Suchergebnisse

The plebiscite on the independence of Catalonia was adopted by the parliament of the Autonomous Community on 6th September 2017, which was suspended two days later by the Spanish Constitutional Court. Despite the prohibition of the Constitutional Court, the Catalan government decided to hold the illegal referendum on 1st October 2017, which increased the tensions between the Spanish cabinet and the Generalitat as a result of harsh police force's riots. At the end of October 2017, the Catalan regional parliament declared the independence of the Autonomous Community. The reaction of the Spanish government was that it suspended the autonomy of Catalonia and decided to call early elections on 21st December 2017. Although the pro-independence parties (JuntsxCat and Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya) won the elections, they could only constitute a stable government by the external support of the radical left-wing party, Alternativa de Esquerres. The objective of my essay is to evaluate the political and economic consequences of the Catalan plebiscite, which was held on 1st October 2017. The popular vote about the self-determination of Catalonia caused a political and legal uncertainty and influenced the economic situation of the Autonomous Community and Spain negatively. The events which happened in Catalonia contributed to the loss of control over the legislature by a motion of no confidence against the Government of Mariano Rajoy and increased the division between the Catalan and the Spanish society. Because of length constraints, I will not highlight the European Union's policy of the People's Party and the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party. Besides the evaluation of the political and economic outcomes of the Catalan referendum, the main aim of the paper is to give insight into the factors that determined the independence process in Catalonia.

The plebiscite on the independence of Catalonia was adopted by the parliament of the Autonomous Community on 6th September 2017, which was suspended two days later by the Spanish Constitutional Court. Despite the prohibition of the Constitutional Court, the Catalan government decided to hold the illegal referendum on 1st October 2017, which increased the tensions between the Spanish cabinet and the Generalitat as a result of harsh police force's riots. At the end of October 2017, the Catalan regional parliament declared the independence of the Autonomous Community. The reaction of the Spanish government was that it suspended the autonomy of Catalonia and decided to call early elections on 21st December 2017. Although the pro-independence parties (JuntsxCat and Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya) won the elections, they could only constitute a stable government by the external support of the radical left-wing party, Alternativa de Esquerres. The objective of my essay is to evaluate the political and economic consequences of the Catalan plebiscite, which was held on 1st October 2017. The popular vote about the self-determination of Catalonia caused a political and legal uncertainty and influenced the economic situation of the Autonomous Community and Spain negatively. The events which happened in Catalonia contributed to the loss of control over the legislature by a motion of no confidence against the Government of Mariano Rajoy and increased the division between the Catalan and the Spanish society. Because of length constraints, I will not highlight the European Union's policy of the People's Party and the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party. Besides the evaluation of the political and economic outcomes of the Catalan referendum, the main aim of the paper is to give insight into the factors that determined the independence process in Catalonia.

The President of Croatia is elected to a five-year term by a direct vote of all citizens, with a majority vote required to win. Since Croatia's independence the country has got three elected presidents. The first presidential election was held on 2 August 1992 and resulted in victory for Franjo Tuđman of the HDZ, who received 57.8 percent of the vote in the first round of the election. Tuđman introduced a semi-presidential system and won the second term in 1997. The next two presidential elections took place in 2000 and in 2005 and Stjepan Mesić, the candidate of the Croatian People's Party won the office. In 2010 Ivo Josipović became the 3rd President of Croatia, becoming the first social democratic president since the independence of the country. On 11th January 2015, in the second round Croatians people elected Kolinda Grabar-Kitarović a member of the center-right Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ) as the new President of the Republic of Croatia. Her main opponent in the runoff was the outgoing president Ivo Josipović nominated by the center-left Social Democratic Party (SDP) and supported by the government's parties. This election gathers a lot of records: for the first time a woman has been elected President, for the first time the outgoing President is not confirmed for a second mandate and Grabar-Kitarović is the first HDZ 's President after Tuđman. In addition the presidential election regarded as the foreplay to the more pressing and important upcoming November parliamentary election and there could be lots of changes at political level.

