Suchergebnisse

This article is a short introduction to how interdisciplinary theoretical perspectives can be developed for analyzing the phenomenon of national mobilization. The successful mass mobilization in Lithuania demonstrantes that Soviet mental programming was not successful in changing, using Rorty's terminology, the most parochial terms in the final vocabularies of Lithuanians. National identity was preserved during the period of occupation, and provided the grounds for collective action. The success of mobilization (in the "noisy phase") was closely connected with national values that were preserved during the period of Soviet occupation (the "quiet phase"), using various unobtrusive practices of contention in the context of bureaucratic nationalism, when state institutions in Lithuania were employing people who were nationally conscious. This, when a political opportunity emerged, allowed a rapid mass mobilization led by Sąjūdis.

This article is a short introduction to how interdisciplinary theoretical perspectives can be developed for analyzing the phenomenon of national mobilization. The successful mass mobilization in Lithuania demonstrantes that Soviet mental programming was not successful in changing, using Rorty's terminology, the most parochial terms in the final vocabularies of Lithuanians. National identity was preserved during the period of occupation, and provided the grounds for collective action. The success of mobilization (in the "noisy phase") was closely connected with national values that were preserved during the period of Soviet occupation (the "quiet phase"), using various unobtrusive practices of contention in the context of bureaucratic nationalism, when state institutions in Lithuania were employing people who were nationally conscious. This, when a political opportunity emerged, allowed a rapid mass mobilization led by Sąjūdis.

This article is a short introduction to how interdisciplinary theoretical perspectives can be developed for analyzing the phenomenon of national mobilization. The successful mass mobilization in Lithuania demonstrantes that Soviet mental programming was not successful in changing, using Rorty's terminology, the most parochial terms in the final vocabularies of Lithuanians. National identity was preserved during the period of occupation, and provided the grounds for collective action. The success of mobilization (in the "noisy phase") was closely connected with national values that were preserved during the period of Soviet occupation (the "quiet phase"), using various unobtrusive practices of contention in the context of bureaucratic nationalism, when state institutions in Lithuania were employing people who were nationally conscious. This, when a political opportunity emerged, allowed a rapid mass mobilization led by Sąjūdis.

The article analyses the impact federalization processes may have on the dynamics of ethnic conflict in multiethnic democratic states. Parting from basic theoretical premises as regards the capacity of federalization principles to manage ethnoterritorial conflicts within multiethnic states, the Belgian and Spanish cases are chosen in order to explain the main theoretical contradiction, whether federative restructuring of a state contributes to reducing ethnic tensions, helps to mitigate divisions and fosters accommodation, or, on the contrary, provides ruling regional elites with relevant resources to fuel further disintegration. Both Belgium and Spain underwent a series of constitutional reforms pursuing the same objective to accommodate ethnic claims; however, while the Spanish solution of autonomous statutes proved to be successful in reducing the risk of state disintegration, the federalization of Belgium seems to have enhanced the cleavage. Among the main factors that contribute to system stabilization and national integration or make secession more likely, the following elements are analysed: constitutional and institutional mechanisms that are applied in specific sociopolitical contexts; type and degree of political autonomy granted to various groups; state-wide and subnational electoral and party systems and their interplay; historical experience of intergroup relations; evolution of ethnoterritorial identities.

The article analyses the impact federalization processes may have on the dynamics of ethnic conflict in multiethnic democratic states. Parting from basic theoretical premises as regards the capacity of federalization principles to manage ethnoterritorial conflicts within multiethnic states, the Belgian and Spanish cases are chosen in order to explain the main theoretical contradiction, whether federative restructuring of a state contributes to reducing ethnic tensions, helps to mitigate divisions and fosters accommodation, or, on the contrary, provides ruling regional elites with relevant resources to fuel further disintegration. Both Belgium and Spain underwent a series of constitutional reforms pursuing the same objective to accommodate ethnic claims; however, while the Spanish solution of autonomous statutes proved to be successful in reducing the risk of state disintegration, the federalization of Belgium seems to have enhanced the cleavage. Among the main factors that contribute to system stabilization and national integration or make secession more likely, the following elements are analysed: constitutional and institutional mechanisms that are applied in specific sociopolitical contexts; type and degree of political autonomy granted to various groups; state-wide and subnational electoral and party systems and their interplay; historical experience of intergroup relations; evolution of ethnoterritorial identities.

