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Ovaj rad bavi se istraživanjem industrijske politike Europske Unije. U radu se iznosi teorijski aspekt industrijske politike, odnosno, različite definicije industrijske politike raznih autora, alati i instrumenti, kao argumenti za i protiv industrijske politike. Zatim se opisuju razvojne faze industrijske politike Europske Unije, a detaljnije se obrađuje industrijska politika Europske Unije od vremena Lisabonske agende. Daje se pregled industrijske performanse Europske Unije i nekih zemalja članica i usporedba s Japanom i Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama. Detaljno se opisuje industrijska politika u okviru strategije Europa 2020, prioriteti, inicijative, komunikacije, kao i trenutni izazovi vezani uz modernizaciju industrije. Također, iznose se programi, instrumenti i politike koje izravno i neizravno doprinose industrijskoj politici Europske Unije. Nadalje, prikazuje se način vođenja moderne industrijske politike Savezne Republike Njemačke. Cilj istraživanja jest sintetizirati znanje o industrijskoj politici Europske Unije i prikazati trenutne inicijative i programe industrijske politike na razini Europske Unije i Savezne Republike Njemačke koji doprinose gospodarskom rastu i razvoju. Svrha istraživanja jest u konačnici ukazati na značaj i ulogu industrijske politike Europske Unije u promicanju konkurentnosti industrije i samog gospodarstva. ; This paper deals with the research of the European Union's industrial policy. The paper presents the theoretical aspects of industrial policy, different definitions of industrial policy from various authors, tools and instruments, as arguments for and against industrial policy. Then, the development phases of the European Union's industrial policy are described and the European Union industrial policy since the Lisbon Agenda is more elaborated. An overview of the European Union's performance and some of member states is given, and a comparison with Japan and the United States of America. A detailed description of industrial policy within the Europe 2020 strategy is given, as well as priorities, initiatives, communications and current challenges related to industrial modernization. Also, there are programs, instruments and policies that directly and indirectly contribute to the European Union's industrial policy. Furthermore, the modern industrial policy of the Federal Republic of Germany is presented. The aim of research is to synthesize knowledge of the European Union's industrial policy and present current initiatives and industrial policy programs at EU and Federal Republic of Germany level that contribute to economic growth and development. The purpose of the research is to point out the importance and role of the European Union's industrial policy in promoting competitiveness of the industry and the economy of European Union.

Ovaj rad bavi se istraživanjem industrijske politike Europske Unije. U radu se iznosi teorijski aspekt industrijske politike, odnosno, različite definicije industrijske politike raznih autora, alati i instrumenti, kao argumenti za i protiv industrijske politike. Zatim se opisuju razvojne faze industrijske politike Europske Unije, a detaljnije se obrađuje industrijska politika Europske Unije od vremena Lisabonske agende. Daje se pregled industrijske performanse Europske Unije i nekih zemalja članica i usporedba s Japanom i Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama. Detaljno se opisuje industrijska politika u okviru strategije Europa 2020, prioriteti, inicijative, komunikacije, kao i trenutni izazovi vezani uz modernizaciju industrije. Također, iznose se programi, instrumenti i politike koje izravno i neizravno doprinose industrijskoj politici Europske Unije. Nadalje, prikazuje se način vođenja moderne industrijske politike Savezne Republike Njemačke. Cilj istraživanja jest sintetizirati znanje o industrijskoj politici Europske Unije i prikazati trenutne inicijative i programe industrijske politike na razini Europske Unije i Savezne Republike Njemačke koji doprinose gospodarskom rastu i razvoju. Svrha istraživanja jest u konačnici ukazati na značaj i ulogu industrijske politike Europske Unije u promicanju konkurentnosti industrije i samog gospodarstva. ; This paper deals with the research of the European Union's industrial policy. The paper presents the theoretical aspects of industrial policy, different definitions of industrial policy from various authors, tools and instruments, as arguments for and against industrial policy. Then, the development phases of the European Union's industrial policy are described and the European Union industrial policy since the Lisbon Agenda is more elaborated. An overview of the European Union's performance and some of member states is given, and a comparison with Japan and the United States of America. A detailed description of industrial policy within the Europe 2020 strategy is given, as ...

