Suchergebnisse

Extractive capitalism has long been the driving force of settler colonialism in Canada, and continues to threaten the sovereignty, lands and waters of Indigenous nations across the country. While ostensibly counterposed to extractivism, state-led conservation has similarly served to alienate Indigenous peoples from their territories, often for capitalist gain. Recognizing the inadequacy of the colonial-capitalist conservation paradigm to redress the biodiversity crisis, scholars in political ecology increasingly call for radical, convivial alternatives rooted in equity and justice. Indigenous Protected and Conserved Areas (IPCAs) are one such alternative, representing a paradigm shift from colonial to Indigenous-led conservation that reinvigorates Indigenous knowledge and governance systems. Since the Indigenous Circle of Experts finalized a report in 2018 on how IPCAs could contribute to Canada's conservation targets and reconciliation efforts, an increasing number of Indigenous stewardship initiatives across the country have been declared as IPCAs. These initiatives are assertions of Indigenous sovereignty, inherent rights, and responsibilities to their territories, as well as movements to rejuvenate biocultural conservation. Although Canada is supporting IPCAs through certain initiatives, the country's extractivist development model along with jurisdictional inconsistencies are undermining the establishment and long-term viability of many IPCAs. This paper explores two instances where Indigenous governments have established, or are establishing, IPCAs as novel strategies for land and water protection within long histories of resistance to colonial-capitalist exploitation. We argue that there is a paradoxical tension in Canadian conservation whereby Indigenous-led conservation is promoted in theory, while being undermined in practice. IPCAs offer glimpses of productive, alternative sustainabilities that move away from the colonial-capitalist paradigm, but are being challenged by governments and industries that still fail to respect Indigenous jurisdiction.

A treasure of knowledge is lost when a language dies and it is irretrievable. While the majority of indigenous languages are endangered, it is difficult for these languages to survive in the 21st century socially diverse world. This study examines the role of social media in the preservation and promotion of indigenous languages, particularly Punjabi and Setswana, within the context of social media platforms Facebook and X (formally called Twitter). The qualitative approach, using a content analysis method, investigates the linguistic content shared on these platforms. These languages act as channels for language preservation and promotion, navigating time, place and identity in the digital era. Social media platforms, such as X and Facebook, have the potential to rejuvenate and conserve indigenous and endangered languages. The study reveals a rich tapestry of participation, expression, and community development in the digital arena, highlighting the potential of both platforms to preserve and promote indigenous languages. The study also explores aspects such as prosocial impacts, social norms and convincing representations. Overall, this study emphasizes the importance of making fundamental decisions about social media and indigenous language preservation and promotion, emphasizing the mitigation of challenges.

An historical political ecology of Zuni Pueblo illustrates several processes that led to native agricultural decline in the region. Modern indigenous agriculture, and its associated techniques or practices, is marginalized within the literature. The reasons for the decline of traditional agricultural management at Zuni, as for much of the Southwestern United States, are complex. U.S. federal policies aimed at breaking indigenous theocractic rule, reforming land tenure, and modernizing reservation agriculture all contributed to this process at Zuni Pueblo. Underlying the material changes were also several conceptual or ideological processes that served the same purpose, and one that can be termed agricultural hegemony. The replacement of the Zuni kachinas, icons of discipline within traditional ceremonial roles, with those of modern agricultural sciences and practices were fundamental to the eventual outcome. Key words: Zuni Pueblo, agriculture, landscape, native policy, hegemony, historical political ecology.

Über viele Jahrzehnte hinweg war die Presse der einheimischen Völker Sibiriens Teil der kommunistischen Parteipresse der UdSSR. Struktur und Typologie der Zeitungen der Eingeborenen (d.h. Angehörige einheimischer Minderheiten) wurden bestimmt durch Beschlüsse der kommunistischen Partei und sie erscheinen ausschließlich in den autonomen Republiken, Regionen und Distrikten Sibiriens. Bis zum Beginn der "Perestroika" verfügten nur eingeborene Völker mit Autonomiestatus, wie etwa den Yakuten, über Zeitungen in eigener Sprache, obwohl auch andere Volksgruppen eigene Schriftsprachen oder sogar eine eigene Literatur besaßen. Bis zum heutigen Zeitpunkt erscheinen lokale Zeitungen in den autonomen Distrikten von Evenkjiski, Koryakski und Taimyrski ausschließlich in russischer Sprache. Es bleibt eine offene Frage, ob die Gewährung echter Souveränität an die früheren autonomen Gebiete im Zuge der neuen demokratischen Entwicklung zu einer Disintegration der traditionellen Lebensweisen der eingeborenen Völker Rußlands und damit auch zur Disintegration ihrer Presse führen wird. Voraussetzung für das Verstehen des Wandlungsprozesses, den die Medien der ehemaligen Sowjetunion durchmachen ist die Kenntnis der Geschichte der Medien des Landes. (UNübers.)

