Search results

Terrorism is not what could be called a new phenomenon in the world. The end of the Cold War and globalisation, however, "have let the genie out of the bottle". In this article the author analyses issues pertaining to the definition of terrorism, tendencies of the terrorist threat (particularly, causes of the growing fatality of terrorism), the impact of globalisation on the phenomenon of terrorism and opportunities and dangers behind the fight against terrorism in the globalisation age. The article claims that during the age of globalisation terrorism becomes popular not only as a means for an asymmetric fight against the stronger opponent of the world's "evil" states; the fight against terrorism is more and more often used as a supplementary instrument in the external and internal policies of Western world democracies. Devoid of an agreement on what terrorism is, states, facing the pressure of foreign and internal interests and/or external pressure, have become used to exaggerating the appeal of the terrorist threat, which, in turn, creates a counterproductive effect and increases security stakes.

Terrorism is not what could be called a new phenomenon in the world. The end of the Cold War and globalisation, however, "have let the genie out of the bottle". In this article the author analyses issues pertaining to the definition of terrorism, tendencies of the terrorist threat (particularly, causes of the growing fatality of terrorism), the impact of globalisation on the phenomenon of terrorism and opportunities and dangers behind the fight against terrorism in the globalisation age. The article claims that during the age of globalisation terrorism becomes popular not only as a means for an asymmetric fight against the stronger opponent of the world's "evil" states; the fight against terrorism is more and more often used as a supplementary instrument in the external and internal policies of Western world democracies. Devoid of an agreement on what terrorism is, states, facing the pressure of foreign and internal interests and/or external pressure, have become used to exaggerating the appeal of the terrorist threat, which, in turn, creates a counterproductive effect and increases security stakes.

Terrorism is not what could be called a new phenomenon in the world. The end of the Cold War and globalisation, however, "have let the genie out of the bottle". In this article the author analyses issues pertaining to the definition of terrorism, tendencies of the terrorist threat (particularly, causes of the growing fatality of terrorism), the impact of globalisation on the phenomenon of terrorism and opportunities and dangers behind the fight against terrorism in the globalisation age. The article claims that during the age of globalisation terrorism becomes popular not only as a means for an asymmetric fight against the stronger opponent of the world's "evil" states; the fight against terrorism is more and more often used as a supplementary instrument in the external and internal policies of Western world democracies. Devoid of an agreement on what terrorism is, states, facing the pressure of foreign and internal interests and/or external pressure, have become used to exaggerating the appeal of the terrorist threat, which, in turn, creates a counterproductive effect and increases security stakes.

Terrorism is not what could be called a new phenomenon in the world. The end of the Cold War and globalisation, however, "have let the genie out of the bottle". In this article the author analyses issues pertaining to the definition of terrorism, tendencies of the terrorist threat (particularly, causes of the growing fatality of terrorism), the impact of globalisation on the phenomenon of terrorism and opportunities and dangers behind the fight against terrorism in the globalisation age. The article claims that during the age of globalisation terrorism becomes popular not only as a means for an asymmetric fight against the stronger opponent of the world's "evil" states; the fight against terrorism is more and more often used as a supplementary instrument in the external and internal policies of Western world democracies. Devoid of an agreement on what terrorism is, states, facing the pressure of foreign and internal interests and/or external pressure, have become used to exaggerating the appeal of the terrorist threat, which, in turn, creates a counterproductive effect and increases security stakes.

This book concentrates the efforts of researchers from Lithuania, Poland, Ukraine, and their neighbours. The research object is also dictated by the region – Lithuanian, Polish, Ukrainian and Russian discourses of "Europe". Researchers published here systematically examine the specifics of construction and spread of what is called "Europe" in this region, and in a broader geographical context. The total scope of this book looks at the phenomenon of constructing "Europe" through different lenses and makes a comparison of particular nations and particular governmental levels.

This book concentrates the efforts of researchers from Lithuania, Poland, Ukraine, and their neighbours. The research object is also dictated by the region – Lithuanian, Polish, Ukrainian and Russian discourses of "Europe". Researchers published here systematically examine the specifics of construction and spread of what is called "Europe" in this region, and in a broader geographical context. The total scope of this book looks at the phenomenon of constructing "Europe" through different lenses and makes a comparison of particular nations and particular governmental levels.

This book concentrates the efforts of researchers from Lithuania, Poland, Ukraine, and their neighbours. The research object is also dictated by the region – Lithuanian, Polish, Ukrainian and Russian discourses of "Europe". Researchers published here systematically examine the specifics of construction and spread of what is called "Europe" in this region, and in a broader geographical context. The total scope of this book looks at the phenomenon of constructing "Europe" through different lenses and makes a comparison of particular nations and particular governmental levels.

