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Taking as its starting point the response of indigenous organizations to the Zapatistas' so-called Otra Campaña (Other Campaign), this article reflects on the cultural politics of Mexico's indigenous movement and the tensions between local forms of resistance and the national strategies proposed by the Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional.

Taking as its starting point the response of indigenous organizations to the Zapatistas' so-called Otra Campana (Other Campaign), this article reflects on the cultural politics of Mexico's indigenous movement & the tensions between local forms of resistance & the national strategies proposed by the Ejercito Zapatista de Liberacion Nacional. References. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright 2006.]

The indigenous movement in Ecuador has been among the most successful new social movements in Latin America since the late 1980s. Its success may be attributed to its formulation and persistent advocacy of an alternative to the changing manifestations of the capitalist order—the "plurinational state." This position has organized and motivated the movement for the past 20 years, in the course of which it has gained access to the center of economic policy for a time and more recently has operated with greater autonomy. The struggle for plurinationalism remains at the core of the indigenous movement's approach to the current progressive government of President Rafael Correa and provides a distinctly anticapitalist alternative. Though the new constitution embodies elements of the movement's program, there remain fundamental areas of disagreement on the meaning and realization of the plurinational state.

According to resource curse theory, oil may cause ethnic rebellions. However, this article proposes a conditional explanation for the oil-causes-rebellions curse by examining indigenous movements in oil-producing countries in Latin America. I argue that oil price drops and oil-caused land conflicts increase the likelihood of rebellions if indigenous peoples remain under-urbanized, as evidenced by the 1994 Zapatista rebellion in Mexico. Conversely, indigenous peoples are likely to pursue an ethnic politics that is 'pacted' if oil-led economic activities have urbanized them. In Venezuela and Ecuador, oil has created an urban-indigenous class. When Venezuela and Ecuador introduced neoliberal reforms to deal with their economic crises caused by oil price drops, indigenous peoples made efforts to codify indigenous rights in the constitution as a pact. I conclude that this conditional explanation fits Latin America due to two regional factors: ethno-corporatist legacies and diffusion effects.

This article argues the need to turn back from a postmodernist pivot in social analysis to Marxism in theory and class analysis. We argue this point in regard to two contemporary issues of critical sociology: the dynamics of a growing worldwide ecological crisis and the current dynamics of the indigenous movement in Latin America. Both areas of sociological analysis have been seriously affected by the retreat from Marxism and in need of class analysis.

International audience ; Over the last decade, under the auspices of the Commission on Human Rights, indigenous peoples have been associated by the United Nations (UN) in the negotiations concerning the Draft Declaration of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. Even though the whole story started with the mobilisation of Northern, Central and South Amerindian organisations, which remain extremely active, indigenous representatives are now coming from all over the world to participate in the annual sessions. Known to be an aspirational document, equivalent to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and able to protect indigenous collective rights, the Draft Declaration is to be adopted through the formation of a consensus, by the Working Group, by the Council of the Human Rights and the General Assembly. Nothing was been adopted in 2005, and the controversies regarding the language of the Draft Declaration, as well as the oppositions between state and non-state actors, demonstrate that the international identification of a people and the definition of collective human rights remain difficult. However, in the last three years a series of changes concerning the development of indigenous issues have been observed, both in the UN's Working Group on the Draft Declaration (WGDD) and on the national and regional stages where constitutional changes (South America) and a reflection on the definition of indigenous issues (Africa,Asia) are being introduced. Based on participant observation of the process held in the UN, the following article deals with the politics of this negotiation and analyses the positions of the different actors involved and their impact on the development of the world indigenous movement. Eventually, the Declaration was adopted on September 13, 2007. ; Sous les auspices de la Commission des Droits de l'Homme, les représentants des peuples autochtones ont été associés à la négociation de la Déclaration des Droits des Peuples Autochtones. Si l'histoire s'est mise en route avec la mobilisation de leurs ...