The article analyses the impact federalization processes may have on the dynamics of ethnic conflict in multiethnic democratic states. Parting from basic theoretical premises as regards the capacity of federalization principles to manage ethnoterritorial conflicts within multiethnic states, the Belgian and Spanish cases are chosen in order to explain the main theoretical contradiction, whether federative restructuring of a state contributes to reducing ethnic tensions, helps to mitigate divisions and fosters accommodation, or, on the contrary, provides ruling regional elites with relevant resources to fuel further disintegration. Both Belgium and Spain underwent a series of constitutional reforms pursuing the same objective to accommodate ethnic claims; however, while the Spanish solution of autonomous statutes proved to be successful in reducing the risk of state disintegration, the federalization of Belgium seems to have enhanced the cleavage. Among the main factors that contribute to system stabilization and national integration or make secession more likely, the following elements are analysed: constitutional and institutional mechanisms that are applied in specific sociopolitical contexts; type and degree of political autonomy granted to various groups; state-wide and subnational electoral and party systems and their interplay; historical experience of intergroup relations; evolution of ethnoterritorial identities.

This paper analyses the theoretical approaches of the concept of "identity", which refers to the "historisation" of public life. It is argued that throughout the history people can recognize and interpret social life and people's behaviour is affected by the projections, expectations and memories arising from a broad and defined social, cultural, and historical field in which they are available. While studying the identity of Russian society, the Soviet period is analyzed, in which a national identification was characterized by vertical interaction (human – Soviet government) by levelling down horizontal identity types like ethnic, religious, regional. It is believed that the transformation of Russian to Soviet identity in the nineteenth century overcame the crisis of imperial Russian identity, but almost completely destroyed week ethnic identity layer. The main representatives of the Eurasian concept that had a huge influence in forming the theoretical background to Russian identity were Nicholas Danilevsky (1822-1885), Nicholas Trubeckoi (1890-1938), and Lev Gumiliov (1912-1992). This article emphasizes the ideas of Trubeckoi and his opinion that Western civilization is the greatest enemy of all mankind and the greatest obstacle for the formation of other civilizations and cultures identity. Finally the real, contemporary Russian political steps are analysed which reflected the answers of the Russian identity issue. Vladimir Putin re-established the czarist and Soviet eras' symbols in this way searching for "useful history" that would unite the nation by appealing to the nostalgia. A key trend that is followed is Russia's desire to emphasize that it manages its own affairs and that the West has no right to dictate the direction of democracy or Russia identity development.

This paper analyses the theoretical approaches of the concept of "identity", which refers to the "historisation" of public life. It is argued that throughout the history people can recognize and interpret social life and people's behaviour is affected by the projections, expectations and memories arising from a broad and defined social, cultural, and historical field in which they are available. While studying the identity of Russian society, the Soviet period is analyzed, in which a national identification was characterized by vertical interaction (human – Soviet government) by levelling down horizontal identity types like ethnic, religious, regional. It is believed that the transformation of Russian to Soviet identity in the nineteenth century overcame the crisis of imperial Russian identity, but almost completely destroyed week ethnic identity layer. The main representatives of the Eurasian concept that had a huge influence in forming the theoretical background to Russian identity were Nicholas Danilevsky (1822-1885), Nicholas Trubeckoi (1890-1938), and Lev Gumiliov (1912-1992). This article emphasizes the ideas of Trubeckoi and his opinion that Western civilization is the greatest enemy of all mankind and the greatest obstacle for the formation of other civilizations and cultures identity. Finally the real, contemporary Russian political steps are analysed which reflected the answers of the Russian identity issue. Vladimir Putin re-established the czarist and Soviet eras' symbols in this way searching for "useful history" that would unite the nation by appealing to the nostalgia. A key trend that is followed is Russia's desire to emphasize that it manages its own affairs and that the West has no right to dictate the direction of democracy or Russia identity development.