Iako su očekivanja Hrvatske od članstva u Europskoj uniji bila velika, ona se za sada ne ostvaruju. Hrvatska tone prema dnu Europske unije. Prema bruto domaćem proizvodu po stanovniku Hrvatska je na predzadnjem mjestu Europske unije. Samo je Bugarska iza Hrvatske, ali ona posljednjih godina ima veće stope rasta od Hrvatske. Uzrok hrvatske gospodarske stagnacije nije članstvo u Europskoj uniji, nego pogreške nacionalne makroekonomske politike i potpuni nedostatak industrijske politike, kao temeljne gospodarske politike. Kod donošenja novih mjera ne analiziraju se pogreške starih mjera ni uzroci današnje stagnacije, tako da se Hrvatska vrti u "začaranom krugu" nekonzistentnih politika. Europska unija je također suočena s najvećim izazovima od njezina nastanka. Ne ostvaruje se njezin osnovni ekonomski cilj – ujednačen razvoj svih članica. Kriza u Grčkoj je zemlju značajno vratila unatrag i pojačala antieuropske osjećaje, Ujedinjeno Kraljevstvo je na izlazu iz Europske unije, a u mnogim zemljama jačaju pokreti protiv Europske unije ili protiv njezinih pojedinih politika. Očito je da se dosadašnji koncept Europske unije istrošio. Promijenile su se ekonomske, tehnološke i političke okolnosti od njezina osnutka do danas, a na vidiku nema prijedloga za njezin budući razvoj u novim okolnostima. Globalni ekonomski i politički sustav kreiran na samom kraju Drugoga svjetskog rata se također počeo mijenjati. Sve su to okolnosti koje hrvatsku politiku stavljaju pred sve veće i složenije izazove. ; Although Croatian expectations from joining the European Union were high, so far they have not been met. Croatia is falling to the bottom of the European Union. According to gross domestic product per capita Croatia holds the second-last position in the European Union. Only Bulgaria is left behind, but not for long as it has been showing higher growth rates in recent years. The cause of Croatian economic stagnation is not its membership in the European Union, but the mistakes of national macroeconomic policy and the complete lack of industrial policy as a key economic policy. While enacting new measures, the mistakes of the old ones and the sources of stagnation are not analysed, making Croatia go into vicious circles of inconsistently crafted policies. The European Union has been facing some of its biggest challenges since its establishment. Its main economic objective, the convergence of Member States and their homogenised development, has not been achieved. The crisis in Greece has significantly downgraded the country and increased Euroscepticism, United Kingdom is ready to exit the European Union, and in many Member States anti-European Union movements or movements against specific European Union policies are on the rise. It is obvious that the existing concept of the European Union is no longer viable. There have been changes in the economic, technological and political sphere since its establishment and there are no specific suggestions as to its future development within the new context. The global economic and political system created after the Second World War has started changing as well. All these circumstances are bringing more considerable and more complex challenges to Croatian politics.

ICT industry has decisive impact on the articulation of American national interests in cyberspace. The private sector presents itself as a guardian of privacy rights against criminal intrusions and possible government's misuse. But in reality certain initiatives for closer cooperation between private sector and government at the expense of privacy rights have come from ICT industry. This article presents the evolution of public-private partnership in cybersecurity issues. The partnership resulted in the establishment of a military-cyber-industrial complex which significantly influenced the drafting of CISPA and ACTA documents. Presidential Policy Directive 20 expresses to a much greater extent the interests of ICT industry than the values and purposes of International Strategy for Cyberspace. Adapted from the source document.