The prior aim of the paper is to present the next station of the enlargement process of the European Union, the chances and challenges of the Croatian accession after the democratic transformation. The study is about to investigate how an old-and-new state is searching for its identity, and what a bumpy road does it have to cope with in order to get to be part of the European space. Two phases of the whole integration process could be separated. The first term is from the declaration of independence (26 June 1991) till the death of president Franjo Tudjman (10 Dec 1999), when beyond building a democratic country and state, Croatia also tried to identify and manage the priorities of its independent foreign policy. The next phase is mainly characterised by the development and deepening of relations between the EU and Croatia from the death of the president on, when the substantial investigations started between Croatia and the European Union, and are still in progress.

The fundamental principles of the EU LEADER Programme are common in every member states. However the Programme was fit to the national legislative framework, institutional culture and social features, thus it was implemented with significant differences in the different EU countries/regions. Our study examines the LEADER implementation in one of the Spanish autonomous regions, Andalusia, which has many parallels with Hungarian rurality in terms of political culture, rural economy and society. The Andalusian implementation of the LEADER Programme is especially advanced on various ways. Resulting from the genuine decentralisation of the programme, local action groups enjoy a great degree of independence. They act as paying agencies, make independent and fast decisions and provide tailored assistance for their local clients. The Andalusian implementation of LEADER clearly proves that it can be successful, even in less advanced socio-cultural circumstances. Many elements of this system could be usefully applied in Hungary too, given that we find a way to embed a similar approach to rural development in various levels of our institutional system. We recommend our study to all those who aim for a better rural development system for Hungary in 2014-20.

The corporate governance as a regulatory system has started a journey towards independence for a while, and sooner or later it will turn into a self-standing field of science. This process is facilitated not only by its transdisciplinary nature, which combines legal science with economic science, within the civil law, the corporate law, business economics, management and organizational science, but also, in the case of state-owned companies, with public administration and proceedings law. The timeliness of the topic is illustrated by the prolonged transition to market economy following the 1989 regime change, the controversial application of company law, the scandals around certain privatization processes, the bankruptcy of many important state-owned enterprises, all of these bringing about a willingness to establish a regulatory framework. Taking into consideration the above short presentation, the subject of our analysis is very complex; this article intends to limit the examination to the Bucharest Stock Exchange Corporate Governance Code, investigating it in comparison to the provisions of the Romanian legal system. At the same time, it sets as an objective to make use of a concrete example (the most important Romanian state-owned joint stock company listed at the Bucharest Stock Exchange), Romgaz, in order to present the reader the ways and circumstances of the implementation of the general principles and provisions to comply with , as included in the Code.

This research is concerning about the viability of independence and autonomy within the European Union. The most recent Scottish and Catalan pursuits for referendum and the reality of such endeavours will be the main focuses of the following study. Firstly, the definition of autonomy and the attitude of the European community toward the notion will be discussed and evaluated, while later the Scottish and Catalan autonomy movements and campaigns will also be analyzed. This research, relates autonomy to self-governance instead of self-determination and the economic environment appears to be an important determining factor for the appearance and viability of pursuits for autonomy. Based on economic indicators, the emergence of autonomous endeavors has a positive correlation with economic growth. Therefore, individual European states" improving economic indicators might change the relationship between minorities and majorities which tendency can lead toward absolute separation as the furthest outcome. ; A cikkben megvizsgálom, hogy mit is jelent az autonómia, miért vált ki az európai államokban erős érzelmeket, milyen kisebbségi jogi tartalommal tudjuk kitölteni. Az autonómiát az önigazgatás és nem az önrendelkezés fogalmával kívánom összeegyeztetni. Vizsgálni kívánom, hogy ezek a mozgalmak, milyen gazdasági környezetben jelennek meg, illetve erősödnek fel. A vizsgált gazdasági mutatók alapján kijelenthetjük, hogy az autonómia törekvések felerősödése a gazdaság növekedésének következménye. Az adott államban a többség kisebbség viszonya a javuló gazdasági mutatók alapján változhat, ez akár a teljes elszakadás gondolatához is elvezethet.

