Suchergebnisse

The paper deals with the issue of regulation of the right of natural and legal persons to environmental information, in relevant international legal documents. There is a survey of certain international conventions which envisage this right in their field of regulation. The right to access the information is in details regulated in the Aarhus Convention, which comprises significant part of this paper. This kind of regulation of the right to environmental information has performed a significant influence on states and international organizations, which created their domestic and international rules, using the solutions from this Convention. The European Union has enacted a significant number of directives on the right of a public to receive environmental information. The special emphasis will be on the work of the Aarhus Convention's Compliance Committee which has a significant role in supervising and deciding about the compliance with the application of the Convention in its member states.

Monitoring the readiness of countries for the application of information and communication technologies (ICT) has a long tradition. It is reflected through the application of various synthetic indicators - indexes, which were created for these purposes by various organizations and associations. These indicators are expected to reflect new trends in the field of ICT, and also to measure the readiness and achievements of individual countries in the ICT usage. The aim of this paper is to show significant changes in the structure of one of the most well-known indices in this area - Network Readiness Index, which has been in use for almost two decades. The paper emphasizes the application of this index in monitoring the process of digital transformation at the level of economic and social development of individual countries, especially in the COVID crisis. Also, the tendencies of this process in the post-COVID period are considered. Monitoring the process of digital transformation at the country level is characterized by a multidimensional approach. In this sense, the complex structure of the NRI latest version is presented. It is based on 60 indicators grouped in four areas: technological trends, human resources capacity, government regulations and the impact of new technologies on the economy, quality of life and achieving the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals adopted in 2015. Also, the paper discusses the position of Serbia and other Western Balkans countries measured in the context of the newly created index, and presents a comparison of these countries with European Union countries. ; Praćenje spremnosti zemalјa za primenu informaciono-komunikacionih tehnologija (IKT) ima višegodišnju tradiciju. Ona se ogleda kroz primenu različitih sintetičkih pokazatelјa – indeksa, koje su za te svrhe kreirale različite organizacije i asocijacije. Od ovih pokazatelјa se očekuje da, sa jedne strane, odražavaju nove trendove u IKT oblasti, a sa druge strane, da mere spremnost i postignuća pojedinih zemalјa u primeni tih novih tehnologija. Cilј ovog rada jeste da prikaže značajne promene u strukturi jednog od najpoznatijih indeksa za praćenje spremnosti zemalјa za primenu informaciono-komunikacionih tehnologija - Network Readiness Index (NRI), koji je u upotrebi skoro dve decenije. U radu je posebno naglašeno sagledavanje primene ovog indeksa u praćenju procesa digitalne transformacije na nivou ekonomskog i društvenog razvoja pojedinih zemalјa, posebno u uslovima kovid krize. Takođe, sagledane su i tendencije ovog procesa u postkovid periodu. Praćenje procesa digitalne transformacije na nivou zemalјa karakteriše višedimenzionalni pristup. U tom smislu prikazana je složena struktura najnovije verzije ovog indeksa koja se zasniva na 60 indikatora, a koji su sintetički povezani u četiri oblasti: tehnološki trendovi, kapaciteti lјudskih resursa za primenu novih tehnologija, značaj vladinih regulativa, kao i uticaj novih tehnologija na ekonomiju, kvalitet života i ostvarenje Održivih razvojnih cilјeva Ujedinjenih nacija (UN Sustainable Development Goals - SDGs) prihvaćenih 2015. godine. Takođe, u radu je razmatrana pozicija Srbije i ostalih zemalјa Zapadnog Balkana merena u kontekstu novokreiranog indeksa, i prikazano je poređenje ovih zemalјa sa zemlјama Evropske unije.

