Suchergebnisse

Svrha je rada upotpuniti spoznaje o populizmu u kontekstu hrvatskoga društva, s naglaskom na prihvaćanju populizma među mladima kao nositeljima budućega društvenog razvoja. Budući da su za istraživanje sklonosti populizmu mediji, kao oblikovatelji javnoga mišljenja, među najvažnijim izvorima relevantnih spoznaja, posebna se pozornost posvećuje odnosu upotrebe dnevnoinformativnih portala i prihvaćanju populizma. Istraživanje je provedeno na dvoetapno izabranom neprobabilističkom uzorku od 1189 studenata Sveučilišta u Zagrebu, kako bi se utvrdili odnosi između sklonosti studenata općem, lijevom i desnom populizmu te njihovih navika upotrebe dnevnoinformativnih portala i nekih individualnih obilježja. Rezultati pokazuju kako kod studenata postoje trendovi niske, ali značajne povezanosti između upotrebe većine portala i sklonosti općem, lijevom i desnom populizmu. Utvrđena je povezanost obrazovanja roditelja sa studentskom sklonosti lijevom i desnom populizmu te razlike u tim sklonostima u odnosu na sociodemografska obilježja, razinu studija, studijsko usmjerenje, političku orijentaciju, religioznost i povjerenje u institucije. ; The purpose of the paper is to fulfil the findings on populism in the context of Croatian society, with an emphasis on the acceptance of populism among young people as bearers of the future social development. Media, as a form of public opinion, are among the most important sources of relevant insights for the study of the rise of populism. The paper pays special attention to the relationship between the use of daily news portals, and the acceptance of populism. The study was conducted on a two-stage non-probabilistic sample of 1189 students of the University of Zagreb, in order to determine the relationships between students' preferences in general, left-wing and right-wing populism, their habits of using daily news portals, and some individual characteristics. The results show that there is a low but significant correlation between the use of most portals, and the preference for general, left- -wing and right-wing populism among students. The correlation between the education of parents with student preferences of left-wing and right-wing populism was found, as well as differences in these preferences with respect to some sociodemographic characteristics, level of study, study orientation, political orientation, religiosity and trust in institutions.

U radu se razmatra Lockeovo poimanje prirodnoga stanja kao prve sekvence njegove kontraktualističke naracije te razlozi za napuštanje toga prirodnoga stanja i dragovoljni ulazak pojedinaca u političku zajednicu. Pojedinci na temelju izričitog pristanka, odnosno društvenog ugovora, postaju članovima političke zajednice. Motiv za stvaranje političke zajednice je očuvanje vlasništva koje je u Lockeovoj filozofiji politike, suprotno teoretičarima njegova doba kao što su Grotius, Hobbes i Pufendorf, pojmljeno kao pretpolitička kategorija. Locke vlasništvo poima na dvostruki način: u širem smislu riječi ono podrazumijeva život, slobodu i imetak pojedinca, a u užem smislu riječi vlasništvo označava samo imetak. Političkoj zajednici kao ustanovljenoj državi namijenjena je samo instrumentalna uloga koja se sastoji od toga da kao nepristrani sudac razrješava sporove, osigura očuvanje imovine te da među pojedincima sprečava moguće nasilje i prevare koje nastaju zbog velikih razlika u vlasniš¬tvu. Država sprečava osobno provođenje prirodnog zakona jer se time politička zajednica i njezini građani štite od pristranosti posrnulih pojedinaca. Autor u članku nastoji ponuditi kritičko-analitičku rekonstrukciju Lockeove argumentacije prirodnog stanja i kontraktualističkog opravdanja same konstitucije i načina djelovanja političke zajednice. ; This paper discusses Locke's conception of the natural state as the first sequence in his contractualism narration, and the reasons for the abandonment of natural state and voluntary entry of individuals into political community. Individuals under the explicit consent apropos social contract become the members of political community. The motive for the creation of political community as the preservation of property was conceived as a pre-political category in Locke's philosophy of politics, contrary to the theorists of his time such as Grotius, Hobbes, and Pufendorf. Locke thinks of the ownership in two ways: in the wider sense of the word, it means life, liberty and property of the individual, but in the strict sense it means to posses property. Political community, established as state, is intended to have an instrumental role which consists of having an impartial judge settling disputes, ensuring the preservation of property, and preventing possible violence and deception among individuals, arising from large difference in the property possession. The state prevents the personal implementation of natural law because it is the way in which the state can protect political community and its citizens from biased troubled individuals. The author seeks to offer the critical and analytical reconstruction of Locke's argument of natural state and the contractualist justification for the constitution and modus operandi of the political community.