This article provides the analysis of Roman Catholic Church and state relations reflected in publications of "Free-thinker" and "Free Thought", during the period of 1933 to 1936. Those newspapers were publicized by the Lithuanian Free-thinker Ethical Culture Society (LFECS) (Lietuvos laisvamanių etinės kultūros draugijos, LLEKD). The analysis revealed that the main objective of publishers (Šliūpas, Tomas Karušis, Jonas Ilgūnas, etc.) was to introduce to the public the LFECS, to pull up the circle of its followers and change people's world-view. The main obstacle for these ambitions to be implemented was the Catholic Church. This article carries out the three level analysis of relations between the Church and state. The legitimation of the Civil registry, the abolition of religion teaching at schools and the place of the Church as an institution and religion in the general context of Lithuania's future. The content of analyzed texts revealed that free-thinkers were seeking for the legalization of Civil registry in the reasonable and consistent manner. Besides, they were engaged in educational activities, developed a program and publicized it in the press, carried out meetings with residents, governmental institutions, provided a petition to the Seimas and the President. Šliūpas and its followers were influenced by the ideas of rationalism and positivism strictly refused the Church's activities at the school. They recommended to teach introduction to morality and comparative. [to full text]

This article provides the analysis of Roman Catholic Church and state relations reflected in publications of "Free-thinker" and "Free Thought", during the period of 1933 to 1936. Those newspapers were publicized by the Lithuanian Free-thinker Ethical Culture Society (LFECS) (Lietuvos laisvamanių etinės kultūros draugijos, LLEKD). The analysis revealed that the main objective of publishers (Šliūpas, Tomas Karušis, Jonas Ilgūnas, etc.) was to introduce to the public the LFECS, to pull up the circle of its followers and change people's world-view. The main obstacle for these ambitions to be implemented was the Catholic Church. This article carries out the three level analysis of relations between the Church and state. The legitimation of the Civil registry, the abolition of religion teaching at schools and the place of the Church as an institution and religion in the general context of Lithuania's future. The content of analyzed texts revealed that free-thinkers were seeking for the legalization of Civil registry in the reasonable and consistent manner. Besides, they were engaged in educational activities, developed a program and publicized it in the press, carried out meetings with residents, governmental institutions, provided a petition to the Seimas and the President. Šliūpas and its followers were influenced by the ideas of rationalism and positivism strictly refused the Church's activities at the school. They recommended to teach introduction to morality and comparative. [to full text]

This article provides the analysis of Roman Catholic Church and state relations reflected in publications of "Free-thinker" and "Free Thought", during the period of 1933 to 1936. Those newspapers were publicized by the Lithuanian Free-thinker Ethical Culture Society (LFECS) (Lietuvos laisvamanių etinės kultūros draugijos, LLEKD). The analysis revealed that the main objective of publishers (Šliūpas, Tomas Karušis, Jonas Ilgūnas, etc.) was to introduce to the public the LFECS, to pull up the circle of its followers and change people's world-view. The main obstacle for these ambitions to be implemented was the Catholic Church. This article carries out the three level analysis of relations between the Church and state. The legitimation of the Civil registry, the abolition of religion teaching at schools and the place of the Church as an institution and religion in the general context of Lithuania's future. The content of analyzed texts revealed that free-thinkers were seeking for the legalization of Civil registry in the reasonable and consistent manner. Besides, they were engaged in educational activities, developed a program and publicized it in the press, carried out meetings with residents, governmental institutions, provided a petition to the Seimas and the President. Šliūpas and its followers were influenced by the ideas of rationalism and positivism strictly refused the Church's activities at the school. They recommended to teach introduction to morality and comparative. [to full text]

