów w tym zakresie.

Katastrofa samolotu TU-154 z 10 kwietnia 2010 roku, w której zginęli prezydent Polski, Lech Kaczyński, oraz 95 osób wchodzących w skład prezydenckiej delegacji, miała przede wszystkim konsekwencje ustrojowe - konieczne stało się zapewnienie ciągłości władz państwowych oraz zorganizowanie przyspieszonych wyborów głowy państwa. Kontrowersje w sprawie wypadku, jakie pojawiły się już kilka dni po tragedii, spowodowały jednak także wyraźną polaryzację opinii publicznej. Symbolicznym wyrazem podziału stała się tzw. sprawa krzyża ustawionego przed Pałacem Prezydenckim przez harcerzy w hołdzie ofiarom katastrofy. Język debaty publicznej towarzyszący temu wydarzeniu nabrał z czasem cech swoistych, które chcemy w niniejszym artykule ledwie naszkicować. Zwracamy uwagę na trzy istotne elementy konstytuujące dyskurs okołokrzyżowy: a) kontekst religijny; b) kontekst patriotyczno-martyrologiczny; c) kontekst polityczny. Ukazujemy ponadto, że komunikacja polityczna po 2010 roku unaoczniła jedynie podział społeczny, którego pierwszych symptomów upatrywać należy w rekonfiguracji polskiego systemu partyjnego na przełomie XX i XXI wieku. ; The crash of TU-154 plane on 10 April 2010, which killed the Polish president, Lech Kaczyński, and 95 other members of the presidential delegation, had most of all the consequences on the political system - it became necessary to ensure continuity of the state's authorities, and to organize early elections of the head of state. Controversies over the accident, which occurred just a few days after the tragedy, caused a conspicuous polarization of Polish public opinion (Niżyńska, 2010). The so-called "case of the cross" (concerning the cross which was erected in front of the Presidential Palace by a group of Polish scouts in honour of the victims of the disaster) turned out to be a symbolic expression of the split in Polish society. The language of the public debate about that event took on specific qualities that we want only to sketch in the presented paper. We draw attention to three important factors that constitute "the discourse on the cross": a) areligious context, b) a context ofpatriotic martyrdom, c) a political context. Furthermore we tend to show that political communication in Poland after 2010 has revealed only the existing social split, the first symptoms of which are to be sought in the reconfiguration of the Polish party system at the turn of the 20th and 21st century.

Baltic Sea, as an area of strategic importance for Russia's policy toward Europe, has become a place of showcase of Russia's military might. Its primary purpose is to show the international community the level of determination Russian authorities express to make national interests of the Federation included in the global politics. The number of incidents which cannot be a ground for military action on a larger scale – even according to Russian conventions – requires a politico- military response by regional supranational organizations. The response should take the form of smart-power strategies and the formula of military involvement must go beyond purely defensive action in response to enemy action. Hence, it is necessary to determine the scope of comprehensive EU and NATO operations (due to the need to protect the territorial sovereignty of Sweden and Finland) to offset the forms of Russian incidental activities in a way that does not elevate political tension in the region. Such a reaction is possible through effective impact on forms of activities on the waters of the Baltic Sea, which are important for Russia, notably shipping. The European Union, and the European Maritime Safety Agency (EMSA) in particular, has appropriate instruments to create an effective impact. On the other hand, the role of the North Atlantic Treaty should be to prepare and conduct systematic and comprehensive operations which limit the possibility of encroaching on the treaty territory and protect the member states against Russia applying instruments of hybrid war. Key words: Baltic Sea, Russian national interests, NATO, The European Union

The article describes numerous forms of actions of public administration authorities, characteristic of the execution of requirements stemming from Directive (EU) 2016/1148 of the European Parliament and the Council of 6 July 2016 concerning measures for a high common level of security of network and information systems across the Union. In particular, it addresses the issues, such as: identifying operators of essential services, dealing with computer security incidents, control activities, restitutive measures and punitive measures. It has been demonstrated that, as regards cybersecurity, from the perspective of the requirements of effective implementation of the NIS Directive and good governance assumptions, it is appropriate to adopt hybrid forms of actions of administration authorities, based both on classic sovereign forms of actions of administration authorities (administrative decisions issued in cases regarding the recognition of an operator of an essential service, in cases concerning administrative pecuniary sanctions), as well as on other forms of actions (related to the exchange of information, issuance of recommendations, use of notices or providing technical support).

