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The aim of the article is to study what is media freedom; in particular, should the freedom of the media be undermined in the realities of independent states at all. In order to be able to take any consideration in the mentioned matter, we should first answer the question to what media freedom we refer to. We can understand it as the freedom of specific institutions or individuals involved in media activities. We can also understand it broadly as freedom to reject or accept any restrictions of a philosophical, ideological, moral or religious nature. The research methodology consists in using such methods as study, analysis and generalization with the purpose of discussion about media freedom should start with the realization that it is closely related to the general, philosophical discussion about the criteria of freedom and is exposed not only to limitations, but also to abuse. All mentioned areas are interrelated in a certain way – the freedom of the individual involved in the media depends on the principles of the freedom of the institution with which he is bound. Freedom of institutions leads to freedom of the media in general, freedom of artistic expression, and finally freedom of speech. It is impossible to talk about freedom, including freedom of the media, without considering the value systems adopted in a particular state, social environment or a specific structure. In many place sit differs significantly, what creates the need to formulate some general ethical principles that would allow to distinguish necessary from unauthorized interference in the independence of media.

El artículo pone de manifiesto la relevancia del pensamiento de José Martí para comprender los procesos socio-culturales e históricos del Caribe en el contexto finisecular de la Revolución de Independencia Cubana (1895-1898). Retamar evalúa además la sagaz crítica que Martí ejerce ante los crecientes intereses de Estados Unidos por regir los destinos del Caribe. En el corazón del Caribe, comienza y termina la vida de Martí, y en su sinergia vital con las islas se le revelan los grandes desafíos culturales de su existencia: la esclavitud social y política del ser humano, la opresión colonial de la metrópoli española y su reemplazo por un poder neocolonial, Estados Unidos, un nuevo poder hemisférico que él es el primero en identificar en toda su magnitud. ; The article brings to the foreground the relevance of José Martí's ideas to understand sociocultural and historical processes in the Caribbean in the contexts of the Cuban Revolution of Independence (1895-1898). In addition, Retamar reviews Martí's audacious critique on the growing interest of the United States for ruling the destiny of the Caribbean. In the heart of the Caribbean begins and ends Martí's life, and in vital synergy with the islands, the great challenges of his existence are revealed to him: social and political slavery, colonial oppression from the Spanish metropolis, and its replacement by a neocolonial power, the United States, a new hemispheric power that Martí is the first to identify in all its magnitude.

Radio as a medium of information plays an important role in the history of Indonesia's struggle. This study was conducted because of the previous studies on the movement to defend Indonesia's independence, only a few uses radio as a means of struggle. Radio Rimba Raya (RRR), which was established in Aceh. The aim is to analyze the role of RRR in defending Indonesian Independence, especially during the Second Dutch Military Aggression in 1948 and the General Offensive on March 1, 1949. Using the historical method, this study found that RRR became an important medium for nationalists to communicate orders and information, as well as providing an opportunity for Indonesia to thwart propaganda and dismiss Dutch provocations. Due to the importance of RRR in Indonesia's struggle, it can be concluded that one of the media for Indonesia's struggle and success against the Dutch was RRR with its messages that crossed the vast expanse of the contested area. The messages of struggle that were broadcast through the RRR were an important part of Indonesia's political strategy, both in dismissing Dutch propaganda and provocations and in guarding the agendas of Dutch-Indonesian diplomacy so that they were known to the public at home and abroad.

Introduction -- Legislative interference in the pending case scenario : the foundation of principle and the Australian position -- Legislative interference with judicial functions : the jurisprudence of the United States, evaluation of principle, and towards resolution -- The separation of powers and final judgments : defining the principle limiting legislative revision of final judgments -- Qualifications to the inviolability of final judgments and final summation -- Protections afforded decisional independence in jurisdictions without an entrenched separation of powers

Explores the impact of globalization on PR & argues for the development of a revolutionary program. The establishment of the Boricua-Macheteros' Popular Army & its struggle for independence from neocolonial policy are introduced. The Macheteros' analyses of globalization, neoliberalism, & privatization are presented with attention to the role of the US & implications for PR. Internal factors that may be problematic in the construction of a revolutionary program in PR are evaluated. 1 Reference. L. Collins