U radu se razmatraju promene koje su nastale poslednjih decenija u obrazovnoj politici Rusije, a koje se tiču razvijanja informatizacije obrazovne sredine. Prelazak na novi postsovjetski model sistema visokog obrazovanja, zasnovan na evropskim standardima, doveo je do promena u odnosu nastavnik–student, što se odnosi i na veću samostalnost u radu studenata i smanjenje angažovanja nastavnika i vremena koje je određeno za komunikaciju studenata sa nastavnicima. Značajan deo u sistemu ocenjivanja znanja sprovodi se putem testiranja. Ukazuje se na negativne posledice ovih promena koje se reflektuju na kvalitet budućih stručnjaka, s obzirom da interakciju u komunikaciji sa nastavnicima zamenjuju kompjuteri, odnosno formalno popunjavanje zadataka bez adekvatne refleksije. Uspon informatizacije obrazovne sredine u Rusiji preti značajnim nestankom celog niza profesija, kao i povećanjem broja nazaposlenih. Imajući u vidu značaj koji digitalne tehnologije imaju na razvoj ekonomije i privrede zemlјe, njenu odbrambenu sposobnost i političke procese, ukazuje se na potrebu za usklađivanjem obrazovanja sa potrebama na tržištu rada, kao i na potrebu da se obrazuju novi profili stručnjaka koji će biti sposobni da upravlјaju kompleksnom savremenom tehnikom, uređajima i robotima kako bi država sačuvala svoje pozicije na svetskom nivou. Naglašava se nedostatak interakcije i saradnje između strukovnih univerziteta sa poslodavcima i naučnim institucijama, što dovodi do smanjenja kvaliteta obrazovnih procesa, koji se najpre odnose na praktičnu osposoblјenost stručnjaka. Na osnovu analize problema u informaciono-obrazovnoj sredini koji su prikazani u ovom radu možemo da zaklјučimo da je neophodno razmotriti načine primene informaciono-komunikacione tehnologije u funkciji unapređivanja obrazovnog sistema. Naime, savremena obrazovna sredina mora da obuhvata sistem organizaciono-metodičkih, softverskih i drugih tehničkih sredstava za čuvanje, obradu i prenošenje informacija koja obezbeđuju brži pristup materijalima, među kojima je i stručna literatura. Takva sredina je pogodna za interaktivnu komunikaciju nastavnika sa studentima i time doprinosi efikasnijem učenju i pobolјšanju uvida nastavnika u samostalan rad studenta. Informaciono-obrazovna sredina se izgrađuje kao integrisani multikomponentni sistem pomoću koga se može napraviti selekcija na različitim nivoima. Razumevanje odlučujuće uloge informacija u evolucijskim procesima prirode i društva dovodi do otkrića potpuno nove, informacione slike sveta koja se značajno razlikuje od tradicionalnog tehnokratskog pristupa koji dominira u nauci. ; The work deliberates the changes that occurred in Russian educational policy in the last decades, concerning development of informatization of educational environment. Transition to the new post-soviet model of high education based on European standards led to changes in the teacherstudent relationship. These changes involve a greater independence in work for students and reduced engagement of a teacher and the amount of time intended for communication between students and teachers. A major part of knowledge assessment is performed via tests. It points to negative consequences of these changes that are reflected in the quality of future experts, as the interaction in communication with teachers is replaced by computers i.e. formal fulfilment of tasks without adequate reflection. The rise of informatization in Russian educational environment may jeopardise a significant number of professions and increase number of unemployed. Having in mind the significance of digital technologies for the development of the country's economy and industry, its defence capability and political processes, it points to the need for harmonization of education with the labour market needs as well as the necessity to educate new profiles of experts who will be capable of managing complex modern technical solutions, devices and robots so as to enable the country to preserve its global position. It stresses the lack of interaction and cooperation between vocational universities and employers and scientific institutions, which leads to decline in quality of educational processes, primarily regarding the know-how of experts. Upon analysing the problems in information-educational environment as presented in this paper, we can conclude that it is necessary to look into the ways of implementing the information and communications technologies for the sake of improving the educational system. Namely, modern educational environment has to include the system of organizational and methodical, software and other technical methods for storing, processing and transmitting the information which provide faster approach to resources, professional literature included. Such environment is suitable for interactive communication between teachers and students and contributes to a more efficient learning and a better teacher's insight into the student's independent work. Information-educational environment needs to be formed as an integrated multicomponent system, acting as a means for making selection at different levels. Comprehension of decisive role of information in evolution processes of the nature and society leads to discovery of a completely new, informational concept of the world, which differs a great deal from the traditional technocratic approach prevailing in science. ; Zbornik rezimea / 24. Međunarodna naučna konferencija "Pedagoška istraživanja i školska praksa ; Book of abstracts / 24th International Scientific Conference "Educational Research and School Practice"