Celem niniejszej monografii jest zaprezentowanie aktualnego kształtu sieci bezpieczeństwa finansowego w Polsce. Punktem odniesienia, a zarazem tłem prowadzonych rozważań będą rozwiązania przyjęte na poziomie Unii Europejskiej. Monografia składa się z wprowadzenia, 7 rozdziałów, podsumowania i bibliografii. Rozdział pierwszy zawiera krytyczny przegląd definicji oraz wyznaczników stabilności i niestabilności systemu finansowego. W kolejnym rozdziale zaprezentowano zagadnienia teoretyczne dotyczące konstrukcji sieci bezpieczeństwa finansowego jako kluczowego mechanizmu zapewniania stabilności finansowej. Wskazano także na konkretne instytucje tworzące sieć bezpieczeństwa finansowego w strefie euro oraz w Polsce. W kolejnych pięciu rozdziałach zostały zaprezentowane poszczególne instytucje sieci bezpieczeństwa finansowego w Polsce, przez pryzmat ich celów i zadań oraz instrumentów oddziaływania na stabilność finansową. W rozdziale trzecim został przedstawiony organ nadzoru makroostrożnościowego w Polsce - Komitet Stabilności Finansowej. W rozdziale czwartym została przybliżona rola i zadania Ministerstwa Finansów w kontekście budowania stabilności finansowej. Rozdział piąty zawiera rozważania na temat znaczenia Narodowego Banku Polskiego jako wiodącej instytucji, czuwającej nad zapewnianiem stabilności systemu bankowego. W rozdziale szóstym została omówiona rola Komisji Nadzoru Finansowego jako instytucji sprawującej nadzór mikroostrożnościowy nad podmiotami rynku finansowego. Rozdział siódmy zawiera analizę funkcjonowania Bankowego Funduszu Gwarancyjnego, jako instytucji gwarantowania depozytów bankowych i podmiotu odpowiedzialnego za przeprowadzanie procesu resolution (restrukturyzacji problemowych banków). ; The purpose of this monograph is to present current shape of the financial security network in Poland. The reference point and, at the same time, the background to the deliberations under consideration will be solutions adopted at the level of the European Union. The monograph consists of an introduction, 7 chapters, a summary and a bibliography. The first chapter contains critical overview of the definitions and determinants of both stability and instability of the financial system. In the next chapter theoretical issues concerning the construction of the financial security network as a key mechanism for ensuring financial stability are presented. Specific institutions forming financial security network in the European Union and Poland are also indicated. In next five chapters, individual institutions of the financial safety network in Poland are presented, through the prism of their goals and tasks as well as instruments of impact on financial stability. Third chapter presents the macro-prudential supervision authority in Poland - the Financial Stability Committee. Fourth chapter presents the role and tasks of the Ministry of Finance in the context of building financial stability. Fifth chapter contains reflections on the significance of the National Bank of Poland as the leading institution supervising the stability of the banking system. Sixth chapter discusses the role of the Polish Financial Supervision Authority as an institution supervising micro-prudential supervision of financial market entities. Seventh chapter contains the analysis of Bank Guarantee Fund functioning, as the bank deposit guarantee institution and the entity responsible for carrying out the resolution process (restructuring of problem banks).

