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The metaphor of "movement" has been applied in limited measure to indigenous action in Australia, and more to recent events (∼1960s and afterwards) than to earlier ones. This review characterizes movement in social-semiotic terms that allow consideratio

The metaphor of "movement" has been applied in limited measure to indigenous action in Australia, and more to recent events (∼1960s and afterwards) than to earlier ones. This review characterizes movement in social-semiotic terms that allow consideratio

"Indigenous Movements in Latin America" published on by Oxford University Press.

Más que un indio (More Than an Indian): Racial Ambivalence and Neoliberal Multiculturalism in Guatemala. By Charles R. Hale. Santa Fe, NM: School of American Research Press, 2006. Pp. xii + 292. $34.05 paper. The Stroessner Regime and Indigenous Resistance in Paraguay. By René D. Harder Horst. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2007. Pp. xi + 224. $50.05 cloth. Who Defines Indigenous? Identities, Development, Intellectuals, and the State in Northern Mexico. By Carmen Martínez Novo. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2006. Pp. ix + 187. $23.95 paper. Now We Are Citizens: Indigenous Politics in Postmulticultural Bolivia. By Nancy Grey Postero. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2007. Pp. xvi + 294. $26.05 paper. The four books under review address several of the most compelling issues that have arisen following the democratic transitions of the 1980s and 1990s in Latin American countries with indigenous populations. The main concerns shared by the authors, all anthropologists, are indigenous mobilization, indigenous-state relations, and official multiculturalism. Reforms that sought to bring marginalized indigenous populations into the political process receive particular attention. The paradox of neoliberal multiculturalism, according to Charles R. Hale, "is that a progressive response to past societal ills has a menacing potential to perpetuate the problem in a new guise" (12). The reforms "intended to heal the rift between the state and the populace," writes Nancy Grey Postero (220), did not work as planned, and the books reviewed here seek to understand why. Although the authors address several other topics, I focus on how they deal with indigenous organizing, neoliberal ideologies and policies, democratization, and the role of structural racism. The differences among the books are substantial, as a result of different research sites and the various interests, methodologies, and research scope of the authors.

Over the last two decades, Ecuador has come to be considered one of the most unstable democracies in Latin America. The Ecuadorian state has seen over ten different heads of state in just the last decade. At the heart of this tumultuous era lies the highly organized Indigenous Movement. Led by arguably the most effective indigenous social organization in the western hemisphere, CONAIE (Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador), the movement has seen both a drastic rise in international visibility and, more recently, a spiraling decline of influence within national politics.This paper attempts to contextualize the Indigenous Movement within the broader socio-economic portrait of the Ecuadorian state. I argue that the movement and the indigenous idea of 'a plurinationalstate' represent a dramatic, even revolutionary, new democratic force in Ecuadorian history with the potential to bring sustainable prosperity to the Ecuadorian Republic.

Over the last two decades, Ecuador has come to be considered one of the most unstable democracies in Latin America. The Ecuadorian state has seen over ten different heads of state in just the last decade. At the heart of this tumultuous era lies the highly organized Indigenous Movement. Led by arguably the most effective indigenous social organization in the western hemisphere, CONAIE (Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador), the movement has seen both a drastic rise in international visibility and, more recently, a spiraling decline of influence within national politics.This paper attempts to contextualize the Indigenous Movement within the broader socio-economic portrait of the Ecuadorian state. I argue that the movement and the indigenous idea of 'a plurinationalstate' represent a dramatic, even revolutionary, new democratic force in Ecuadorian history with the potential to bring sustainable prosperity to the Ecuadorian Republic.

Over the last two decades, Ecuador has come to be considered one of the most unstable democracies in Latin America. The Ecuadorian state has seen over ten different heads of state in just the last decade. At the heart of this tumultuous era lies the highly organized Indigenous Movement. Led by arguably the most effective indigenous social organization in the western hemisphere, CONAIE (Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador), the movement has seen both a drastic rise in international visibility and, more recently, a spiraling decline of influence within national politics.This paper attempts to contextualize the Indigenous Movement within the broader socio-economic portrait of the Ecuadorian state. I argue that the movement and the indigenous idea of 'a plurinationalstate' represent a dramatic, even revolutionary, new democratic force in Ecuadorian history with the potential to bring sustainable prosperity to the Ecuadorian Republic.

