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The paper reviewed national industrialization as a long-term strategy of mining development in the Philippines. The end purpose was to suggest immediate actions that can be undertaken for the promotion of national industrialization. The paper used secondary data and information from institutional sources and available relevant literature as well as primary data and information from institutional key informants.The paper found that the knowledge base of the country required to pursue the national industrialization strategy is poor. The following studies therefore were suggested: a) value chain analysis for the mining sector and its subsectors, including but not limited to the copper, nickel, gold, and chromite industries; b) development of community-based small and medium-scale operations in mining including the technology, financial, institutional, and other forms of government support that could be provided to them; c) analysis of resource rents in the mining sector and its subsectors that will determine, among others, how much royalty tax should be imposed on them; and d) evaluation of the appropriated export restrictions that may be imposed on the mining sector taking into consideration their economic, social, and other impacts. In addition to the aforementioned research activities, the paper supports the institutional improvements that have been suggested by previous works. These include the strengthening of the organizational, legal, monitoring and enforcement, other aspects of governance performed by government mining agencies.

When government officials are involved in land transactions the scope for arbitrary decision making and corruption is large, and the land issue can turn into a political football among rival political parties.

Industrialisasie as 'n ekonomiese verskynsel het min aandag van historici ontvang Die meeste publikasies van historici handel oor die sosiale en politieke implikasies van die verskynsel. Hierdie artikel ontleed die werk van ekonomiese historici in die eerste plek, dan die werk van ekonome en daarna revisionistiese historici. Daar is groot ooreenstemming oor die koste van aanvanklike industriële proteksionisme, asook die aanvanklike nut daarvan ten einde ekonomiese groei te stimuleer. Ekonome het indringend gedebatteer oor die owerheid se desentralisasieprogram en veral die politieke rasionaal daaragter bevraagteken. Die revisionistiese publikasies oor industrialisasie handel hoofsaaklik oor die idee dat politieke beleidsrigtings geïmplementeer is om kapitalistiese ekonomiese ontwikkeling te verseker. Die skrywer beweer dat min werklike debat tussen die eerste groepe skrywers oor industrialisasie en laasgenoemde revisionistiese historici plaasvind.

The industrialization process of a country is often plagued by a failure to coordinate investment decisions. Using the Global Games approach we can solve this coordination problem and eliminate the problem of multiple equilibria. We show how appropriate information provision enhances efficiency. We discuss extensions of the model and argue that subsidies may be a property of a signalling equilibrium to overcome credibility problems in information provision. In addition we point out possible problems with overreaction to public information. Furthermore, we suggest a new focus for development policy.

The objective of this study was to examine industrialization in Tanzania and the need to include the disadvantaged people in the development process. This study used a documentary review methodology. The study found that although industrialization is key to economic growth, if not properly managed, it tends to marginalize the poor people. This calls for social inclusion policy measures. The study, therefore, recommends that, if industrialization is to benefit the disadvantaged, agriculture, which employs the majority of the people, should be industrialized. Further, since the benefits of industrialization may not necessarily accrue to the poor, the above need to be accompanied by conscious efforts of the government and the private sector to provide social and economic services to the disadvantaged poor. Keywords: Industrialization; Social Inclusion; Butter & Bread vs. Yeast & Bread; Economic Growth vs. Economic Development

We model a two-region country where value is created through bilateral production between masses and elites (bourgeois and landowners). Industrialization requires the elites to finance schools and the masses to attend them. Schooling raises productivity, particularly for matches between masses and bourgeois. At the same time, only country-wide education (unified schoolingî) renders the masses mobile across regions. Alternatively, schools can be implemented in one region alone (regional education) or the regionally dominant group can choose to implement schooling in its own region but refuse to share the costs/proceeds within the wider country-level group (secession). We show that schools are more likely to be set-up when the bourgeoisie dominates, but that this is not necesarily socially e¢ cient. Unified schooling is always chosen if the identity of the dominant elite at the regional and country level is the same and/or the industrialization shock is sufficiently high. If instead the bourgeoisie is dominant in one region and landowners are dominant countrywise, the bourgeoisie of that region may promote the secession of the region, and this can be socially e¢ cient. The model is shown to be consistent with evidence for 19th century France and Spain. ; Hauk acknowledges Önancial support from the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness, through the Severo Ochoa Programme for Centres of Excellence in R&D (SEV-2011-0075) and through CICYT project number ECO2012-37065 and from the government of Catalonia ; Peer reviewed