The rapid development of the Palestinian national struggle from a rebel guerrilla movement in the 1960s and 1970s to an organisation with many of the attributes of an organised state in the 1980s and 1990s contributed to the politicisation of the Palestinian Christian church in Palestine-Israel. During this period, certain Israeli policies that included land confiscations, church and property destruction, building restrictions and a consequent mass emigration of the faithful, all contributed to a new restrictive climate of political intolerance being faced by the churches. The 1990s and 2000s saw the start and doom of the Oslo 'peace process' between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organisation as well as the fruition of many Israeli territorial and settlement policies regarding the Old City and mainly Arab-inhabited East Jerusalem as well as the West Bank of historic Palestine. Church-State relations plummeted to their lowest point in decades during this period. The results of the suspicion and distrust created by these experiences continue to dog the mutual relations of Israelis, Palestinian Christians and Muslims in the Holy Land.

What does it mean to produce and engage in liberatory scholarship and teaching pedagogy on Palestine, given the extant forms of policing, surveillance and censorship that continue to target scholars of Palestine within the US academy? Why do these forms of repression appear even within a field of study—ethnic studies—that grew from emancipatory radical student movements seeking to dismantle (settler) colonial and white-supremacist hegemony in scholarship and teaching pedagogy? And how might we, as scholars engaged in the radical work and theory of abolition and decolonization, protect the field of ethnic studies from a mutilation of the pedagogical structure that such repression seeks to accomplish? To be clear about these terms, by abolition, I mean the insurgent praxis of Black rebellion that sought to abolish not only the system of but the foundational logics of racial-chattel-slavery. This insurgent praxis was not only sustained but renewed following the passage of the 13th amendment which abolished slavery except for as a punishment for crime. Since then, abolition continues to forcefully recreate itself as an ethos, school of thought, praxis, and movement, that redefines Blackness, and Black being against white-supremacist state violence codified in multiple liberal and neoliberal reconfigurations. In the contemporary moment abolitionist praxis seeks a dismantlement of the prison-industrial-complex and carceral logic that animates racist-state violence: policing, extrajudicial killing, racial surveillance and captivity of Black bodies (Browne 2015). But abolition also allows for and invites rebellion among all those whose lives are threatened by the white-being character of the state and its carceral logic and structure as well. This carceral logic extends to structures of regulated exclusion, taking form for example in the erection of carceral borders and border regimes to keep refugees and migrants out or contained, and the counter-insurgent war against knowledge curators, artists, and activists that question the fundamental coloniality and whiteness of the US state. I recognize true decolonization as that which has always been an abolitionist worldview and practice as well. Decolonization seeks not only to undue structures and ideologies of coloniality but to foreground Indigenous ways of being, knowing, and understanding in its place. When I refer to decolonization however, I am not referring only to an epistemic, psychological, or discursive project—I quite literally believe in the rematriation of stolen Indigenous lands to its stewards. By speaking and practising decolonization within, to, and against the academy and university, I am concerned with how our work within this space enables this rematriation.
Within this framework, I offer this review of Sherene Razack's
Nothing Has to Make Sense (2022), Saree Makdisi's
Tolerance is a Wasteland (2022) and Lara Sheehi and Stephen Sheehi's
Psychoanalysis Under Occupation (2022) to explore partial causality for the institutionalized repression and absence of Palestinian studies within the field of ethnic studies as an institutional project. I propose that these three texts, when read in conversation with one another and alongside the rich tradition of decolonial and abolitionist thought and practice, offer important insights relevant to protecting the radical potential of the ethnic studies project from Zionist liberal co-optation.

"Nonhuman, More-Than-Human, and Post-Human International Relations and International Studies" published on by Oxford University Press.

