Suchergebnisse

Historians of the Russian labor movement have been slowly chipping away at the stereotypes about Russian workers created by generations of intellectuals quick to generalize from eye-catching impressions. The result has been the stereotyped, bipolar working class. On the one hand is the "peasant yokel" who too frequently resorts to the violent and mindless behavior indigenous to his original rural swamp. On the other hand, we find the skilled urban worker, sometimes a "half-literate intellectual," sometimes a labor aristocrat who disdains to cooperate with his socialist mentors. Daniel Brower's look at labor violence attempts to help reshape the familiar stereotype by exploring the cultural roots of the Russian worker's predilection for violence and by showing that such behavior is less mindless and more political than its critics have accepted. By not adequately specifying the contours and especially the frequency of violence, however, he leaves us ultimately with the old image of a Pugachevshchina in the factories. Brower in effect takes the pieces of the stereotype he has chipped away and glues them back in approximately the same pattern.

With the reproduction of severe deprivation among the campesinado in Latin America as a starting-point,the report explores the mechanisms of impoverishment in the eastern rural region of the department of Cauca in Colombia and the forms of resistance initiated by the Regional Indigenous Council of Cauca (CRIC). It is postulated that the continued existence of poverty derives its root-causes not from lacking integration of the traditional sector of the national economy into the modern sector, but from the processes through which the poor indigenous staple-food producer and agricultural worker by way of his actual participation within the capitalistic system is continously deprived of his energy and capacity by the power elite as he himself lacks the means to realize his own developmental power* Sham-participation, refering to the dysfunctionality of systemic participation performed by the poor who lack access to the bases for accumulating social power, is a concept applied to understand these mechanisms. Participation per se does not necessarily correspond to influence and power. Rather, systemic political participation can give legitimacy to the very system and to those structural conditions oppressing the indigenous small-holders and workers and consequently contributes to the consolidation of the transfer-process of power and thereby the reproduction of deprivation. Thus the poor indigenous population in Cauca cannot expect to be given access to the fundaments of social power. Thus the elements of real participation and the conditions for resisting deprivation are less likely to be obtained only through the creation of new institutions and channels for popular participation# In the case of the indigenous movement in Colombia, the problem is rather to revoke the repression of the indigenous organizations which have emerged from below and instead promote their spontaneous mobilization. ; digitalisering@umu

A case study of a Yoruba city of pre-colonial origin, Ilorin, Nigeria, reveals a movement of rural women to marry into wealthy polygymous compounds in the city and the return of some of these women to their rural natal compounds later in life. This movement may be an explanation for the high proportion of women in indigenous towns, and perhaps also in some newer medium-sized settlements. It can also be seen as a reflection of the unequal and exploitive relationship between the towns and their rural hinterland.

Of all the non-indigenous groups resident in Indonesia, the Chinese have attracted the greatest attention in every respect. Their economic success has aroused both admiration and jealousy. Their clannishness has led to questions about their social organizations and, especially in the post–1945 period, their integration into the national matrix. Problems of assimilation have spawned numerous scholarly studies in the English language, while there have been no lack of studies on Chinese political movements in Indonesia and their relations with indigenous ones. In short, there is an exciting ongoing research on the Chinese in Indonesia that bodes well for the future and beckons greater participation from newcomers in the field.

Diskussion des Machtkampfes zwischen Präsident Arap Moi und seinem ehemaligen Minister Charles Njonjo vor dem Hintergrund der Gegensätze unter den führenden Eliten des Landes. Machtbasis von Njonjo, Machtkampf und Loyalitäten, gerichtliche Untersuchung. Enge Verbindung des Konflikts mit den konservativ-kapitalistischen und pro-britischen Tendenzen im kenianischen Nationalismus. (DÜI-Hlb)

Contents: Army intensifies surveillance of ex-Tapols -- Editorial: Death sentences must be commuted -- Activism and lectureships don't mix! -- Human rights violations in West Papua: testimony to the 1981 tribunal in Port Moresby -- West Papuans in PNG face deportation -- Thousands of Papuans killed by Indonesian troops in West Papua -- The religious of East Timor "invasion, war, looting, the destruction of the indigenous population, colonial exploitation . " -- Resettlement and re-resettlement in East Timor -- Amended press law will tighten government control -- US military assistance to Indonesia likely to increase -- US arms in use in East Timor -- Death sentences upheld: executions could take place any time