Objective: This article analyzes the spaces of informal sociability and the communication of news and rumors in the context of the wars of independence of Mexico and Venezuela between 1809 and 1818, in order to compare the importance that they had in the development of these events. Methodology: This is a documentary and qualitative research, based on a comparative historiographic perspective. The primary sources used come from a selection of various testimonies included in judicial files called causas de infidencia. Originality: We compare specific facts and discursive situations that seek to shed light on the strategies used by the inhabitants of these two territories in the development of the armed conflict. Conclusions: Through this comparative look, it was possible to show how rumors and the news —spread both by written media and word of mouth— became useful strategies to deliver information and seduce adepts into the insurgent cause, in the context of the wars of independence in both territories. This might be perceived as an expression of an incipient "public opinion" and a political culture that was part of —or disseminated— in absolutely social environments, such as the spaces of informal sociability of the time. ; Objetivo: este artículo analiza los espacios de sociabilidad informal y la comunicación de noticias y rumores en el contexto de las guerras de independencias de México y Venezuela entre 1809 y 1818, con el fin de comparar la importancia que estos tuvieron en el desarrollo de los acontecimientos. Metodología: esta es una investigación de tipo documental y cualitativa, desde una perspectiva historiográfica comparativa. Se estudian fuentes primarias de la época derivadas de una selección de varios testimonios incluidos en los expedientes de infidencia. Originalidad: se comparan hechos y situaciones discursivas específicas que buscan dar luces sobre las estrategias utilizadas por los habitantes de estos dos territorios en el desarrollo del conflicto armado. Conclusiones: se muestra la utilidad ...

In 1910, the former President of Ecuador, Luis Cordero (1892-1895), travels to Chile to represent his country in the celebrations of the First Centenary of the southern country's Independence. It was not the first occasion that his name had been bound to Chile. A stormy polemic, in the context of the fight for the political power that would end in the Liberal Revolution of 1895 and Eloy Alfaro's government, had attributed him the call "sale of the Ecuadorian flag" to the Chilean government, being generated a rough conflict that would lead to Cordero's renouncement in 1895. Eloy Alfaro, now President of Ecuador, intends to Luis Cordero to assume the quality of Plenipotentiary Minister from the Ecuador and this way to travel to Chile with the purpose of participating in the friend government's celebrations. ; En 1910, Luis Cordero, quien fuera Presidente del Ecuador entre 1892 y 1895, viaja a Chile para representar a su país en las celebraciones del Primer Centenario de la Independencia del país del sur. No era la primera ocasión en que su nombre había estado ligado a Chile. Una tormentosa polémica, en el contexto de la lucha por el poder político que desembocaría en la Revolución Liberal de 1895 y el gobierno de Eloy Alfaro, le había atribuido la llamada "venta de la bandera" ecuatoriana al gobierno chileno, generándose un áspero conflicto que conduciría a la renuncia de Cordero en 1895. Eloy Alfaro, ahora Presidente del Ecuador, propone a Luis Cordero asumir la calidad de Ministro Plenipotenciario del Ecuador y así viajar a Chile con la finalidad de participar en las celebraciones del gobierno amigo.

This article focuses on an analysis of the years 1820-1823 in the city of Montevideo. The capital of the Eastern Province was occupied by Portuguese troops in 1817 and formally incorporated in 1821, by means of an Extraordinary Congress, into the territory of the Portuguese Braganza Monarchy. Because of this, when the Second Liberal Revolution triumphed in Spain in 1820, and the first Portuguese one in August of the same year, the province joined the Portuguese constitutionalist movement and became the Cisplatine Province. In these pages we will see how the process of incorporation into the Brigantine Monarchy took place and how Montevideo experienced the disputes between King João VI and the Prince Regent, while the latter was planning the Brazilian declaration of independence throughout the year 1822. ; El presente trabajo se centra en analizar los años de 1820-1823 en la ciudad de Montevideo. La capital de la Provincia Oriental fue ocupada en 1817 por las tropas portuguesas y en 1821 formalizó —mediante un Congreso Extraordinario— la incorporación del territorio a la monarquía portuguesa de los Braganza. Es por ello que, cuando triunfó la segunda revolución liberal en España en 1820 y la primera portuguesa, en el mes de agosto de ese mismo año, la provincia, convertida en la Cisplatina, se adhirió al movimiento constitucional portugués. A lo largo de estas páginas veremos cómo fue el proceso de incorporación del territorio a la monarquía bragantina, y cómo se vivió en Montevideo la disputa entre el rey João VI y el príncipe regente don Pedro cuando este último planificó la declaración de independencia del Brasil a lo largo del año de 1822.