Celem niniejszej monografii jest zaprezentowanie aktualnego kształtu sieci bezpieczeństwa finansowego w Polsce. Punktem odniesienia, a zarazem tłem prowadzonych rozważań będą rozwiązania przyjęte na poziomie Unii Europejskiej. Monografia składa się z wprowadzenia, 7 rozdziałów, podsumowania i bibliografii. Rozdział pierwszy zawiera krytyczny przegląd definicji oraz wyznaczników stabilności i niestabilności systemu finansowego. W kolejnym rozdziale zaprezentowano zagadnienia teoretyczne dotyczące konstrukcji sieci bezpieczeństwa finansowego jako kluczowego mechanizmu zapewniania stabilności finansowej. Wskazano także na konkretne instytucje tworzące sieć bezpieczeństwa finansowego w strefie euro oraz w Polsce. W kolejnych pięciu rozdziałach zostały zaprezentowane poszczególne instytucje sieci bezpieczeństwa finansowego w Polsce, przez pryzmat ich celów i zadań oraz instrumentów oddziaływania na stabilność finansową. W rozdziale trzecim został przedstawiony organ nadzoru makroostrożnościowego w Polsce - Komitet Stabilności Finansowej. W rozdziale czwartym została przybliżona rola i zadania Ministerstwa Finansów w kontekście budowania stabilności finansowej. Rozdział piąty zawiera rozważania na temat znaczenia Narodowego Banku Polskiego jako wiodącej instytucji, czuwającej nad zapewnianiem stabilności systemu bankowego. W rozdziale szóstym została omówiona rola Komisji Nadzoru Finansowego jako instytucji sprawującej nadzór mikroostrożnościowy nad podmiotami rynku finansowego. Rozdział siódmy zawiera analizę funkcjonowania Bankowego Funduszu Gwarancyjnego, jako instytucji gwarantowania depozytów bankowych i podmiotu odpowiedzialnego za przeprowadzanie procesu resolution (restrukturyzacji problemowych banków). ; The purpose of this monograph is to present current shape of the financial security network in Poland. The reference point and, at the same time, the background to the deliberations under consideration will be solutions adopted at the level of the European Union. The monograph consists of an introduction, 7 chapters, a summary and a bibliography. The first chapter contains critical overview of the definitions and determinants of both stability and instability of the financial system. In the next chapter theoretical issues concerning the construction of the financial security network as a key mechanism for ensuring financial stability are presented. Specific institutions forming financial security network in the European Union and Poland are also indicated. In next five chapters, individual institutions of the financial safety network in Poland are presented, through the prism of their goals and tasks as well as instruments of impact on financial stability. Third chapter presents the macro-prudential supervision authority in Poland - the Financial Stability Committee. Fourth chapter presents the role and tasks of the Ministry of Finance in the context of building financial stability. Fifth chapter contains reflections on the significance of the National Bank of Poland as the leading institution supervising the stability of the banking system. Sixth chapter discusses the role of the Polish Financial Supervision Authority as an institution supervising micro-prudential supervision of financial market entities. Seventh chapter contains the analysis of Bank Guarantee Fund functioning, as the bank deposit guarantee institution and the entity responsible for carrying out the resolution process (restructuring of problem banks).