The article presents the assessment of the implementation of the Civil Servants' Training Strategy for 2007- 2010 in the Case of Telsiai District. Connections are determined by use of document analysis between goals and tasks outlined in the Civil Servants' Training Strategy for 2007-2010 and the trainings trends and pri­ori­ties set by public sector institutions. Analysis of departmental statistics enabled assessment of the changes in the number of civil servants participating in trai­ning as well as the funding sources for civil servants in trai­ning. Expert interviews helped to perform the assessment of the strategy's implementation regarding the strategic goals of specific institutions which have to do with matters regarding the quality of civil servants' training and implementation of priorities and tasks. The assessment of the strategy was performed according to three criteria: service, result and effect.

Lithuanian Christian democrats had a very clear understanding of the situation of Polish national minority in Lithuanian in 1930s. First of all we must mention the main problems that had made the context for publications. The first one was elections to municipal councils and parliament. Despite negative ideological evaluation of Polish minority (the attitude toward Polish minority was based on primordial conception), their political rights were emphasized as very important for democracy in Lithuania. The second problem was the ultimatum of Poland to Lithuania. In this context national minority was shown as a hostage of politicians. This means that such critical situation has not made negative influence on the image of Polish minority. The last but not the least problem was the return of Vilnius region to Lithuania. Christian democrats gave us a strange conception that they have evaluated situations as the final salvation of the problems between Poles and Lithuanians. Keeping in mind the fact of occupation of Poland, such statement was very strange.

Collective memory is a necessary attribute to every modern political community. In recent years, never-ceasing "wars of memory" in Lithuania and especially in Latvia and Estonia determine the importance of understanding the policy of history and memory. The trajectories of consolidation of political elite at the beginning of transformation period and traditions of historical consciousness became the fundamental factors which underlie the guidelines of the policy of memory in the three Baltic States. In this article the tendencies of politics of memory in the Baltic States are compared and generalized. By doing this those tendencies are distinguished into two different, although partly complementary spheres: the actualization of soviet memory and the tensions of national narrative that are caused by the processes of "liberalization" of history. Politics of memory are much more liberalized in Lithuania than in Latvia and Estonia. Part of the reason is the successful transformation of former communist party which reinforced the discourse of rehabilitation of soviet memory as stable, industrializing and modernizing period in Lithuania's history. The "liberalization" could also be felt in terms of deconstruction of national narrative. The most important role is appointed for Grand Duchy of Lithuania as tolerant and legalistic state and the rejection of searching of ethnic attributes of Duchy. In Latvia and Estonia the assertive rejection to partly rehabilitate the Soviet memory still dominates. This was influenced by the absence of sound ex-communist party and tradition of political elite to seclude the parties of Russian minority from ruling coalitions. Soviet history is depicted as an enslavement of titular nations and this depiction consistently supplements the traditional national narrative.

The aim of this article is to evaluate the stances of relevant Serbian political parties (Democratic Party, Democratic Party of Serbia, Serbian Socialist Party, Serbian Radical Party, "New Serbia", "G17 Plus" and Liberal Democratic Party) on Kosovo's independence issue, as well as to assess the dynamics of change and continuity of parties' attitudes during the 2000-2008 period. The analysis confirms that in forming stances toward Kosovo's independence issue Serbian political parties apply utility-maximizing approaches, but it appears to be complementary to parties' ideational values and normative orientations. The political heritage based on the tradition of ethnic mobilization still dictates the electoral behavior of most of Serbian political parties: shaping their positions on the Kosovo's secession issue, parties use widespread value patterns, not rational arguments. This leads to further escalation of the Kosovo issue as an inseparable part of Serbia. Nevertheless, there is a noticeable change in Serbian political actor's representation of Kosovo since the public rhetoric of political parties acquires more pragmatic features. In addition to this, increased sophistication of Serbian electorate's preferences reflects the fact that in Serbia exists institutional and normative pluralism which is crucial for a long-term solution to territorial conflict.