According to Nietzsche, the fundamental problem between a man and a woman is rooted in the denial of antagonism between them. The man believes that their relationship must be that of eternal hostile tension and unavoidable injustice. Nietzsche asserts that there must be a rank order, where scaling is related to the actions of taking, accumulating and becoming greater by gaining power and overcoming narrower interpretations. This rank scaling does not allow for identicalness and equality, which are signs of the shallowness of instinct and the loss of one's identity. Nietzsche endorses the difference and celebrates the otherness. Flourishing of an individual can never be interfered by the concept of equal relations. Nietzsche is convinced that people are different, and he advocates for agon (a power struggle) as a model of cultural and political relations. Since equality of human beings must consist of an equal amount of the same feature, Nietzsche sees this equality as being represented in the general will to power. Furthermore, the gender difference is also a socially constructed way of being. It is a creation of man's image of how the world should look like. If included in a therapeutic approach, this perspective can shed new light on possible interventions methods in psychotherapy and philotherapy alike. Sex and sexual relationships can be singled out as key problems that prevail in the core of motivation for seeking professional therapeutic help (psychotherapy), no matter what therapeutic approach is used in such practice. It is a topic that has insufficiently drawn on Nietzsche's legacy. The aim of this paper is to provide arguments that Nietzsche's perspective on "war of the sexes" sets a productive context for both psychotherapeutic intervention and for philosophical consultancy. ; Prema Nietzscheovu mišljenju, temeljni je problem između muškarca i žene duboko ukorijenjen u negiranju antagonizma među njima. Muškarac vjeruje da njihov odnos mora biti vječna neprijateljska napetost i neizbježna nepravda. Nietzsche tvrdi da mora postojati rangirajući poredak u kojem je skaliranje vezano za aktivnosti uzimanja, nakupljanja i postajanja boljim zadobivajući moć i nadilazeći uža tumačenja. Ovo rangiranje ne dopušta istovjetnost i ravnopravnost, što su znakovi plitkoće instinkta i gubitka identiteta. Nietzsche podržava različitost i slavi drugotnost. Uspijevanje pojedinca nikada ne može biti ometano pojmom jednakih odnosa. Nietzsche je uvjeren da su ljudi drugačiji i zagovara agon (borba moći) kao model kulturnih i političkih odnosa. Budući da se jednakost ljudskih bića mora sastojati od jednakog iznosa istog svojstva, Nietzsche tu jednakost vidi kao predstavljenu u općoj volji za moć. Nadalje, rodna je razlika također društveno konstruiran način bivanja. To je kreacija muške slike o tome kako bi svijet trebao izgledati. Ako se uključi u terapijski pristup, ova nam perspektiva može baciti novo svjetlo na moguće intervencijske metode u psihoterapiji i filoterapiji podjednako. Spol i spolni odnosi mogu biti izlučeni kao ključan problem koji prevladava u jezgri motivacije za traženje profesionalne terapijske pomoći (psihoterapija), bez obzira na to koji se terapijski pristup u takvoj praksi koristi. Tema je to koja nije dovoljno vukla iz Nietzscheove tradicije. Cilj je rada ponuditi argumente za to da se Nietzscheova perspektiva na »rat spolova« postavi kao produktivan kontekst za psihoterapijsku intervenciju i filozofijsko savjetovanje. ; Nach Nietzsches Ansicht schlägt das grundlegende Problem zwischen Mann und Frau ("Weib") seine Wurzeln tief in der Leugnung des Antagonismus zwischen ihnen. Ein Mann glaubt, dass ihre Beziehung eine ewige feindselige Spannung und eine unabwendbare Ungerechtigkeit sein muss. Nietzsche stellt die Behauptung auf, dass es eine Rangordnung geben muss, in der die Skalierung mit den Aktivitäten des Nehmens, Akkumulierens und der Verbesserung durch Machtgewinnung und Überwindung engerer Interpretationen zusammenhängt. Diese Rangfolge duldet keine Ausgleichbarkeit und Gleichheit, die Anzeichen für einen flachen Instinkt und einen Identitätsverlust sind. Nietzsche unterstützt die Verschiedenheit und feiert die Andersheit. Der Erfolg eines Individuums kann niemals durch den Begriff der gleichen Beziehungen beeinträchtigt werden. Nietzsche ist überzeugt, dass Menschen anders sind, und befürwortet den Agon (Wettkampf) als Modell kultureller und politischer Beziehungen. Da die Gleichheit der menschlichen Wesen aus einer gleichen Menge derselben Eigenschaft bestehen muss, sieht Nietzsche diese Gleichheit als vertreten im allgemeinen Willen zur Macht. Fernerhin ist der Genderunterschied gleichfalls eine sozial konstruierte Art des Seins. Es ist die Kreation eines männlichen Bildes davon, wie die Welt aussehen sollte. Falls diese Perspektive in den therapeutischen Ansatz einbezogen wird, kann sie neues Licht auf potenzielle Interventionsmethoden innerhalb der Psychotherapie und Philotherapie gleichermaßen werfen. Geschlecht und Geschlechtsverkehr können als Schlüsselproblem herausgeschält werden, das im Kern der Motivation dominiert, professionelle therapeutische Hilfe (Psychotherapie) aufzusuchen, ungeachtet dessen, welcher therapeutische Ansatz in einer solchen Praxis verwendet wird. Es ist ein Thema, das nicht zureichend aus Nietzsches Tradition stammt. Die Intention dieses Papers ist es, Argumente dafür zu liefern, Nietzsches Perspektive des "Geschlechterkrieges" als produktiven Kontext für psychotherapeutische Interventionen und philosophische Beratung aufzustellen. ; Selon la pensée de Nietzsche, le problème fondamental entre les hommes et les femmes est profondément enraciné dans le déni de l'antagonisme qui leur est propre. L'homme considère que leur relation repose sur une éternelle tension hostile et une inévitable injustice. Nietzsche affirme qu'un ordre de classement doit exister dans lequel la mise à l'échelle est liée à l'action de s'emparer, d'accumuler et de devenir meilleur en gagnant en puissance et en dépassant les étroites interprétations. Ce classement ne permet pas d'identité et d'égalité, signes d'un instinct superficiel et d'une perte d'identité. Nietzsche soutient la diversité et célèbre l'altérité. La réussite d'un individu ne doit jamais être perturbé par le concept d'égalité des relations. Nietzsche est convaincu que les gens sont différents et défend l'agôn (lutte pour le pouvoir) en tant que modèle pour les relations culturelles et politiques. Étant donné que l'égalité des êtres humains doit contenir une quantité égale de propriétés identiques, Nietzsche conçoit cette égalité comme présentée dans la volonté générale de puissance. En outre, la différence des genres est également un mode d'être construit socialement. C'est la création masculine d'une image sur le monde. Si on l'introduit au sein d'une approche thérapeutique, cette perspective éclaire d'un jour nouveau les possibles méthodes d'intervention en psychothérapie et philothérapie de manière égale. Le genre et les relations de genres peuvent être dégagés comme un problème clé qui prend le dessus au cœur de la motivation visant à rechercher une aide thérapeutique professionnelle (psychothérapie), quel que soit l'approche thérapeutique utilisée dans une pratique de ce genre. Ce thème n'a pas suffisamment été puisé dans la tradition nietzschéenne. L'objectif de ce travail et de proposer des arguments afin que la perspective nietzschéenne de « la guerre des genres » s'établisse dans un contexte productif pour l'intervention psychothérapeutique et la consultation philosophique.