Nasuprot shvaćanjima o energetskoj politici kao funkcionalno-tehničkom problemu, ili na drugoj strani, kao borbe između materijalističkih i postmaterijalističkih vrijednosnih obrazaca u industrijskom, odnosno postindustrijskom društvu, ovaj rad dokazuje sljedeće hipoteze: a) u korijenu današnjih energetskih problema leže konflikti oko raspodjele, b) vrijednosti o kojima se radi, čak i na području zaštite okoline, materijalističke su naravi, c) razlike u energetskoj politici Sjedinjenih Američkih Država i Zapadne Njemačke mogu se objasniti različitim obrascima raspodjele, a težište im je u različitim vrednotama proizašlim iz razlika između industrijskih i demografskih struktura, te geološkog bogatstva, d) energetska politika, a posebno izbor pravca fleksibilne »soft energy«, može se uspješno provoditi nastajanjem »pobjedničke koalicije« poklanjanjem dovoljno pažnje pitanjima raspodjele koja su u to uključena. Zaokrete k fleksibilnoj energetskoj politici autor veže uz pokrete za zaštitu okoline i programe novih energetskih projekata na lokalnoj razini i razini globalnog društva. Na taj način, zaključuje se, »energetski sindrom« i redistributivni konflikti ne moraju biti uzroci dublje političke i društvene dezorganizacije. ; As opposed to the notion of energy policy as a functional-technical issue, and — on the other hand — as a struggle between materialistic and post-materialistic value patterns in the industrial and post-industrial society, the article is arguing the following hypotheses: (1) distributional conflicts represent the roots of the contemporary energy problems, (2) the values involved, even in the field of environmental protection, are of a materialistic nature, (3) the differences in energy policies of the United States and Western Germany can be explained by different distributional patterns, having as their core divergent values stemming from differences between industrial and demographic structures and geological resources, (4) the energy policy, especially the choice of the path of flexible »soft-energy «, can be successfully implemented by the emergence of a »winning coalition« which takes sufficient account of the distributional issues involved. Switches toward flexible energy policies are, according to the author, tied to activities of movements for environmental protection and to programs of new energy projects on the local level and on the global societal level. In such a manner, it is concluded, the »energy syndrome« and redistributional conflicts are not necessarily causes of a profound political and societal disorganization.

Using The White Paper (by which the EU has been trying to help the CEEC countries to bring their legislative activities in line with the EU regulation), the author looks into the regulation of genetically modified (GM) products & the ways in which risks from GM products can be minimized. The essay includes a review of the existing regulations & an analysis of the changes in the political & economic circumstances that require the corresponding changes in the existing by-laws. The prime movers in the arena in which the GM products policy is designed are scattered intercontinentally: the multinational corporations of the US agro-industrial complex, the individual farmers & their associations on both sides of the Atlantic, & the European agro-industrial businesses & governments. The disagreement among these protagonists was made apparent during the process preceding the adoption of the Protocol on Bio-Security, envisaged as the framework for the new regulation. The communique of the EU Commission as a sequel to the Cartagena Protocol on Bio-Security illustrates the EU's approach to the application of the caution principle, which is particularly appropriate in the situations in which science is not able to take in all the risks connected with the GM products. The process of the modification of the EU regulation on GM products is an indication of the complexity of the interests involved. This is the reason the process has not been completed. However, this does not justify the delay in the launching of this process in Croatia, which could use the regulation of other countries, briefly summarized at the end of the essay. Adapted from the source document.

In this article, the author suggests that in recent years climate change is gravely affecting the stability of the international order. The reason is not only the recklessness of the industrial sector as a source polluter, but also the lack of political will in drafting a global blueprint for creating a unique international climate regime. Even though the effects of climate change are getting worse each year, the selfish interests of states, the realpolitik in foreign policy and anarchy dominate international relations, thus representing an obstacle to creating an international climate regime. The author examines ways to overcome these obstacles to international institutionalization of climate issues by introducing three IR theory perspectives: realist, rationalist and idealist. The synthesis of these three perspectives is that the international climate regime should be decentralized; its legal acts should be drafted from inter-state agreements on specific issues, while its principles should be incorporated to the already existing international legal acts. Adapted from the source document.

ICT industry has decisive impact on the articulation of American national interests in cyberspace. The private sector presents itself as a guardian of privacy rights against criminal intrusions and possible government's misuse. But in reality certain initiatives for closer cooperation between private sector and government at the expense of privacy rights have come from ICT industry. This article presents the evolution of public-private partnership in cybersecurity issues. The partnership resulted in the establishment of a military-cyber-industrial complex which significantly influenced the drafting of CISPA and ACTA documents. Presidential Policy Directive 20 expresses to a much greater extent the interests of ICT industry than the values and purposes of International Strategy for Cyberspace. Adapted from the source document.