The article deals with the issue on Russian foreign policy in length of one year -from September 2001 till October 2002. It's evident, that the attacks of terrorists on the Twin Towers in New York signalled the turn in Russian foreign policy under the leadership of President Vladimir Putin from confrontation with USA and Euro Atlantic organizations to the cooperation with the said opponents. The turn was influenced by the objective bankrupt to confront with the West. Otherwise, the domestic high popularity rating of President Putin and his image of the State's consolidator, what has been originated on the brutal represses of Chechnya's separatism and the authoritarian concentration of power, served for the taken, non popular in Russia, course of ally with the West and particularly with USA. It's shown within the article, how fluctuated the emphasises of Putin's policy in the analysed period, i.e. from the cooperation of USA and Russia in crushing the Afghanistan's Talibs, from the entering into the pact START - 3 and establishing NATO - Russian Council to the reactivated flirtation with Peking and Phenian, and the blackmail with the rockets "Satana". It is also established, how Putin's diplomacy relates the brewed Iraq crisis and the case of Chechnya militants in Georgia Pankisi pass and how for the pro western political course was obtained the transit through Lithuania to/ from Kaliningrad. In sum, Putin just modifies the previous Russian (Eugenie Primakov) so called. [to full text]

The authors of the article analyse how the policy of the Russian Federation towards Kaliningrad Oblast could influence main national interests of the Lithuanian Republic - the integration into the EU and NATO. Thus two main problems are discussed in the article: first, how Russia seeks to use the problem of military transit to/from Kaliningrad Oblast.

The concept of civil control over the military is complex and multifaceted. It is especially important to understand how the civil control is implemented in practice. In this paper, the analysis mainly focuses on the current state of the democratic civil control over the Lithuanian Armed Forces (LAF) and the civil-military relations. The introductory part gives a short overview.

Though the Baltic Sea region appears to be an ideal place for the formation of classical regional security regime, this assumption appears to be substantially wrong for one simple reason - Russia cannot accommodate itself in this regional format. Therefore, only international institutions of a wider scope are capable of resolving the dilemma of Baltic security and performing the conflict prevention function. CSCE successfully coped with this task in 1991-1994. CSCE was the international format that ensured successful withdrawal of Russian troops from the Baltic States. However it soon became clear that the organisation is of little use in further settlement and normalisation of the Baltic-Russian relations. Therefore, the regional Cold War could only be ended by the influence of international institutions capable of conducting equal dialogue with Russia. And NATO could became such institution. After uniting its former antagonists into NACC, then into EAPC and PfP, and after 2002 decision to invite the Baltic States to start accession talks, it managed to find a peculiar form of institutionalisation of relations with Russia. Therefore one may say that the security regime in the Baltic Sea region is becoming a NATO-centric regime because even countries formally not members of NATO will have established solid relations with this organisation. This applies to Finland and Sweden for a long time already. And there is a chance now that the same will soon apply to Russia.

New threats after the Cold War have imposed a claim for new instruments of prevention and defense, consequently changing security relations between states and their co-operational perspectives. The future of European security had become very obscure. Observing the complexity and multitude of various processes on the global stage as well as crucial changes in the international system and aiming to better understand European security perspectives in this chaotic environment, institutionalization of the European security system, was chosen as the main object of this article. The main purpose of the article is to estimate the process and perspectives of the institutionalization of the European security system. The first part of the article is devoted to major changes in the global security agenda after the Cold War. Factors, which influence or might influence security of the European region, are identified. Analysis of possible institutionalization of the regional security system in Europe is conducted in the second part. In two last parts the article looks at the opportunities of the NATO and the EU to become the cornerstones of an effective European security system.

The authors of the article analyse how the policy of the Russian Federation towards Kaliningrad Oblast could influence main national interests of the Lithuanian Republic - the integration into the EU and NATO. Thus two main problems are discussed in the article: first, how Russia seeks to use the problem of military transit to/from Kaliningrad Oblast.

The concept of civil control over the military is complex and multifaceted. It is especially important to understand how the civil control is implemented in practice. In this paper, the analysis mainly focuses on the current state of the democratic civil control over the Lithuanian Armed Forces (LAF) and the civil-military relations. The introductory part gives a short overview.

Though the Baltic Sea region appears to be an ideal place for the formation of classical regional security regime, this assumption appears to be substantially wrong for one simple reason - Russia cannot accommodate itself in this regional format. Therefore, only international institutions of a wider scope are capable of resolving the dilemma of Baltic security and performing the conflict prevention function. CSCE successfully coped with this task in 1991-1994. CSCE was the international format that ensured successful withdrawal of Russian troops from the Baltic States. However it soon became clear that the organisation is of little use in further settlement and normalisation of the Baltic-Russian relations. Therefore, the regional Cold War could only be ended by the influence of international institutions capable of conducting equal dialogue with Russia. And NATO could became such institution. After uniting its former antagonists into NACC, then into EAPC and PfP, and after 2002 decision to invite the Baltic States to start accession talks, it managed to find a peculiar form of institutionalisation of relations with Russia. Therefore one may say that the security regime in the Baltic Sea region is becoming a NATO-centric regime because even countries formally not members of NATO will have established solid relations with this organisation. This applies to Finland and Sweden for a long time already. And there is a chance now that the same will soon apply to Russia.