Identitet je skup značajki koje određuju posebnost pojedinca ili skupine u smislu različitosti ili pripadnosti u odnosu na druge pojedince ili skupine pa, susljedno tome, identificirati se znači (samo)odrediti se. Budući da je prostor ključni tvorbeni element u procesu formiranja identiteta, osobito nacionalnog, regionalnog i lokalnog, zanimljiv je i geografima, pa se njime najviše bave politički i kulturni geografi. U radu je iznesen model geografskog proučavanja identiteta izraženoga u imenima ulica i trgova devet gradova u Sjevernom hrvatskom primorju. Ciljevi rada su: potvrditi činjenicu da se u urbanom pejsažu identitet može iščitati kvantitativnom i kvalitativnom značenjskom analizom imena ulica i trgova, utvrditi razliku u prisutnosti hodonima koji izražavaju regionalni identitet (tzv. regionalni hodonimi) i onih iz kojih se iščitava nacionalni identitet (tzv. nacionalni hodonimi) na Kvarneru i u Istri te ispitati u kojoj su mjeri u gradskoj toponimiji Istre izraženi talijanski utjecaji. ; Identity is a group of characteristics which determine the distinctiveness of an individual or a group in terms of differences from or affiliation with other individuals or groups; accordingly, it follows that to identify oneself means to (self)determine the self. Whereas space is an essential formational element in the process of shaping identity, particularly national, regional and local, it is of interest to geographers and is mostly pursued by political and cultural geographers. This paper presents a model of geographical research of identity manifest in the names of streets and squares in nine towns of the North Croatian Littoral. It has three main objectives: to corroborate the fact that identity in the urban landscape can be observed through quantitative (statistical-mathematical) and qualitative (interpretative) semantic analysis of street and square names; then to establish the difference in the presence of hodonyms which reflect regional identity (the so-called regional hodonyms), and those which reflect national identity (the so called national hodonyms) in Kvarner and Istria; and finally to examine the level of prominence of the Italian influence in the urban toponymy of Istria.

The basic feature and specificity of Yugoslav pluralism are the institutional interest groups. These groups are the elements of the structure of the political system itself, and therefore directly included — institutionally and legislatively in the consideration is here primarily given to the enterprise. As the enterprise is given a special status in the constitutional political system of Yugoslavia in which it is legally recognized as a political category par excellence, the consideration is here primarily given to the enterprise. Analyzing the results of the interviews with the presidents of Communal Assemblies in Socialist Republic of Croatia and directors of some bigger enterprises in the same republic, the author investigates whether and to what extent the enterprise uses its power and influence in the political process — in what degree it is a policy making factor. The research results show considerable differences between the formal authority and factual power of the enterprises. Although all the enterprises have the same status constitutionally, the real differences are so great, that some enterprises make the policy of communes and even larger regions, and the influence of others is meager. The factor is the economic power. Besides the differences between the enterprises in power and influence, the research results give the evidence to the author's thesis that the enterprises significantly influence the process of political decision making. The actual possibility of the enterprise to act as an interest group is determined by many conditions — some of political and legislative, some of factual nature, primarily: a) by political and legal status in the total system, b) unstable normative structure which is subject to many influences and constant change, c) lack of the more stable criteria that would provide an evaluation of organizations and individuals according to their results, and last but not least; d) democratization of the system itself which is becoming more open to the expression of different interests and actions of interest groups. Finally, author examines some relevant theoretical and political aspects of the strike as a mean of the political pressure in the self-management system in Yugoslavia.