Ethiopia has made impressive strides along its developmental path. Job creation is now the critical development challenge, raising the importance of the private sector agenda. After more than a decade of sustained public sector-led growth, the government is revising its growth strategy to allow for a much greater role for the private sector in driving growth and job creation. Broadening the base for job creation beyond light manufacturing toward a wider range of high productivity agricultural and services activities will help to overcome the uneven spatial distribution of manufacturing jobs across the country. Ethiopia has a number of advantages that it can leverage to attract the investment needed for job creation. These include rapidly improving transport and energy infrastructure, low labor costs, a large and growing domestic market, cheap power, an ideal climate, and preferential market access to the European Union, the United States, and other major markets. The purpose of the Ethiopia country private sector diagnostic (CPSD) is to support the transition to a private sector- driven growth model that advances the country's development objectives and, in particular, delivers the necessary jobs. It identifies investment opportunities that can materialize in the short term, and the reforms that are needed to enable these opportunities to emerge. It also discusses how specific actions by the public sector, in collaboration with the private sector, in filling gaps in public investment, reforming business regulations and trade policy, addressing market failures, and enhancing the efficiency of key backbone services and sectors, while tackling gender inequalities, can fully unleash the potential of private sector investment.

We model a two-region country where value is created through bilateral production between masses and elites (bourgeois and landowners). Industrialization requires the elites to finance schools and the masses to attend them. Schooling raises productivity, particularly for matches between masses and bourgeois. At the same time, only country-wide education ("unified schooling") renders the masses mobile across regions. Alternatively, schools can be implemented in one region alone ("regional education") or the regionally dominant group can choose to implement schooling in its own region but refuse to share the costs/proceeds within the wider country-level group ("secession"). We show that schools are more likely to be set-up when the bourgeoisie dominates, but that this is not necessarily socially efficient. Unified schooling is always chosen if the identity of the dominant elite at the regional and country level is the same and/or the industrialization shock is sufficiently high. If instead the bourgeoisie is dominant in one region and landowners are dominant countrywise, the bourgeoisie of that region may promote the secession of the region, and this can be socially efficient. The model is shown to be consistent with evidence for 19th century France and Spain.

Which dimension of economic development spurred support to democracy? This study focuses on industrialization as the dimension triggering the process of "modernization". It uses a new dataset on Napoleonic plebiscites under the second French Empire (1852-1870). The results in those plebiscites provide a detailed cross-départements (French main administrative units) measure of opposition to autocracy. This study uses the variations in the thriving French modernization to disentangle the effect of industrialization on the vote from the one of other dimensions of economic development. The results show that a ten-percent increase in industrialization reduced the share of "Yes" ballots by 0.4 to 0.7 percentage points in the 1870 plebiscite. An IV strategy using distance to the first city having adopted steam engines, access to coal and waterpower as instruments confirms causality. The baseline results are robust to controlling for other explanations of the vote and to using alternative specifications and estimation methods. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published

The objective of the study was to examine financing rural industrialization and employment creation practices and possibilities in Ethiopia. In this context, rural industrialization refers to encouraging small to large industries to be established in rural areas. As rural industrialization is a new concept at a policy level let alone to the practice on the ground in Ethiopia, a full-fledged data regarding the rural industrialization and the rural financing practice is inadequate. However, attempts were made to see at least the trends in agricultural commercialization, off farm practices, the government's policy, the financial institutions practices, and above all how other countries approached rural industrialization and financing such industries. Hence, relevant data were collected from CSA, NBE, DHS, World Bank, and Ethiopian Investment Commission and the collected data were analyzed using descriptive statistics. The major finding of the study indicates rural industrialization process is at conception stage and financing the rural strategy is still poorly developed despite the immense economic and social implications. Hence, a combination of centralized financing rural industrialization through commercial banks and a decentralized financing rural industrialization through microfinance institutions is recommended for the country to get better depth and breadth of rural industrialization.

The aim of this paper is to examine China's industrial trajectories and its implications on its economic development and environment. In today's international economy, China's rapid industrial expansion is a heated discussion topic in many forums and countries, as it has its own unique economic and political systems. China's industrialization process has been driven by a socialist ideology (socialism with Chinese characteristics) - a social and economic scheme which allows for essential social services and industries to operate cooperatively and publicly in order to achieve equal opportunity and equal recompense for all. China's industrialization process can be divided into two major stages. The first stage is about the industrialization process under the traditional planned economy. The second stage is about the industrialization process after reform and opening up. China's rapid expansion of industrialization has produced an impressive economic growth, but on the other hand it has had severe ramifications for the environment. Like the other developed countries, including the U.S., Japan and the United Kingdom, China followed the "pollute first, control later," approach to its industrialization, in which environmental protection was considered only after considerable economic development was achieved. As a result, its industrialization process has created various forms of environmental problems, such as air pollution, water pollution, and solid waste pollution. As a remedy, China has been using its technological innovation to protect the environment at the same time sustain its industrial trajectory. However, balancing between these two has been a challenge, not only for China but for all countries as well.