The proposition inherent in Theda Skocpol's States and Social Revolutions: A Comparative Analysis of France, Russia and China (Cambridge U Press, 1979) that peasant revolts or Ru guerrilla warfare play a pivotal role in revolutions is questioned. National wars of liberation directed toward a colonial power are distinguished from revolutionary movements challenging an indigenous government, the former considered mainly Ru in nature, the latter Ur. Four recent revolts are analyzed in order to elucidate their essentially Ur character: the 1952 Bolivian insurrection; the Cuban revolt of 1953; Iran's 1978 jihad; & the 1979 ousting of Nicaragua's dictator. Modern revolutionary movements faced with well-equipped national armies are argued to be ineffectual unless supported by Ur employees, who cannot be replaced at short notice. The strategic advantages of cities as a base for guerrilla activities are discussed. 24 References. R. McCarthy.

An examination of the contributions of social science to the study of agricultural cooperatives in the development process of Third World countries discusses: (1) indigenous & institutional or introduced forms of cooperation as related to the problems of compatibility & transferability of cooperative principles in development; (2) cooperation as a form of social behavior, in relation to problems of recruitment & individual participation; (3) cooperation as a strategy for agricultural development projects & programs, with respect to problems of goals, poverty, & the social responsibility of developers toward affected populations. It is shown that sociological differences in types of cooperative organization are usually greater than economic differences, at least as measured by quantitative or financial criteria. The generally accepted notion that cooperatives are most successful with middle-level agrarian producers, & therefore should not be expected to help resource-deficient ones, is supported. A number of concepts in social science that are not usually applied in the study of cooperative ideals & principles are introduced that may enhance understanding of the decision-making process in indigenous societies concerning membership in cooperative organizations. In general, the social reality of cooperatives -- as human behavior & organization -- is very different from the image projected by the official ideology of the international cooperative movement. 3 Figures, 99 References. Modified AA.

Social Democracy and Society examines the origins of working-class radicalism in Imperial Germany. The Düsseldorf Social Democratic Party was associated with the left wing of the SPD. It defended theoretical orthodoxy against the onslaughts of revisionism, rejected all cooperation with bourgeois groups, and advocated militant tactics. Professor Nolan argues that the roots of this radicalism extended deep into the Imperial period and sprang from a confrontation between Düsseldorf's working class, which was variously young, highly skilled, migrant, and new to industry, and a political and cultural environment that offered no reformist options. She examines the distinct roles played by peasant workers new to industry, skilled migrant workers, and the indigenous population of Catholic workers. This is the first study to investigate in detail the history of the socialist labor movement in an urban area that was heavily Catholic and to analyze the significance of Catholicism for the political culture of the working class

Nilo Cayuqueo, a Mapuche Indian from Argentina, is a coordinator of the Consejo Indio de Sud América (CISA), a communications center headquartered in Lima, Peru, representing native peoples from ten South American countries. He has been an active participant in international treaty conferences, including a U.N. nongovernmental organization conference held in Geneva during the autumn of 1981. The collective of coordinating editors of Latin American Perspectives spent part of an afternoon this past spring talking with Cayuqueo. As in the following interview, discussion ranged from specific indigenous struggles to the general strategies of indigenismo and especially the relation of Marxism and class struggle to the indigenista movement. The following interview was made by Zoltán Grossman, a Wisconsin environmental activist, who was an international organizer for the 1980 Black Hills Survival Gathering. The interview was conducted June 10, 1981, at the Seventh International Indian Treaty Conference at White Earth, Minnesota. Translating at the interview was Jo Tucker of the Guatemala News and Information Bureau in Berkeley, California.

From the early 1950s, tenant farmers in Sudan sought to alter the arrangements governing their contributions to and returns from agricultural operations in government and private schemes. The main vehicle through which they hoped to realise this change was collective union activity. Repeated attempts by tenant farmers to gain formal recognition for their organisations from the colonial government, however, proved unsuccessful. Following the election of a transitional government in 1953, tenant farmers' hopes were raised and they intensified their efforts to obtain the new government's endorsement of their unions. As events were to show, however, the government was neither able nor willing to grant any group (least of all the farmers) the immediate fruits of its victory. It was preoccupied at the time, moreover, by pressure from indigenous agricultural capitalists in Egypt for and against negotiating the Nile Waters Agreement. In the meantime the tenant farmers' movement, with support from Sudanese workers and other radical forces within society continued to strive for its members goals. The collision of the conflicting forces of the tenant farmers and agricultural capitalists led to an incident of horrific proportions. Here Taisier Ali describes that tragedy and the events leading up to it, placing the crisis in the wider context of the relation between class conflict and the state.