Mnoge su ekonomske teorije bazirane na pretpostavci da su pravila tržišta rezultat »prirodne« težnje racionalnih pojedinaca da ispune svoje osobne interese te da takvi »prirodni zakoni« omogućuju tržištu da se samo regulira. Na drugoj strani, njihovi kritičari inzistiraju na većoj ulozi društva i države u reguliranju tržišta. Razlike između ova dva tabora su očigledne: prva se razlika temelji na racionalnom pojedincu, a druga na ukorijenjenosti tržišta u društveni i politički kontekst. Jedni smatraju da tržišni zakoni proizlaze iz ljudske prirode, a drugi da proizlaze iz društveno-političkih normi. Međutim, oba se pristupa baziraju na modernističkim dihotomijama između subjekta i objekta, pojedinca i kolektiva, prirode i društva, što im onemogućuje da predstave svu kompleksnost umrežavanja heterogenih aktera u tržište. Ovaj tekst će predstaviti akter-mreža teoriju kao jedan alternativni pristup razumijevanju tržišta. Takav pristup implicira da niti se tržište može samo-regulirati, niti ga država može regulirati. Tržište je radije viđeno kao akter-mreža u kojoj heterogeni akteri participiraju u njegovoj konstrukciji i održavanju. ; Many economic theories are based on the assumption that the rules of the market are the results of "natural" tendencies of rational individuals to gain their interests, and that those »natural laws« enable the market to be self-regulated. Their critics insist on a more significant role of state and society in the regulation of the market. Differences between these two camps are apparent: the first approach is based on rational individuals, the second one is based on the embeddedness of markets in the social and political context. However, both approaches are based on modernist dichotomies between subject and object, individual and collective, nature and society, which make it difficult to render the complexity of linking heterogeneous actors in the market. This text will propose Actor-Network Theory as an alternative approach to understanding markets. Such an approach implies that neither can market be self-regulated nor can a state regulate it. The market is instead viewed as an actor-network in which heterogeneous actors participate in its construction and maintenance.

Posljednjih godina svjedoci smo intenzivnih akademskih rasprava o potencijalu društvenih medija u Češkoj Republici. U fokusu tih rasprava uglavnom su stranice političkih stranaka na društvenim medijima, a u posljednje se vrijeme fokus akademskih rasprava o upotrebi društvenih medija pomaknuo na političare. Cilj je ovog rada pružiti uvid u ulogu Facebooka u komunikaciji političkih stranaka i kandidata za vrijeme čeških parlamentarnih izbora 2013. Analiziramo kako je sedam političkih stranaka i dvjesto političara prihvatilo Facebook kao mobilizacijski alat te tražimo sličnosti i razlike u smislu prihvaćanja, strategije i uključivanja korisnika. Iako se utjecaj političke stranke čini važnom varijablom, naše istraživanje upućuje na to da je za uspjeh na Facebooku na individualnoj razini vrlo važno korištenje drugih digitalnih kanala. ; The last few years have witnessed an intensified academic debate on the potential of online social networking sites (SNSs) in the Czech Republic. However, the ensuing academic discussions focused mostly on the SNS pages of political parties. Politicians in particular have recently become the focus of attention in the shift towards research exploring the use of SNSs. The aim of this paper is to provide insight into the role of Facebook in the communication of parties and candidates during the Czech parliamentary elections in 2013. We analyse the adoption of Facebook as a mobilization tool by seven parties as well as by 200 individual deputies, looking for similarities and differences in terms of the adoption, strategy and engagement of users. Although party influence seems to be a significant predictor of Facebook adoption, our data also indicate that using other digital channels increases the chances of higher engagement on Facebook at the individual level.

Postojeće procjene utjecaja programa SAPARD i IPARD u Hrvatskoj ne daju informaciju o njihovom učinku na financijske pokazatelje poslovanja korisnika potpora, kako na razini pojedinog korisnika tako i na agregatnoj razini. Postojeće ex post evaluacije se bave procjenom uspješnosti provedbe programa korištenjem indikatora ostvarenja kao što su broj korisnika i isplaćeni iznos potpore po mjerama i ukupno za program. Ovim indikatorima možemo odrediti uspješnost administracije (ministarstava i agencije za plaćanja), no ne i utjecaj na poslovni uspjeh korisnika te ne možemo odrediti širu javnu, odnosno društvenu korist. U ovom radu je istražena povezanost potpora SAPARD-a i IPARD-a s financijskim pokazateljima uspješnosti poduzeća korisnika primjenom usporedne analize pokazatelja prije dobivanja potpore i pokazatelja u razdoblju do pet godina nakon dobivanja potpore. Gledano za sve korisnike zajedno, utvrđeno je da financijski pokazatelji nakon dobivanja potpore nisu značajno različiti od istih pokazatelja prije dobivanja potpore. Provjerom po skupinama korisnika s obzirom na područje djelatnosti i veličinu poduzeća, značajne razlike za pojedine pokazatelje ustanovljene su kod određenih skupina po veličini. Rezultati pokazuju da su u razredu mikro poduzeća prihod i profitabilnost značajno veći u prve dvije do tri godine nakon primanja potpore. Zanimljivo je da su značajne razlike kod velikih poduzeća ustanovljene u petoj godini od dobivanja potpore, pri čemu su prihodi od prodaje značajno veći nego prije dobivanja potpore, dok su profitabilnost, zaposlenost i financijska stabilnost manji. Općenito gledano, rezultati ukazuju na slabu vezu između potpora i promatranih pokazatelja. No, s obzirom na to da je u istraživanju primijenjen naive pristup koji ne omogućuje kauzalno zaključivanje, to je za preciznu ocjenu doprinosa potpora uočenim razlikama potrebno obaviti dodatna istraživanja primjenom protučinjeničnog ili sličnog pristupa. ; The existing evaluations of SAPARD and IPARD in Croatia do not provide information on their impact on financial performance of beneficiaries, both at individual company and at aggregate level. Existing ex-post evaluations are concerned with assessing the implementation success of the programs using performance indicators such as the number of beneficiaries and the amount of support granted per measure and in total. These indicators can be used to determine the success of public administration (ministries and paying agency??) but not to determine the influence on business success of beneficiaries or to determine the broader public or social benefit. This paper explores the relation of SAPARD and IPARD grants with the financial performance indicators of the beneficiary companies, using a comparative analysis of pre-grant indicators and indicators up to 5 years after the grant. Taken all the beneficiaries together, the financial indicators after receiving grants were not significantly different from the same indicators prior to receiving grants. Through comparison by groups of beneficiaries with regard to the business sector and size of the company, significant differences in individual indicators were found for certain groups by size. The results show that in the micro-enterprise class, sales revenues and profitability are significantly higher in the first 2-3 years after receiving support. Interestingly, significant differences are found in large enterprises in the 5th year after receipt of the aid, with sales revenues significantly higher than before receiving the aid, while profitability, employment and financial stability are lower. In general, the results indicate a weak link between grants and observed indicators. However, since a naive approach was applied, which does not allow causal inference, additional investigations are required to assess the contribution of the grants to the differences observed.