Cover -- Title page -- Copyright page -- Contents -- Illustrations -- Acknowledgements -- Introduction -- 1. The Mandinka -- Origin and Migration -- The Kaabu Empire -- Nyancho and Koringstates -- Mandinka Kingdoms -- The Fall of Kaabu -- The Battle of Kansala -- Consequences of the War -- The Soninke-Marabout Wars -- 2. The Wolof -- Origin and Migration -- The Jolof Empire -- Development of the Jolof Empire -- Legend of Njanjan Njie -- Wolof Kingdoms -- Effects of the Marabout Wars -- End of Wolof Independence -- 3. The Serer -- The Migration of the Serer and Foundng of Serer States -- The French, Soninke-Marabout Wars and the End of Serer Independence -- 4. The Fula -- Origin and Migration -- Futa Toro: An Early Fula State -- End of Fula Rule in Futa Toro -- Fula Migration to the Rest of the Senegambia Region -- End of Fula Independence -- 5. The Tukulor -- Origin and Migration -- Tukulor States -- 6. The Serahule -- Origin -- Serahule States -- End of Serahule Independence -- 7. The Jola -- Origin and Migration -- End of Jola Independence -- Bibliography -- Glossary -- Index -- Back cover.

Examines violence and intimidation by Indonesian military and paramilitary groups against pro-independence forces in East Timor, May 1999 agreement for a UN-sponsored referendum on independence, and prospects for international intervention.

Examines the influence of processes of party formation during the independence movement, of economic development strategy, of the nation's ethnic configuration, and of political leadership in the period just before independence; India.

The fiscal soundness of local governments has been of great interest to both scholars and practitioners. This study explored how special grants and non-tax revenue affected the financial stability of Korean local governments in the five-year period between 2009 and 2013. Panel regression found that special grants reduced fiscal soundness, which was measured as the debt ratio and financial independence of the local governments in this study. In addition, as the non-tax revenue in absolute terms increased, financial independence initially decreased before rising again at a certain point in time. We also classified local governments into three groups (low, medium, high) in terms of their debt ratios and financial independence. Special grants and non-tax revenue had a significant yet differential influence on the fiscal soundness of local governments depending on the level of financial independence, while general grants did not have statistically significant effects on local governments with either low debt ratio or low financial independence.

AbstractThe incremental reform hypothesis implies that constitutions are rarely adopted whole cloth but instead emerge gradually from a series of reforms. The starting point, scope for bargaining, and number of reforms thus jointly determine the trajectory of constitutional history. We test the relevance of this theory for Africa by analysing the formation and reform of the independence constitutions negotiated and adopted during the 1950s and early 1960s. We provide historical evidence that independence occurred in a manner consistent with the incremental reform hypothesis. After independence, constitutional bargaining continued, although the alignment of interests inside and outside government initially favoured illiberal reforms. Liberal trends re-emerged a few decades later. We provide statistical evidence of incremental reform during both post-independence sub-periods. In general, the African countries that experienced the fewest constitutional moments and the narrowest domain of bargaining in the first decades of independence tend to have better contemporary institutions than states that began with less restrictive constitutional rules and experienced more constitutional moments.

A variety of statistical graphical models have been defined to represent the conditional independences underlying a random vector of interest. Similarly, many different graphs embedding various types of preferential independences, such as, for example, conditional utility independence and generalized additive independence, have more recently started to appear. In this paper, we define a new graphical model, called a directed expected utility network, whose edges depict both probabilistic and utility conditional independences. These embed a very flexible class of utility models, much larger than those usually conceived in standard influence diagrams. Our graphical representation and various transformations of the original graph into a tree structure are then used to guide fast routines for the computation of a decision problem's expected utilities. We show that our routines generalize those usually utilized in standard influence diagrams' evaluations under much more restrictive conditions. We then proceed with the construction of a directed expected utility network to support decision makers in the domain of household food security.