Полицијска делатност је незамислива без благовременог и потпуног прикупљања свих безбедносно релевантних података. Како у данашње време већа доступност података и информација у полицијској пракси не мора да значи и већу предвидљивост манифестовања безбедносно интересантних појава, свакодневно прикупљање података треба да буде праћено њиховом аналитичком обрадом. Спознати начине (појавне облике) манифестовања појава које су предмет рада полицијске организације, наћи у њима елементе будућег и предвидети њихов развој, суштински је задатак аналитичара. У раду се указује на значај аналитичког рада и аналитичке информације за доношење одлука у полицији, и сагледава допринос аналитичке подршке изради стратешких и оперативних одлука у Европској унији и Републици Србији које се односе на супротстављање тешком и организованом криминалу. ; Police activity is unthinkable without the timely and complete collection of all security-relevant data. As today's greater availability of data and information in police practice does not mean greater predictability of manifestations of security-related events, data analysis should occur on a daily basis. To understand the ways crime incidents happen, to find the elements of the future in them and to predict their development, is an essential task of analysts. Starting from the specifics of decision-making in the police, the paper points to the importance of analytical work and analytical information for policing, but also examines the contribution of analytical support to the drafting of strategic and operational decisions in the European Union and the Republic of Serbia related to combating serious and organized crime.

Doktorska disertacija nastoji da objasni rezultate višestranačkih parlamentarnih izbora u Srbiji od 1990. godine do prve mirne smene vlasti 2000. godine sa stanovišta informisanosti publike o izbornim opcijama. U njoj je potvrđena generalna hipoteza da su informativni televizijski programi o izborima za Skupštinu Srbije tokom 1990-tih godina onemogućavali slobodnu i poštenu utakmicu izbornih rivala. Umesto da biračima ponude adekvatne informacije kao osnovu za racionalan izbor, oni su sistematski favorizovali jednog izbornog učesnika u odnosu na druge. U radu se utvrđuju glavne medijske strategije uticaja na mišljenje birača na osnovu empirijske analize televizijske prezentacije izbora u periodu 1990-2000. godina. Kvantitativno-kvalitativna analiza sadržaja obuhvata redovne informativne programe i specijalizovane izborne programe proizvedene tokom kampanje za izbore za Skupštinu Srbije 1990, 1992, 1993, 1997. i 2000. godine. Analiza je fokusirana na utvrđivanje centralne strategije medijske prezentacije izbora u svakom pojedinačnom ciklusu, identifikovanje slike društvene i političke realnosti kao konteksta u koji se smeštaju informacije o aktivnostima izbornih učesnika, utvrdjivanje glavne teme-dileme izborne kampanje u odnosu na koju se pozicioniraju izborni učesnici i utvrđivanje televizijskih imidža glavnih izbornih rivala. Analizi medijske slike izbora prethodi razmatranje političkog, pravnog i medijskog konteksta u kome su izbori održani. Analiza je potvrdila radne hipoteze da je izborno izveštavanje državne televizije RTS (RTB) od 1990. do 2000. godine podsticalo biračku podršku za vladajuću stranku – Socijalističku partiju Srbije (SPS) ili njenu koaliciju – sistematskom diskriminacijom njenih izbornih rivala; da su specijalizovani izborni programi državne televizije favorizovali interese vladajuće partije SPS ili njene koalicije u odnosu na interese drugih izbornih učesnika i favorizovali interese izbornih učesnika u odnosu na interese birača; i da je redovno TV izveštavanje o aktuelnim neizbornim događajima omogućavalo da izborne poruke jednog izbornog učesnika budu lakše prihvatljive za birače od poruka njegovih izbornih rivala. Način na koji je izveštavanje o izborima kontekstuirano u specifičnu sliku neizbornih događaja identifikovan je kao ključna dugoročna strategija uticaja na birače, zajedno sa medijskim definisanjem smisla izbora u skladu sa interesima jednog izborno učesnika - poželjnog izbornog pobednika. Doktorska disertacija je potvrdila teorijsku hipotezu da kulturološke studije nude pogodnu teorijsku i analitičku osnovu za istraživanje uloge medija u izbornoj komunikaciji u Srbiji tokom 1990-tih godina. ; The doctoral thesis aims to explain the results of multiparty parliamentary elections in Serbia from 1990 until the first peaceful change in power in 2000 from the standpoint of information about election options available to voters. The thesis confirms a general hypothesis that the information TV programs about elections for the Parliament of Serbia during the 1990-ies prevented a free and fair competition of election rivals. Instead of offering adequate information to voters as a basis for a rational choice, TV programs systematically favored one election participant over others. The thesis identifies the main media strategies of influencing the opinion of voters on the basis of empirical analysis of television presentation of elections in the period 1990-2000. The quantitative-qualitative content analysis is applied to regular news programs and specialized electoral broadcasts produced during campaigns for elections for the Parliament of Serbia in 1990, 1992, 1993, 1997 and 2000. The analysis is focused on identifying the central strategy of the media presentation in each election cycle, the picture of social and political reality as a context for the information on activities of election participants, the main issue of the election campaign and TV images of the main election rivals. The analysis of the media picture of the elections is preceded by a review of political, legal and media context in which the elections took place. The analysis confirmed the working hypothesis that the election coverage of the state television RTS (RTB) from 1990 until 2000 mobilized the voters' support for the ruling party – Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS) or its coalition – by a systematic discrimination of its election rivals; that the specialized programs of the state television favored the interests of the ruling party SPS or its coalition in comparison to interests of other election contestants as well as the interests of election participants over the interests of voters; and that the regular Serbian television news reporting about non-election events made the messages of one election participant more easily acceptable by voters than the messages of other contestants. The way the coverage of election events was placed into a specific picture of non-election events is identified as the key long-term strategy for influencing the voters' decision, together with the media definition of the meaning of the election which was in accord with the interests of one election participant – the preferred election winner. The thesis confirmed a theoretical hypothesis that cultural studies offer a convenient theoretical and analytical basis for studying the role of the media in election communication in Serbia during the 1990's.