U"terra interior", u BiH, kao i u njezinom okruženju, zaplelo se u izvitoperene forme demokracije, u demokrature, u ne-pravne i prazne države koje su porazile svoje građane. U njima se u osnovi i danas kontraproduktivno slijede modeli "nacije države", iluzija o preklapanju teritorijalnog i nacionalnog, identitarne jednosti, dok se u svijetu slijede logike transnacionalnih umreženja i jednakopravnosti građana svih oformljenih identiteta. Posebice u BiH se ne razumije vlastita identitarna višestrukost, te iz nje logična nužnost ukotvljenosti skupnih prava u individualna ljudska prava i slobode, pa potom skrb i o jednima i drugima u svakoj administrativnoj jedinici. Radi se o samoj suštini novog liberalizma i kulturološkog senzibilizma putem kojih se djeluje i u mnogonacionalnim državama s autohtono oformljenim identitetima i u polietničkim zajednicama s tzv. useljeničkim identitetima na formiranju političkih zajednica jednakopravnih građana svih identiteta. I u jednima i u drugima se primijenjuju demokratske metode upravljanja razlikama, u koje se ubrajaju: hegemonistička kontrola; arbitraža (intervencija treće strane); kantonizacija i/ili federalizacija; te konsocijativizam kao sporazumna podjela moći. U BiH i nije uopće moguće primijeniti iskustva tzv. hegemonističke kontrole ili ravnoteže, ma koliko sve tri ko-nacije rado izigravaju "hegemona", pa je nužna paradigma nenasilja i u mišljenju zasebitosti, navlastitosti i zajedništva u javnim politikama. Nažalost, takvo što nije u izgledu, jer skoro nitko ne razmišlja u kategorijama "svjetskog ethosa", ćudorednosti u unutarnjoj i vanjskoj politici, o balansima konsocijativne i većinske demokracije, o institucionalnoj jednakopravnosti, o ravnotežama nacionalnog i građanskog. Do toga bi se, pak, moglo i moralo stići putem međunacionalnih dijaloga, a ne unutar nacionalnih monologa, te nužnim kompromisom, jer se do održivih rješenja i ne može stići "ratom referata" i politikama sukobljavanja i zgađivanja (containment policy) međusobno bliskih identiteta u kulturološkom pogledu. I zbog toga bi se moralo žurno prestati oglušavati o odluke Europskog suda za ljudska prava u Strasbourgu, o rezolucije Europskog parlamenta i o poruke europskih čelnika o potrebi "zajedničkog upravljanja" i govora jednim glasom u ime BiH u odnosima i s EU i cijelim svijetom. BiH potrebuje "treći modus": alternativan pristup i etnonacionalističkom i tzv lijevo-građanskom redukcionizmu. Ma koliko bili majušni, možda bi Hrvati u BiH trebali - posvuda gdje su u većini - pokazati da je u BiH moguće napraviti "političku zajednicu" jednakopravnih građana svih ko-nacija i građana svih drugih identiteta. Možda bi ih potom i drugi slijedili? ; In "terra interior", in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as in its surroundings, unnatural forms of democracy are imposed in the non-legal and empty states that have defeated their citizens. In them are followed contradictory models of "nation-states", an illusion of overlapping territorial and national, unity of identities, while in the world there are logics of transnational networking and equality of citizens of all created identities. Particularly in BiH, one does not understand its own plurality of identities, and the logical necessity of integrating collective rights into individual human rights and freedoms and then caring for one another in every administrative unit. It is about the very essence of the new liberalism and cultural sensibility through which it is operated in many multiethnic states with indigenous identities and in the polyethnic communities with the so-called immigrant identities on the formation of political communities of equal citizens of all identities. In both are applied democratic methods of government, which include: hegemonic control; arbitration (third party intervention); cantonization and/or federalization; and consociation as an agreement power division. In BiH, it is not possible to apply the so-called experiences of hegemonic control or equilibrium, no matter how much the three nations would gladly play "hegemons", so the paradigm of nonviolence is necessary in the thinking of detachment, peculiarities and common public policies. Unfortunately, this is unlikely because almost no one is thinking of the categories of "world ethos", of morality in internal and external politics, of the balances of the consociational and majority democracy, of institutional equality, of national and civil equilibrium. This could be achieved through inter-ethnic dialogues, not within national monologues, and with the necessary compromise, as sustainable solutions cannot be achieved through "verbal warfare" and politics of conflict and aggravation (containment policy) of mutually close identities in the cultural sense. And it should be promptly stopped with the denying of the decisions of the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg, the resolutions of the European Parliament and the messages of European leaders about the need for "shared rule" and speak through one-voice on behalf of BiH in relations with the EU and the world as a whole. In as much as they might be small in numbers, perhaps Croats in BiH should first - wherever they are majority- show that in BiH it is possible to create a "political community" of equal citizens of all co-nations and citizens of all other identities. Maybe the others would then follow them?