Revisiting the village of Álvaro Obregón, or Gui'Xhi' Ro in Zapotec, this interview discusses village life since the wind energy conflict of 2012-2015. This interview serves as a companion piece or epilogue to a previously published article in the Journal of Political Ecology (JPE), titled: "Insurrection for land, sea and dignity: resistance and autonomy against wind energy in Álvaro Obregón, Mexico" (2018). The interview discusses the subsequent skirmishes, shootings, debates over state funds, impact of migration, schooling programs and cultural revitalization projects that are shaping the autonomous process taking shape in Gui'Xhi' Ro.Keywords: Wind energy; development; conflict; resistance; schooling; self-defense; post-development

AbstractThis article analyses the administrative structure and development of Chile's indigenous policies under the dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet (1973–90), taking as its focus a pilot project for indigenous Mapuche integration known as Plan Perquenco. Officials formulated Plan Perquenco in accordance with the Chilean state's new administrative structure known as regionalisation. I focus on the unintended consequences of regionalisation that permitted the Mapuche youth group, Los Guitarreros Caminantes, to work through Plan Perquenco's music programmes to challenge the cultural politics of and justification for the pilot project.

What were the indigenous agricultural and population patterns in peninsular Malaysia's southern lowlands? What factors produced these patterns? Based on our analysis of ethnographic and historical evidence, as well as aerial photographs taken in 1948 in the Tasek Bera and Sungai Bera watersheds, the Semelai, anOrang Asligroup, had a robust and productive subsistence agricultural system emphasising rice but insured by cassava. These photographs, from the P.D.R. Williams-Hunt Collection, provide an unusual record of Semelai agriculture prior to settlement in 1954 and contribute to our knowledge of indigenous economic patterns in the southern lowlands, which have received little ethnographic attention.

For most of the century before the 1970s, the Tzotzil-Mayas of highland Chiapas, Mexico, depended for their livelihoods on seasonal migratory labor in the commercial agriculture of Chiapas's lowlands. Whether picking coffee on the plantations of Chiapas's southern coast and mountains or in its northern lowlands, growing corn and beans as sharecroppers and day laborers on the cattle and grain estates of the central, Grijalva Basin, or cutting cane in that same basin, indigenous men from the highlands spent an average of six months a year working outside of their communities to make Chiapas's commercial agriculture among the most prosperous in Mexico. In return, the income they took home made life possible for their households in the densely populated, less fertile "traditional" communities of the highlands. And then beginning in the 1970s, as a result of stagnating commodity prices, rising expenses, and credit and foreign exchange difficulties, Chiapas's plantations began to fail. Over the next two decades, while Chiapas's indigenous population was doubling, the demand for seasonal agricultural laborers actually declined. The result was growing stress on households, communities and the state as a whole. Based on participant observation, demographic and economic surveys, and life histories, this dissertation traces the effects of this stress as it worked its way through Chamula, one of the signal Tzotzil municipios of the Central Highlands. It is divided into three sections. The first characterizes the macroeconomic change in Chiapas from the 1970s through the 1990s and the economic adjustments by households as men and women found new ways of making money to replace what was lost with the decline of agricultural labor. The second traces political change as dissidents in the municipio first combatted the authoritarian, cacique-ruled local government from the eve of the crisis in the 1960s through the 1970s, and then were increasingly drawn into extra-communal economic and political organizations by their new economic activities in the 1980s and 1990s. Finally, the third section describes the extension of migratory labor to the United States beginning in 2000, and urbanization of the Chamulas and other highland indigenous people from the mid-1970s through 2009.

This article explores issues of authenticity, legal discourse, and local requirements of belonging by considering the recent surge of indigenous recognitions in northeastern Brazil. It investigates how race and ethnicity are implicated in the recognition process in Brazil, based on a successful struggle for indigenous identity and access to land by a group of African-descended rural workers. This article argues that the relationship between two processes – law making and indigenous identity formation – is crucial to understanding how the notion of mixed heritage is both reinforced and disentangled. It illustrates how these two processes interact over time and how that interaction can open up possibilities for the production of political subjectivities for African-descended people who can successfully make claims as indigenous. Finally, this article reconfigures and clarifies the heated contemporary debate over mestizaje (ethnoracial and cultural mixing) in Spanish-speaking Latin America by broadening it to include the Brazilian experience.