Suchergebnisse

Looks at both pessimistic & optimistic views of the economic, political, & social crisis in Indonesia. Reasons for the current situation are examined to argue that Indonesia is still a "real country" that deserves to be resuscitated. It is maintained that a key condition for strengthening Indonesia & other multi-ethnic nation-states is that no single ethnic group should hold an electoral majority or control the state mechanism. The fact that Indonesia's national language & history are not based on the legacy of any one ethnic or religious group is said to be a plus factor. Special attention is given to the tremendous political, economic, cultural, & moral damage caused by over 30 years of the Suharto regime which enjoyed international support for almost all of its duration. Various suggested remedies are explored, including greater deregulation of the state & "regional autonomy." Possible parallels with Canada are examined, especially in relation to separatist movements within their internationally recognized borders. 11 References. J. Lindroth

Compares the revival of Islam in Indonesia, Malaysia, &, to a lesser extent, Singapore. Each country, partly because of its colonial legacy, has responded differently to Islamic revivalism, trying to solve the problem of reconciling the conflicting social needs arising from the tensions inherent in officially secular states that recognize Islam as a state religion. Focus is on the implications of these differences in the context of the international Islamic resurgence. The origins, ideology, & growth of the Malaysian dakwah (evangelist) movement are analyzed. Its often paradoxical social & political roles in Malay society are contrasted with those of similar movements in Indonesia, which have been more circumspect because of greater government control of religion, less ethnic strife, & a stronger national identity. Common social & cultural elements of Islamic revivalist groups in Southeast Asia are identified. It is concluded that, as long as these groups offer a viable program for social change, they will continue to be influential in Indonesia & Malaysia. Bibliog. T. Arnold

Although the bourgeoisie & middle class in Indonesia have acquired enormous wealth & power since the 1960s, they have yet to establish their ascendancy as socially dominant forces independent of the state. Absent a large landholding class in its social structure, Indonesia's political power has devolved to the state officials & bureaucrats who control the state apparatus. Here, ie, is suggested that the middle classes & the bourgeoisie have been heavily dependent on these state operators for jobs, careers, contracts, & monopolies to sustain their economic growth. It is noted, however, that the increasing internationalization of the Indonesian economy has created cracks in the iron-clad control of the state. A greater reliance on foreign investment & loans has made the state more vulnerable to the demands of foreign investors who have called for reforms to make its actions more transparent. Moreover, the impending end of the reign of President Soeharto has set off a series of negotiations among Indonesian political classes to build coalitions, which will eventually move Indonesia toward a more legal-rational form of authoritarianism. D. M. Smith

Die Verfasserin analysiert die soziopolitische Dynamik in einem indonesischen Ort (Iceh) nach dem Tsunami und die damit verbundenen Herausforderungen für die Frauen in diesem Kontext. Sie zeigt, dass die Katastrophensituation viele islamische Vorschriften, insbesondere diejenige, die eine untergeordnete Position der Frauen festlegen, sowie viele traditionelle soziokulturelle Muster in Frage gestellt hat. Auf der anderen Seite mussten die Frauen in diesem Überlebenskampf Strategien entwickeln und entsprechende Programme implementieren, um Gerechtigkeit und Gleichheit für die Betroffenen zu gewährleisten. Am Beispiel dieses Einzelfalles zeigt die Verfasserin, dass die Frauen unter dem Druck der Situation es gelernt haben, aktiv an den Rettungsaktivitäten zu partizipieren und dadurch Akteure des Demokratisierungsprozesses geworden sind. (ICF).

Discusses the nature of political & social participation allowed in the recently restructured Indonesian government. In recent years, the goals of technological progress & economic growth have overshadowed concern with political freedoms &/or establishing a Western-style democratic structure. In 1993, the sixth cabinet of President Soeharto outlined a new form of government characterized by (1) the substitution of political rights with economic freedoms; (2) the repression of independent trade unions, periodicals, & private organizations deemed incompatible with Indonesian values; & (3) the concentration of political power in the hands of the technocratic elite, with a limited role for the input of intellectuals & experts. Foreign agencies such as the World Bank have supported this plan with the hope that economic freedoms will lead to the expansion of civil society & political freedoms. Although this plan may prove more successful than previous Western-style initiatives, it is concluded that this project also threatens to extend elite control over the majority & reduce the potential for meaningful political participation. 35 References. T. Sevier

Chronicles the history of Gerwani (Gerakan Wanita Indonesia, or the Indonesian Women's Movement), the women's organization of the Communist Party of Indonesia, from its inception among a group of young female revolutionaries in 1954. Focus is on its role in the "putsch" or coup of 1 Oct 1965 that brought General Soeharto to power, attempting to ferret out the truth from the many lies contained in official government accounts of the events, which labeled Gerwani women "communist whores" who spread the "moral poison" of their party. The Soeharto regime's campaign of slander & sexual innuendo against the Gerwani is examined in terms of its underlying sexual politics & motivation, ie, to quell women's increasing political activism. Obstacles continuing to confront Indonesian women even after the removal of Soeharto & his New Order government in 1998 are described. 55 References. K. Hyatt Stewart