New challenges that welfare states cope with brought to changed priorities in the area of social policies and the growing promotion of the dual-breadwinner model in European countries. As patterns of behaviour of men and women in the labour market are not just a reflection of the economic situation, the cultural context and individual beliefs, but also of the existing institutional arrangements in the area of social policies, work-family policies are becoming increasingly important and the area of growing intervention in many countries. Variations in work-family policies and economic activity, and the characteristics of the employment of parents in European countries bring the issue of their effect on the outcomes of parents at the labour market in the focus of interest of political and scientific debates, and efforts have been particularly made to answer the question which schemes of work-family policies really contribute to larger employment rates of parents and their better outcomes at the labour market, which is the central question of this paper as well. After a brief insight into the position of parents at the labour market in EU countries, particularly focusing on the gender differences and the differences between parents and childless individuals, the paper presents a detailed review of the results of the research dealing with the effects of different institutional context, i.e. work-family policies, on the outcomes of the parents at the labour market. The final part of the paper contains a brief discussion about the implications of the presented results of comparative studies on the situation and the development of measures in the area of work-family policies in Croatia, which clearly indicate the need for reforms. ; Novi izazovi s kojima se nose socijalne države doveli su do promijenjenih prioriteta na području socijalnih politika te rastuće promocije modela dvostrukog hranitelja u europskim zemljama. Kako obrasci ponašanja muškaraca i žena na tržištu rada nisu tek odraz ekonomske situacije te kulturnog konteksta i individualnih uvjerenja, već i postojećih institucionalnih uređenja na području socijalnih politika, upravo politike usklađivanja obiteljskih obaveza i plaćenog rada postaju višestruko važne te područje rastuće intervencije u mnogim zemljama. Varijacije u politikama usklađivanja i ekonomskoj aktivnosti te obilježjima zaposlenosti roditelja u europskim zemljama dovode pitanje njihova učinka na ishode roditelja na tržištu rada u središte interesa javnopolitičkih i znanstvenih rasprava, a posebice se pokušava dati odgovor na pitanje kakve sheme politika usklađivanja obiteljskih obaveza i plaćenog rada stvarno i doprinose većim stopama zaposlenosti roditelja i njihovim boljim ishodima na tržištu rada, što je središnje pitanje i ovog rada. Nakon kratkog uvida u položaj roditelja na tržištu rada u zemljama EU-a, posebice se fokusirajući na rodne razlike te razlike između roditelja i pojedinaca bez djece, daje se detaljan pregled rezultata istraživanja koja su se bavila djelovanjem različitog institucionalnog konteksta, odnosno politika usklađivanja obiteljskih obaveza i plaćenog rada, na ishode roditelja na tržištu rada. U zaključnom se dijelu kratko raspravljaju implikacije prikazanih rezultata komparativnih studija za stanje i razvoj mjera na području politika usklađivanja obiteljskih obaveza i plaćenog rada u Hrvatskoj, a koje jasno ukazuju na nužnost reformi.

This article is the first comparative study on the education of primary college women teachers in Slovenian and Croatian lands of Austria-Hungary through legislation and the organisation of women's teacher training colleges. The study consists of a historical comparative analysis covering the period from the emergence of the dualist Austria-Hungary (1867) until World War I (1914). During the period covered in this article, many changes were implemented in women's teacher education. Before the year 1869, women who wanted to become teachers acquired the necessary knowledge as nuns in monasteries, in private girls' schools, or at home. The Austrian school legislation of 1869 had a quantitative and qualitative influence on the development and organisation of women's teacher training colleges and on the quality of women's teacher education. Women teachers became state employees. Analysis of the legislation showed differences between the syllabuses of women's teacher training colleges in Slovenian and Croatian lands. The syllabuses were adapted to the requirements of individual lands. A comparison of their activities also shows differences in development, number, and organisation. New state women's teacher training colleges and private ones with public accreditation appeared. In Slovenian lands, under the Austrian school legislation, the development of four-year women's teacher training colleges was somewhat faster than in Croatian lands. The comparison shows that private women's teacher training colleges were predominant and women's teacher education became more standardised and professionalised both in Slovenian and Croatian lands. ; Rad daje uvid u obrazovanje osnovnoškolskih učiteljica u slovenskim i hrvatskim zemljama Austro-Ugarske Monarhije preko zakonodavstva i organizacije ženskih učiteljskih škola. Istraživanje se sastoji od povijesne komparativne analize razdoblja između 1867. i 1914. godine. Pojavom Dvojne Monarhije dolazi do promjena u obrazovanju učiteljica. One se mogu najprije identificirati na temelju školskoga zakonodavstva. Učiteljice postaju državne službenice. Javljaju se nove državne ženske učiteljske škole, ali i one privatne s pravom javnosti. Analiza zakonodavstva pokazala je razlike između nastavnih planova u učiteljskim školama u slovenskim i hrvatskim zemljama unutar Monarhije. Komparacija njihovih aktivnosti također pokazuje razlike u razvoju, broju i organizaciji. U slovenskim zemljama, koje potpadaju pod austrijsko školsko zakonodavstvo, razvitak četverogodišnjih škola za učiteljice tekao je nešto brže nego u hrvatskim zemljama. Usporedba pokazuje da u slovenskim i hrvatskim zemljama dominiraju privatne škole za učiteljice.