Apart from the relation between the Lands of the Crown of Saint Stephen and the other realms of the Habsburg Empire, the primary issue of the 1860s Hungary and Transylvania to handle was the nationality equality — accordingly, the recognitions of a nation and the language policy. As soon as the national question came into view, both the Hungarian and non-Hungarian political élites formulated their outlines on how to adjust regulations, intended to be epoch-making, regarding the national and language affairs, while the emperor temporarily coordinated the case with royal decrees until the definitive Nationality Act of 1868. The Act and its preceding drafts administered many domains regarding all branches of power, with the special role of the declaration of nations, namely the recognition of such as a legal entity, a juridicial person, which would (have) allow(ed) further entitled rights, deriving from a declaration in the era. The Hungarian and non-Hungarian acts and drafts examined in the study show decisive discrepancies regarding the number of nation(alitie)s recognized as legal entities, how the minorities were defined, and what concept of a nation each draft laid down. In my study, I examine the dissimilarities of the 5 draft plans (and the Act) made by the Hungarian élite, 8 draft plans (and acts of the 1863—1864 national assembly of Transylvania) related to the nationality political élite, draft plans and royal decrees associated to the emperor and the Royal Hungarian Lieutenancy, and a joint independence opposition — nationality draft plan.

Ukraine's division today is mostly a consequence of its peripheral status: throughout the course of history the Ukrainians should (have) achieve(d) independence and the establishment of a sovereign state in the political vacuum that developed due to the rivalry of the neighboring great powers. In the East-European region Ukraine did have a state several times for a short period and in a much debated way, but it only gained complete sovereignity in 1991, while Russia had considered Ukraine, which "voluntarily joined" the empire in 1654, part of the Russian state. What has also contributed to Ukraine's division and the belated establishment of a state was that it did not have a unified national identity: in East- and Central Ukraine, which were continuously under Russian rule from the middle of the 17th century, a strong national movement could never develop. Then, following the partition of Poland, when West-Ukraine – with the exception of Galicia – became part of Russia, most of the Ukrainian territories belonged to – but did not comprise – one state. In Galicia, which was the western border of the eastern Slavic territories and was under the considerably liberal rule of Austria, and was called "the Ukrainian Piedmont", a stronger national self-consciousness developed after 1772. That is why it was there that the idea of a unified Ukrainian state was conceived first, the realization of which, however, took more than a hundred years, because of the division and weak national consciousness of the Ukrainians.

In his study the author deals with the question of the corporative organization of the young Slovenian state. In the first part of his writing the author presents the theory and development of corporative ideas after WWII. He sums up the main theories of Philippe C. Schmitter and Gerhard Lehmbruch, the two main thinkers of modern corporatism and shows how these theories influenced the development of societal/liberal corporatism. The author introduces the concept of concertation, the new decision-making process of the modern corporative state and differentiates it from the classic pressure politics of liberalism. After the theoretical background in the second part of his study the author gives an introspection into the forms of Slovenian corporative cooperation. First of all, he describes the main organizations of the tripartite political processes: the employers' chambers and associations (e.g. Gospodarska zbornica Slovenije, Trgovinska zbornica Slovenije, Združenje delodajalcev Slovenije) and the employees' unions (e.g. Zveza svobodnih sindikatov Slovenije, Konfedearcija sindikatov Slovenije Pergam, Konfederacija sindikatov 90 Slovenije). At the end of his work he shows the function of the classical corporative forums in Slovenia: the Economic and Social Council (Ekonomsko-socialni svet Slovenije, ESSS) and the National Council (Državni Svet). The author's conclusions are unambiguous: after the successful achievement of independence and freedom, Slovenia managed to create one of the most effective organizational models of modern (societal/liberal) corporatism and uses the process of concertation fruitful for his economic stability and social welfare.