Recent work has documented industrial output growth around the poor periphery from 1870 to the present, finding unconditional convergence on the leaders long before the modern BRICS and even before the Asian Tigers. The Philippines was very much part of that catching up. In the decade or so up to 1913, Philippine industrial output grew at 6.3 percent per annum, way above that achieved by the industrial leaders. Indeed, the Philippines was the third Asian country to enter the 5% industrial growth club: Japan 1899, China 1900, the Philippines 1913, Taiwan 1914, Korea 1921, and India 1929. The Philippines continued its industrial catch up during the interwar years 1920-1938, as it did during the ISI years 1950-1972. While the Philippines conformed to the world-wide unconditional industrial convergence pattern for seven decades, it began to deviate from the pack in the 1980s, leaving the industrial catching up club in 1982, never to re-enter. What were the causes of this regime switch? Was it political instability at a critical time in the 1980s? Was it a subsequent failure to exploit the move of Japanese manufacturing FDI into the region? Was it an institutional weakness benign in the pre-1982 past but made more powerful since? Was it some liberal policy package that penalized manufacturing when it was already on the ropes? Was it a labor emigration surge in the 1980s that stripped the work force of industrial skills? Was it some massive Dutch Disease created by subsequent huge emigrant remittances? Given the initial political shock, all of these negative forces had their influence in the form of a 'perfect de-industrializing storm'.

Keeping a sustainable environment is always a massive challenge for oil-exporting countries, and in that situation, industrialization and rapid growth of urbanization can add fuel to the fire. We investigate the effects of industrialization and urbanization on the CO2 emissions per capita in Saudi Arabia, utilizing an annual period 1968-2014. The results show that both industrialization and urbanization impede the environment with the inelastic effect of industrialization and elastic effect of urbanization on the emissions. An asymmetry in the relationship of industrialization and emissions is also found. The increasing industrialization has larger environmental effect than decreasing industrialization. We recommend the Saudi government to design tighter urban and industrial-environmental policies to put a halt on increasing CO2 emissions.

We model a two-region country where value is created through bilateral production between masses and elites (bourgeois and landowners). Industrialization requires the elites to finance schools and the masses to attend them. Schooling raises productivity, particularly for matches between masses and bourgeois. At the same time, only country-wide education (>unified schooling>) renders the masses mobile across regions. Alternatively, schools can be implemented in one region alone (>regional education>) or the regionally dominant group can choose to implement schooling in its own region but refuse to share the costs/proceeds within the wider country-level group (.secession.). We show that schools are more likely to be set-up when the bourgeoisie dominates, but that this is not necessarily socially efficient. Unified schooling is always chosen if the identity of the dominant elite at the regional and country level is the same and/or the industrialization shock is sufficiently high. If instead the bourgeoisie is dominant in one region and landowners are dominant countrywise, the bourgeoisie of that region may promote the secession of the region, and this can be socially efficient. The model is shown to be consistent with evidence for 19th century France and Spain ; Hauk acknowledges financial support from the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness, through the Severo Ochoa Programme for Centres of Excellence in R&D (SEV-2011-0075) and through CICYT project number ECO2012-37065 and from the government of Catalonia ; Peer Reviewed

DRMI Working Paper Series ; The series is intended to convey the preliminary results of [DRMI] ongoing research. The research described in these papers is preliminary and has not completed the usual review process for Institute publications. We welcome feedback from readers and encourage you to convey your comments and criticisms directly to the authors. ; Jordan is a recent entrant to the domestic defense industry with the establishment of King Abdullah II Design and Development Bureau (KADDB) in 1999. The defense industrial initiative is intended to jumpstart industrialization across a range of sectors. With the Jordanian defense expenditures at 8.7% of GDP, the Jordanian authorities created the defense industry to utilize defense budget spending power and to assist in economic growth without placing additional demands on the national budget. This study examines Jordan's attempt to establish a defense industry and reviews its accomplishment. The study also compares the economic achievements of the defense industry to those of the Qualified Economic Zones (QIZ), another major government facilitated economic development mechanism.