Rad daje uvid u obrazovanje osnovnoškolskih učiteljica u slovenskim i hrvatskim zemljama Austro-Ugarske Monarhije preko zakonodavstva i organizacije ženskih učiteljskih škola. Istraživanje se sastoji od povijesne komparativne analize razdoblja između 1867. i 1914. godine. Pojavom Dvojne Monarhije dolazi do promjena u obrazovanju učiteljica. One se mogu najprije identificirati na temelju školskoga zakonodavstva. Učiteljice postaju državne službenice. Javljaju se nove državne ženske učiteljske škole, ali i one privatne s pravom javnosti. Analiza zakonodavstva pokazala je razlike između nastavnih planova u učiteljskim školama u slovenskim i hrvatskim zemljama unutar Monarhije. Komparacija njihovih aktivnosti također pokazuje razlike u razvoju, broju i organizaciji. U slovenskim zemljama, koje potpadaju pod austrijsko školsko zakonodavstvo, razvitak četverogodišnjih škola za učiteljice tekao je nešto brže nego u hrvatskim zemljama. Usporedba pokazuje da u slovenskim i hrvatskim zemljama dominiraju privatne škole za učiteljice. ; This article is the first comparative study on the education of primary college women teachers in Slovenian and Croatian lands of Austria-Hungary through legislation and the organisation of women's teacher training colleges. The study consists of a historical comparative analysis covering the period from the emergence of the dualist Austria-Hungary (1867) until World War I (1914). During the period covered in this article, many changes were implemented in women's teacher education. Before the year 1869, women who wanted to become teachers acquired the necessary knowledge as nuns in monasteries, in private girls' schools, or at home. The Austrian school legislation of 1869 had a quantitative and qualitative influence on the development and organisation of women's teacher training colleges and on the quality of women's teacher education. Women teachers became state employees. Analysis of the legislation showed differences between the syllabuses of women's teacher training colleges in Slovenian and Croatian lands. The syllabuses were adapted to the requirements of individual lands. A comparison of their activities also shows differences in development, number, and organisation. New state women's teacher training colleges and private ones with public accreditation appeared. In Slovenian lands, under the Austrian school legislation, the development of four-year women's teacher training colleges was somewhat faster than in Croatian lands. The comparison shows that private women's teacher training colleges were predominant and women's teacher education became more standardised and professionalised both in Slovenian and Croatian lands.

In the contemporary society, creativity is one of the most desirable abilities which an individual can possess in all the fields of human activity. On the other hand, educational policy and national curriculums marginalize the importance of art subjects in most countries in the world, while the advantage is given to STEM disciplines (science, technology, engineering, mathematics). Although creativity, according to many educational standards, is one of the key abilities, in teaching practice routine activities are still valued more than creative ones. However, it is the art subjects which develop creativity (constructive) potential within an individual, although this also heavily depends on a teacher/professor, on his/her methodological approach and abilities within the scope of professional activity. Therefore, we conducted empirical research in Visual Arts Teaching Methodology training and non-training primary schools. We expected that we would foster students' development of creativity through regular collaboration with university, problem-based learning of art and artistic language, inventiveness in creating art assignments and through increasing public awareness of harmfulness of stereotypical artistic expression. Among a large number of verified tests of creativity, Urban-Jellen test "The Test for Creative Thinking - Drawing Production (TCT-DP)", which is based on the activity of drawing, was selected and used in this study. We wanted to know whether there was a statistically significant difference between training and non-training schools in students' performance on the test used to examine the level of creativity. The level of statistically significant difference between the control group and the experimental group was determined by a chi-squared test. The research has been carried out in elementary schools in the area of the city of Zagreb, on the sample that included the students of fourth and eighth grade. The results of the research indicate that there is a possible influence of collaboration between the mentors and university professors and students of teacher-training college within the scope of Visual Arts Teaching Methodology course on students' creativity. ; U suvremenom je društvu kreativnost jedna od najpoželjnijih sposobnosti koju pojedinac posjeduje u svim područjima ljudskog djelovanja. S druge strane, obrazovna politika i nacionalni kurikuli u većini zemalja svijeta umjetničke predmete marginaliziraju po važnosti, a prednost se daje STEM (engl. science, technology, engineering, mathematics) disciplinama. Iako je, prema mnogim obrazovnim standardima, kreativnost jedna od ključnih kompetencija u nastavničkoj praksi, i dalje se vrednuju rutinske više nego kreativne aktivnosti. Upravo umjetnički predmeti u obrazovanju razvijaju u pojedincu kreativni (stvaralački) potencijal, ali to uvelike ovisi i o učitelju/nastavniku, o njegovu metodičkom pristupu i kompetencijama u okviru profesionalnog djelovanja. Stoga smo proveli empirijsko istraživanje u mentorskim (za Metodiku likovne kulture) i nementorskim osnovnim školama. Očekivalo se da će se redovitom suradnjom s fakultetom, putem likovnojezične problemske nastav, inventivnosti u osmišljavanju likovnih zadataka i osvještavanjem problematike štetnosti stereotipnog likovnog izražavanja utjecati na razvoj kreativnosti kod učenika. Između većeg broja provjerenih testova kreativnosti, upotrijebljen je Urban - Jellen "The Test for Creative Thinking - Drawing Production (TCT-DP)", koji se temelji na crtačkoj aktivnosti. Zanimalo nas je postoji li statistički značajna razlika između mentorskih i nementorskih škola u rješavanju testa kojim se ispituje stupanj kreativnosti. Stupanj značajnosti razlike između kontrolne i eksperimentalne skupine statistički je utvrđen hi-kvadrat testom. Istraživanje je provedeno u osnovnim školama na području Grada Zagreba, na uzorku koji je obuhvaćao učenike četvrtih i osmih razreda. Rezultati istraživanja ukazuju na moguć utjecaj suradnje učitelja mentora sa sveučilišnim nastavnicima i studentima učiteljskih studija u okviru Metodike likovne kulture na kreativnost učenika.