The overall progress of society, as well as socially damaging phenomena which society confronts in an institutional manner, is increasing and complicating the police apparatus. However, in the context of dealing with activities aimed at gathering information and evidence related to criminal offenses, including offenses in the sphere of organized crime and corruption, and research trends of property acquired with those works, takes special attention to the role of the Criminal Investigation Department, or its organizational units specialized in the fight against organized crime, or other specialized bodies. The interactions of various factors within the police service and outside, which find the origin of activity in the same mission, are a potential source of disagreement, and it emphasizes the characteristics of the police profession, and the associated subculture. This paper analyzes the general characteristics of the police profession that can have repercussions on the efficiency of financial investigations and the necessary conditions that favor their success, and processes in which police officers involved in financial investigations are exposed to, in order to improve efficiency. Also, the paper identifies other circumstances, at the strategic and operational level, which can significantly affect the results achieved in the investigation process. Good cooperation among the subjects of criminal and financial investigations, starting financial investigations immediately after getting information about the crime and the assets obtained, and specialization of investigative subjects are only basic elements needed for success in financial investigations. Besides these, it is possible to identify a number of objective or subjective factors, which may affect the success of the implementation of financial investigations, which are mentioned in the paper. Special attention, especially in the context of societies with underdeveloped institutions and the questionable rule of law, deserves the will factor. Aforementioned factor emerges as a key element that can significantly affect the success of the research team, and indeed the expected results. It is therefore desirable that the general interest, presented in the normative framework, is consistent with the prevailing beliefs of research subjects, i.e. it is essential that these entities have a high degree of belief in the purpose and validity of what they do. Otherwise, the results will be absent, and the regulatory framework will appear as an empty form, without meaning and content.