1. INTRODUCTION This essay examines the emergence of Colombia's indigenous people as a political force, focusing in particular on the unequal relationship between indigenous communities (pueblos) and the state, as well as the effects of the half-century of violence. I first provide some general information about the pueblos and a brief history of indigenous organizing. A summary of changes brought about by the Asamblea Nacional Constituyente (ANC), and the Constitución Política of 1991 follows. I then provide a short overview of the Constitution's successes and failures with respect to indigenous concerns, a brief comment on language loss, and, finally, Discussion and Conclusions.

"There can be no doubt that the last several years have been characterized by an unprecedented level of mobilization at the state level against reigning neoliberal development orthodoxy in South America. This has taken a wide variety of forms, with moderate social-democratic left governments who respect existing institutional frameworks arising in Brazil, Paraguay, Uruguay, Argentina and Chile, and more radical, populist governments taking power in Venezuela, Bolivia, and Ecuador. The leaders of these latter three countries have used their popular mandates to institute greater societal changes, resting their legacies on new constitutions that would restructure the power balance of their society in important ways. Bolivia and Ecuador, the two countries considered by this study, are unique in their paths toward constitutional change, insofar as wide-ranging constitutional reforms have always been an integral demand of their powerful indigenous movements."--from page 40

On many measures, the indigenous movement in Ecuador has been the most successful in Latin America. This is particularly the case in political terms where they were key players until leaving the Gutiérrez cabinet. Their influence on the direction of economic policy has been minimal, however, and the rapid economic changes undertaken by the Correa administration since 2007 may marginalize them further. This paper examines Ecuador's checkered economic performance in the Washington Consensus period and the notable changes undertaken by Pres. Correa. These changes are then set in the context of the economic programs of the indigenous movement, specifically of CONAIE (Confederación de Nacionalidades Indígenas del Ecuador). This allows us to isolate several significant areas of overlap where the interests of the indigenous movement and of the Correa administration coincide and where collaboration on economic policy may be feasible.

The canton of Otavalo in the Ecuadorian Sierra has been a stronghold and intellectual cradle of the Ecuadorian indigenous movement. In the year 2000 Mario Conejo Maldonado, who represented the indigenous political movement Pachakutik, was elected as the first indigenous mayor of Otavalo. His administration has enjoyed recognition for its popular participation formula and intercultural project, integrating mestizos and indigenous citizens. In the context of local state reform challenges and the inclusion and recognition of indigenous citizens in the Ecuadorian state model this study approaches a local government led by an indigenous mayor with an intercultural banner. However, the project of ethnic integration in Otavalo has not evolved without complications and conflicts. Social and political divisions in the indigenous population have been reflected since before Conejo was ever elected. Ethnically based tensions in the local indigenous movement have been manifested throughout the period and in 2006 Conejo left Pachakutik and created a new political movement – Minga Intercultural-. The author argues that the rupture in the Otavalo indigenous movement (and local government) can be traced to the intercultural dilemma and difficulties associated with an ethnically defined political movement. Similarly, aspects of the so called "Correa effect" on the indigenous movement at the local level will be approached, since the Otavalo mayor has joined President Rafael Correa's PAIS movement before the local elections of 2009. ; From Exclusion to Government in Ecuador: Indigenous Movement Strategies and Political Power Structures in Otavalo and Cotacachi.

International audience ; Over the last decade, under the auspices of the Commission on Human Rights, indigenous peoples have been associated by the United Nations (UN) in the negotiations concerning the Draft Declaration of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. Even though the whole story started with the mobilisation of Northern, Central and South Amerindian organisations, which remain extremely active, indigenous representatives are now coming from all over the world to participate in the annual sessions. Known to be an aspirational document, equivalent to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and able to protect indigenous collective rights, the Draft Declaration is to be adopted through the formation of a consensus, by the Working Group, by the Council of the Human Rights and the General Assembly. Nothing was been adopted in 2005, and the controversies regarding the language of the Draft Declaration, as well as the oppositions between state and non-state actors, demonstrate that the international identification of a people and the definition of collective human rights remain difficult. However, in the last three years a series of changes concerning the development of indigenous issues have been observed, both in the UN's Working Group on the Draft Declaration (WGDD) and on the national and regional stages where constitutional changes (South America) and a reflection on the definition of indigenous issues (Africa,Asia) are being introduced. Based on participant observation of the process held in the UN, the following article deals with the politics of this negotiation and analyses the positions of the different actors involved and their impact on the development of the world indigenous movement. Eventually, the Declaration was adopted on September 13, 2007. ; Sous les auspices de la Commission des Droits de l'Homme, les représentants des peuples autochtones ont été associés à la négociation de la Déclaration des Droits des Peuples Autochtones. Si l'histoire s'est mise en route avec la mobilisation de leurs ...