In order for a preschool teacher to develop into a competent individual and continuously strengthen his/her professional identity, it is of great importance to work on all aspects of lifelong professional development. Since the academic year 2009/2010, preschool teachers have the opportunity to continue their education at university graduate studies in the Republic of Croatia in order to acquire and/or develop their competences, knowledge and skills necessary for the development of professionalism. It is the responsibility of not just the individual, but also the professional community to enable the development of preschool teacher profession in all those areas crucial to the advancement of early and preschool education system. In this sense, formal education enables acquisition of competences needed to create educational policy within the institutions. In order to determine whether preschool teachers consider themselves competent and in which areas, a self-assessment questionnaire of professional competences was developed. The aim of this research is to gain insight into the number of preschool teachers who consider themselves professionally competent for creating educational policy in the institution they work in. Furthermore, this research will examine whether there are differences in self-assessments of professional competences between preschool teachers - graduate students and preschool teachers who completed undergraduate studies, both employed in preschool institutions, and on what dimensions those estimates show correlation. ; Kako bi se odgojitelj razvijao u kompetentnog pojedinca te kontinuirano osnaživao svoj profesionalni identitet, od velike je važnosti rad na sebi putem svih oblika cjeloživotnog stručnog usavršavanja. Od akademske godine 2009./2010. u Republici Hrvatskoj odgojitelji imaju mogućnost nastaviti svoje obrazovanje na sveučilišnom diplomskom studiju kako bi stekli i/ili razvili svoje kompetencije, znanja i vještine koji su potrebni za razvoj profesionalizma. Odgovornost, ne samo pojedinca već i profesionalne zajednice, jest omogućiti razvoj odgojiteljske profesije u svim onim dijelovima ključnim za napredovanje ranog i predškolskog odgojno-obrazovnog sustava. Formalno obrazovanje, u tom smislu, omogućuje stjecanje kompetencija potrebnih za kreiranje obrazovne politike unutar vlastitih ustanova. Kako bi se procijenilo smatraju li se i u kojim se područjima odgojitelji kompetentnima, konstruiran je upitnik za samoprocjenu profesionalnih kompetencija. Cilj je ovog istraživanja dobiti uvid u to koliko se odgojitelji smatraju profesionalno kompetentnima za kreiranje obrazovne politike ustanove u kojoj rade. Nadalje, ispitat će se postoje li razlike u samoprocjenama profesionalnih kompetencija odgojitelja – polaznika diplomskih studija koji su u radnom odnosu u predškolskim ustanovama i odgojitelja sa završenim stručnim ili preddiplomskim studijem također u radnom odnosu, te na kojim dimenzijama postoji povezanost njihove procjene.

Regionalna politika jedna je od najvažnijih politika Europske unije, ona potiče konkurentnost, gospodarski rast i razvoj, brine o otvaranju novih radnih mjesta te poboljšava kvalitetu života. Kako postoje velike razlike u napretku pojedinih regija i zemalja članica Europske Unije, njen osnovni cilj je smanjenje razvojnih razlika među regijama zemalja članica. U okviru regionalne politike EU djeluju europski strukturni i investicijski fondovi, koji su glavni instrument apliciranja europskih politika. Radi poticanja gospodarskog razvoja manje razvijenih područja dodjeljuju se regionalne potpore, a osnovni je preduvjet za njihovu dodjelu postojanje karte regionalnih potpora. Novom kartom regionalnih potpora, predložene su 4 NUTS2 regije koje su nastale grupiranjem županija kao administrativnih jedinica. Politika regionalnog razvoja prati se i vrednuje kako bi se povećala učinkovitost i utjecaj na regionalni razvoj, ona doprinosi uravnoteženom i skladnom razvoju RH te osigurava očuvanje i zaštitu okoliša i kulturnog bogatstva te se provodi u skladu s autonomijom jedinica područne (regionalne) samouprave i zajamčena je Ustavom RH. U diplomskom radu biti će objašnjena povijest Europske Unije, počeci i razvoj, načela, financijski instrumenti regionalne politike te regionalni strukturni i investicijski fondovi. Biti će objašnjena Regionalna politika Republike Hrvatske, NUTS klasifikacija, načela i nositelji regionalne politike RH, a na samom kraju rada biti će navedeni uspješni primjeri EU fondova na području Brodsko-posavske županije. ; Regional policy is one of the most important policies of the European Union, it fosters competitiveness, economic growth and development, takes care of job creation and improves quality of life. As there are major differences in the progress of individual regions and member states of the European Union, its main objective is to reduce development gaps between member states' regions. Under regional policy, the EU operates the European Structural and Investment Funds, which are the main ...