Uvod: Sajber kriminal se odnosi na svako nezakonito delo izvršeno korišćenjem računara, računarskih mreža ili drugog oblika informacionih i komunikacionih tehnologija. U zavisnosti od toga da li je tehnologija meta ili sredstvo izvršenja, možemo razlikovati krivična dela koja podrazumevaju napade usmerene na uređaje i računarske mreže i različite oblike "tradicionalnih" krivičnih dela čiji se obim i domet povećavaju upotrebom digitalnih tehnologija. Usled KOVID-19 pandemije ljudi su prisiljeni da ostaju kod kuće i da se, više nego ikada pre, oslone na računare, telefone i internet, kako bi mogli da rade, uče na daljinu, kupuju, informišu se i komuniciraju sa drugima. Premeštanje svakodnevnih i poslovnih aktivnosti iz fizičke u digitalnu sferu otvara i mogućnost nastanka novih oblika pretnji i rizika u sajber prostoru. Cilj: Cilj rada bio je da se eksplorativnim istraživanjem ustanove zastupljenost, raširenost i oblici ispoljavanja sajber kriminala tokom KOVID-19 pandemije. Metod: Korišćena je metoda pretraživanja i analize velikog broja primarnih i sekundarnih izvora informacija (desk research), proučavanjem različitih naučnih baza podataka i sprovedenih istraživanja o zastupljenosti i različitim oblicima sajber kriminala tokom pandemije. Rezultati: Podaci pokazuju da je tokom KOVID-19 pandemije došlo do povećanja stope raširenosti i sofisticiranosti sajber kriminala. Mete sajber napada su pored pojedinaca i malih preduzeća, sve više velike korporacije i institucije koje imaju ključnu ulogu u odgovoru na izbijanje bolesti. Pored rapidnog rasta sajber napada na računare i računarske mreže, došlo je i do povećanja broja "tradicionalnih" krivičnih dela u sajber prostoru, uz iskorišćavanje bezbednosne ranjivosti rada od kuće i straha i neizvesnosti zbog pandemije. Zaključak: Enormni rast sajber kriminala tokom KOVID-19 pandemije predstavlja ozbiljan izazov za državne strukture. Državno reagovanje na krupan porast sajber kriminala prvenstveno bi trebalo da se usmeri na sprovođenje preventivnih mera kroz edukacije i kampanje podizanja svesti, jer je najveći bezbednosni rizik potcenjivanje ili nedostatak svesti o pretnjama u sajber prostoru. ; Introduction: Cybercrime refers to any illegal act committed using computers, computer networks, or other forms of information and communication technologies. Depending on whether the technology is a target or a means of execution, we can distinguish between crimes that involve attacks aimed at devices and computer networks, and different forms of "traditional" crimes whose scope and reach increase with the use of digital technologies. As a result of the COVID-19 pandemic, people have to stay home, rely more than ever on computers, phones, and the Internet to telework, learn on distance, buy things, get information, and communicate with others. The shift of everyday and business activities from the physical to the digital sphere also opens the possibility of the emergence of new forms of threats and risks in cyberspace. Aim: The paper aimed to explore the prevalence and forms of manifestation of cybercrime during the COVID-19 pandemic. Method: Desk research was conducted by gathering and analyzing a plethora of primary and secondary sources of information, various scientific databases and research findings on the prevalence and various forms of cybercrime during the pandemic. Results: The data show that during the COVID-19 pandemic, there was an increase in the prevalence, widespread presence, and sophistication of cybercrime. In addition to individuals and small businesses, the target of cyberattacks in greater amount is large corporations and institutions that play a crucial role in responding to the outbreak. Besides the rapid growth of cyber attacks on computers and computer networks, the rate of "traditional" crimes in cyberspace has also increased by exploiting security vulnerabilities of teleworking and fear and uncertainty due to the pandemic. Conclusion: The enormous growth of cybercrime during the COVID-19 pandemic poses a serious challenge to government structures. The state's response to the huge rise of cybercrime should initially focus on implementing preventive measures in the form of education and awareness-raising campaigns, as the greatest security risk is underestimation or lack of awareness of cyber threats.

The author discusses the crucial question of whether Serbia truly pursues the path of modernization and European integration, or just a simulation of these processes. The author proposes the thesis that there are numerous obstacles on Serbia's transitional path toward the (post)modern European society. Therefore, he tries to discover the essential reasons for the citizens' reluctance and resistance, the reasons which are related to the modernization of the Serbian society. Serbia is today at the crossroads of the traditional and modern understanding of life. It contains some elements of (post)modernization, but still with a strong influence of its traditional (conservative) heritage. The processes of re-traditionalization (re-mythologization and pseudo-mythologization) represent a major obstacle to the liberation of the society from the grip of the past and to its orientation towards European values. According to the author, the main creators of retrograde flows can be found in the political establishment of contemporary Serbia. He labels them, ironically and derogatorily, the 'guardians' of tradition, who use demagogic statements, populist paroles, and media information control (for their personal and party interests) to slow down Serbia on its European path.