Using The White Paper (by which the EU has been trying to help the CEEC countries to bring their legislative activities in line with the EU regulation), the author looks into the regulation of genetically modified (GM) products & the ways in which risks from GM products can be minimized. The essay includes a review of the existing regulations & an analysis of the changes in the political & economic circumstances that require the corresponding changes in the existing by-laws. The prime movers in the arena in which the GM products policy is designed are scattered intercontinentally: the multinational corporations of the US agro-industrial complex, the individual farmers & their associations on both sides of the Atlantic, & the European agro-industrial businesses & governments. The disagreement among these protagonists was made apparent during the process preceding the adoption of the Protocol on Bio-Security, envisaged as the framework for the new regulation. The communique of the EU Commission as a sequel to the Cartagena Protocol on Bio-Security illustrates the EU's approach to the application of the caution principle, which is particularly appropriate in the situations in which science is not able to take in all the risks connected with the GM products. The process of the modification of the EU regulation on GM products is an indication of the complexity of the interests involved. This is the reason the process has not been completed. However, this does not justify the delay in the launching of this process in Croatia, which could use the regulation of other countries, briefly summarized at the end of the essay. Adapted from the source document.

In this article, the author suggests that in recent years climate change is gravely affecting the stability of the international order. The reason is not only the recklessness of the industrial sector as a source polluter, but also the lack of political will in drafting a global blueprint for creating a unique international climate regime. Even though the effects of climate change are getting worse each year, the selfish interests of states, the realpolitik in foreign policy and anarchy dominate international relations, thus representing an obstacle to creating an international climate regime. The author examines ways to overcome these obstacles to international institutionalization of climate issues by introducing three IR theory perspectives: realist, rationalist and idealist. The synthesis of these three perspectives is that the international climate regime should be decentralized; its legal acts should be drafted from inter-state agreements on specific issues, while its principles should be incorporated to the already existing international legal acts. Adapted from the source document.

This contribution to the discussion about Dag Strpic's book Karl Marx and the Political Economy of Modernity focuses on the author's assessment that the weakening of US economic hegemony is questionable, especially with regard to the future prospects of capitalism (and its development), and prefers to speak of a "redesign" thereof. Accordingly, this article analyses in detail three aspects of capitalism redesign: the causal, the contingent and the functional aspects. Regarding causality, the partial redistribution of leading roles in world economy is caused by the introduction of new methods, from industrial and media technology to financial speculations and new wars -- which make profit-making possible. Regarding contingency, the shift in the centre provides opportunity for a small number of countries, such as China, India and Brazil, which are endowed with capitalist "talent" (in the sense of combining the policy of resource mobilization with elements of positive evaluation of labour in the local culture), to climb the ladder of successful development. The functional aspects indicate the favourable effects of the shift in the centre not only for newcomers to the club of the most developed, but also to the USA. The financialization of (primarily American) economy, along with giving over leadership to other industrial powers in many branches of industrial production, and in the rate of economic growth -- i.e. with a "new division of labour" in the centre -- gives to the US some sort of "aristocratic" status in the world of capitalism. Such a status is not incompatible with the cyclic process of capitalism development. Instead of a dialectical leap toward socialism, it rather aspires to a partial restoration of feudalism, as a global order of strong states in the centre and weak or apparent states on the margins. This, however, is not the worst possible ending of modern history. If a much more pronounced decline of US economic power in favour of the newcomers were to occur, this would probably strengthen the brutality of capitalism rather than weaken it. Provided that, in the EU, the trend of further decomposition of the welfare state is stopped, and the indispensable balance between the requirements of economic growth and of social solidarity and general well-being is restored, only a genuine and comprehensive "Europeanization" of the capitalist system could make possible the emergence of a global capitalism with a human face, and probably also of a world state which would provide for a balanced development of all parts of the world. Adapted from the source document.