Frontmatter -- CONTENTS -- Acknowledgments -- 1. Introduction: Studying Indigenous Activism in Latin America -- 2. The Indigenous Public Voice:The Multiple Idioms of Modernity in Native Cauca -- 3. Contested Discourses of Authority in Colombian National Indigenous Politics:The 1996 Summer Takeovers -- 4. The Multiplicity of Mayan Voices:Mayan Leadership and the Politics of Self-Representation -- 5. Voting against Indigenous Rights in Guatemala: Lessons from the 1999 Referendum -- 6. How Should an Indian Speak? Amazonian Indians and the Symbolic Politics of Language in the Global Public Sphere -- 7. Representation,Polyphony, and the Construction of Power in a Kayapó Video -- 8. Cutting through State and Class: Sources and Strategies of Self-Representation in Latin America -- Contributors -- Index

This review examines literature on indigenous movements in Latin America from 1992 to 2004. It addresses ethnic identity and ethnic activism, in particular the reindianization processes occurring in indigenous communities throughout the region. We explore the impact that states and indigenous mobilizing efforts have had on each other, as well as the role of transnational nongovernmental organizations and para-statal organizations, neoliberalism more broadly, and armed conflict. Shifts in ethnoracial, political, and cultural indigenous discourses are examined, special attention being paid to new deployments of rhetorics concerned with political imaginaries, customary law, culture, and identity. Self-representational strategies will be numerous and dynamic, identities themselves multiple, fluid, and abundantly positional. The challenges these dynamics present for anthropological field research and ethnographic writing are discussed, as is the dialogue between scholars, indigenous and not, and activists, indigenous and not. Conclusions suggest potentially fruitful research directions for the future.

AbstractUnlike indigenous social movements in several other Latin American countries, Mayan movements in Guatemala have not formed a viable indigenous-based political party. Despite the prominence of the Mayan social movement and a relatively open institutional environment conducive to party formation, indigenous groups have foregone a national political party in favor of a more dispersed pattern of political mobilization at the local level. This article argues that the availability of avenues for political representation at the municipal level, through both traditional political parties and civic committees, and the effects of political repression and violence have reinforced the fragmentation and localism of indigenous social movements in Guatemala and prevented the emergence of a viable Mayan political party. The result has been a pattern of uneven political representation, with indigenous Guatemalans gaining representation in local government while national political institutions remain exclusionary.

Movements by indigenous peoples against neoliberal extractivist processes in Latin America have traditionally employed strategies focused on territorial recognition of their identity and culture. The issue under investigation is the recent resurgence of post-extractivist territorial-based social movements that are using strategies based on innovative economic models and creative development. The objective is to study these territorial social movements and socioecological conflicts by analyzing cases in the Andean-Amazonian region in Bolivia and Colombia. The methodology is qualitative and ethnographic, based on interviews and documentary analysis. In the case of the Rositas River in Bolivia, indigenous communities and producers have organized to oppose the construction of a dam and hydroelectric project. In the Colombian region of Cauca, the dispute is over 20,000 hectares of sugarcane monoculture where the local community is fighting to grow corn, beans and yucca. The common characteristics of these movements are ecofeminist involvement, autonomous forms of collective action and political experimentation, new languages, and patterns of struggle and mobilization including the deployment of international alliances

This book provides a vivid account of how the indigenous communities of Cauca in southwestern Colombia engaged with the Colombian central state. Troyan examines the state initiatives in the 1930s, '50s, '60s, and '70s toward indigenous communities in Cauca, which sheds light on the political and social construction of Colombian indigenous identity.

In 2008, voters in Ecuador approved a new and progressive constitution. Indigenous leaders questioned whether the new document would benefit social movements or strengthen the hand of President Rafael Correa, who appeared to be occupying political spaces that they had previously held. Correa's relations with indigenous movements point to the complications, limitations, and deep tensions inherent in pursuing revolutionary changes within a constitutional framework. Although the indigenous movements, as well as most social movements, shared Correa's stated desire to curtail neoliberal policies and implement social and economic strategies that would benefit the majority of the country's people, they increasingly clashed over how to realize those objectives. The political outcome of the new constitution depended not on the actions of the constituent assembly but on whether organized civil society could force the government to implement the ideals that the assembly had drafted. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright holder.]