The author draws attention to the consideration of the complexity of civil participation in deliberative democracy, indicating that the legislator assumed that dialogue is to be a way of existence, and thus the basis of any social situation in the state. State authorities appointed to serve the people and the common good have to ask citizens about their position in the case, not in order to obtain the desired response, thus emphasizing the departure from the monologue culture in favor of dialogue and communication with the public. The author claims that the normative foundations of the community state are linked by the conviction that public values and purposes are established in the communication process. In this approach, it is important to achieve public purposes and the quality of their achievement, its constructive features are: network, multi-level management, conciliation, participation. The basic mechanisms of action of this type of state are: deliberation, compromise and arrangements are made in the social networks – the dominant type of management of public affairs in this model is co-management. Solicitude of the state as a common good obliges not only a citizen, but means that a citizen has the right to expect that public authority will act so that the Republic of Poland can be considered a common good by citizens. Referring to literature, the author notes that deliberative democracy and its concept put more emphasis on the importance of conversation, discussion and debate on democratic practice than on the importance of voting. Its supporters argue that the debate improves the quality of collective decisions and increases the chances of their acceptance. Varieties of deliberative democracy range from accentuating local representation to reinforcing the debate within representative legislative bodies. The article points out the differences between discourse and deliberation. Moreover, the forms of civic participation and civic participation techniques used in Poland are presented. We have come to live in times when communication, both traditional and with the help of modern media, plays a significant role in shaping societies. It is important to understand the basic laws guiding communication, the ability to properly form interpersonal relationships, cognize the factors affecting the quality of messages transmitted, the technique of freedom of expression, the skill of persuasion and argumentation. The correct perception of the essence of dialogue in a deliberative democracy is its foundation, especially when it concerns institutions aimed at turning natural and legal persons to public decision-making process. Considering the literature, it was found that new participative solutions, primarily the ability to dialogue, could prevent a democratic deficit and also indicated that that civic participation impacts on the creation of deliberative democracy. ; The author draws attention to the consideration of the complexity of civil participation in deliberative democracy, indicating that the legislator assumed that dialogue is to be a way of existence, and thus the basis of any social situation in the state. State authorities appointed to serve the people and the common good have to ask citizens about their position in the case, not in order to obtain the desired response, thus emphasizing the departure from the monologue culture in favor of dialogue and communication with the public. The author claims that the normative foundations of the community state are linked by the conviction that public values and purposes are established in the communication process. In this approach, it is important to achieve public purposes and the quality of their achievement, its constructive features are: network, multi-level management, conciliation, participation. The basic mechanisms of action of this type of state are: deliberation, compromise and arrangements are made in the social networks – the dominant type of management of public affairs in this model is co-management. Solicitude of the state as a common good obliges not only a citizen, but means that a citizen has the right to expect that public authority will act so that the Republic of Poland can be considered a common good by citizens. Referring to literature, the author notes that deliberative democracy and its concept put more emphasis on the importance of conversation, discussion and debate on democratic practice than on the importance of voting. Its supporters argue that the debate improves the quality of collective decisions and increases the chances of their acceptance. Varieties of deliberative democracy range from accentuating local representation to reinforcing the debate within representative legislative bodies. The article points out the differences between discourse and deliberation. Moreover, the forms of civic participation and civic participation techniques used in Poland are presented. We have come to live in times when communication, both traditional and with the help of modern media, plays a significant role in shaping societies. It is important to understand the basic laws guiding communication, the ability to properly form interpersonal relationships, cognize the factors affecting the quality of messages transmitted, the technique of freedom of expression, the skill of persuasion and argumentation. The correct perception of the essence of dialogue in a deliberative democracy is its foundation, especially when it concerns institutions aimed at turning natural and legal persons to public decision-making process. Considering the literature, it was found that new participative solutions, primarily the ability to dialogue, could prevent a democratic deficit and also indicated that that civic participation impacts on the creation of deliberative democracy.

"Minerals 4EU – European Sustainable Minerals Intelligence Network" – one of European Commission's leading projects of recent years.A b s t r a c t. In 2013–2015, the PGI-NRI participated in the implementation of one of the leading projects of EU raw materials in recent years, Minerals4EU – European Information Network on mineral raw materials. Its goal was to create the first European-scale complex and a public information network of mineral raw materials that would work in a continuous system after the completion of the project. The scope of information gathered in the network and updated on a regular basis includes data on: production, trade, demand and market conditions in the field of primary and secondary minerals. The project partners were the teams representing geological surveys of 27 European countries and several specialized research institutes. PGI-NRI actively participated in two of the six workpackages of task forces, also helping the other ones.Apart from presenting the project tasks and the effects of its implementation the publication presents in a synthetic way the results of research on the condition of availability of mineral deposits in the European Union countries, carried out by the author in the preparation of foresight on raw materials for Europe. During the study, the main causes of restrictions in accessibility of mineral deposits were identified and their trends were rated and described, pointing out to the necessary actions and measures, using the examples of goodpractice in this area. The studies are important, cognitive and applicable.

CONCEPTION OF THE UNDERGROUND WATER MONITORING Summary Conception of monitoring of the quality of underground waters has been presented for the country. It predicts that observation of the quality of underground waters and deep waters will be performed in the bench-mark and datum network in the frame of the Environmental State Monitoring (ESM) and as well as in regional and local networks organized by local authorities and/ or the owners of facilities being a threat for quality of groundwaters. In the first stage of organisation of the whole country network following wells will be used: observation wells of the State Geological Institute, municipal and industrial boreholes, dug observation wells of the Institute of Meteorology and Water Administration. Finally, new boreholes uptaking ground and deep waters will be performed. Attention was paid for the need of monitoring organisation in close-to border areas, especially in the south of the country. The results of observation will be gathered in State Survey for Protection of the Environment and in State Geological Institute which will be taking a part of coordinator of Environmental State Monitoring in the sphere of underground waters. Interpretation of the results will be conducted statistically and cartographically with consideration of all the factors which influence the quality of the waters. Complementary data will be obtained from other monitoring lines of ESM. It is assumed that the results of investigation will be widely used by state administration and self-governments and to inform the society about the quality of groundwaters.