Summary: Establishing of the New institutional economics as dominant institutional theoretical perspective, has contributed to the theoretical affirmation of the institution and to the recognition that institutions and institutional changes are an important part of the overall dynamics of economic reality. Therefore, the importance of defining the "new" institutional paradigm is reflected not only in the "endogenization" of the institutions as the relevant economic variables, but also in the possibilities of a broader consideration of the potential contribution of institutions to the overall macroeconomic performances. However, despite to the significant theoretical achievements in the economic recognition of the multiple institutional importances, in the observation of institutional change as a determinant of economic development, many questions remain open. For instance, it is still not known which institutions, in which specific forms required, or rather useful for economic development, or in which context. Although it is known the role that specific institutions can play in the process of the economic development, the problem is how to build such institutions. If developmental effects generally depend on the quantity and quality of institutional changes, than how to explain the fact that the establishment of the same institutional forms in the countries with approximate developmental preconditions, usually in practice does not led to the equal developmental results? This study, in form of a doctoral dissertation, is exactly driven by such issues. Therefore, as its primary goal assumes the theoretical development of the concept of institutional contributions to the development and identification of institutional criteria and mechanisms for improving economic performance. The basic assumption on which this dissertation is based implies that institutions and institutional changes are necessary, but not sufficient condition for good macroeconomic performance of the country. This additional requirement is contained precisely in the implementation of "good governance", namely the establishment of the basic principles of this concept. The research is based on an analytical basis of the theoretical framework of the New institutional economics. Starting of the known information about the nature of institutions and institutional change, as well as on the basic assumptions of institutional sustainability and efficiency, there are theoretical elaborated concept of the institutional contributions to the development. Special attention was given to comparative institutional analysis. By combining information from different comparative economics, there are studied the relationship between institutional quality and economic efficiency. An attempt was made in order to identify main channels through which institutional quality determined economic performance, and therefore which is a possible causes of institutional inefficiency. Through the analysis of several representative cases in practice, the empirical validity of the findings is further checked. Since development issues become topical, especially during the crisis, it is clear incentives to explore the institutions and mechanisms of institutional change and use this knowledge in achieving, in a greater degree, controlled development.

У раду је представљена група писама из преписке Корнелија Станковића која се налазе у Архиву Србије у Београду. У периоду између 1853. и 1865. године, Станковић је одржавао приватне и професионалне контакте са пријатељима, познаницима и сарадницима, међу којима су биле значајне личности из различитих друштвених кругова и културно-политичке јавне сфере на подручју Хабзбуршке монархије и Кнежевине Србије. Сачувана писма сведоче о многобројним композиторовим професионалним активностима, о условима у којима је живео и радио и културно-историјским приликама којима је био изложен. У раду се доноси листа најзначајнијих Станковићевих кореспондената и кратак преглед садржаја писама. ; The aim of the research offered in this article was to present a group of letters from the correspondence of Kornelije Stanković, kept in the Serbian Archive in Belgrade. In the period between 1853 and 1865, Stanković corresponded with a great number of his collaborators, connoisseurs and friends from different social groups. Many of them were important figures in the cultural and political sphere in the Habsburg Monarchy and the Princedom of Serbia. Besides a complete list of letters, parts of particular letters from the most important Stanković's correspondents were discussed in this article. They testify about numerous composer's artistic activities and his professional environment, as well as his intimate everyday life, his relationships with friends and family, the state of his health and finances. This part of Stanković's correspondence was observed as a source of important information about the composer's role in Serbian musical and cultural history.

The aim of this study was to determine whether there is a difference between female abstinents in Bosnia and Herzegovina in terms of certain demographics (age, education, rural-urban, party and ethnicity) and socio-psychological characteristics (interest in politics, the ways of getting their information about politics, trust in institutions, dogmatism, nationalism, cosmopolitanism, the end justifies the means, the attitude towards the leader, conservatism, liberalism and authoritarianism). The study was conducted in the first half of March 2013, on a sample of 483 adult women who did not plan to vote in the upcoming elections, who in the past six years (three election cycles) either voted occasionally, or they voted, but have no intention of voting again, or they have never voted. We started from the assumption that the different modes of political abstinence differ with respect to the measured variables. The results show that the three categories of women abstinents differ in terms of certain socio-demographic variables: age, education, ethnicity, party affiliation and religious beliefs. There are differences among respondents concerning political interests. The greatest interest was found among the respondents who manipulate their turning out to the polls, followed by those who were disappointed in the elections, while the slightest interest in politics was among the respondents who have never voted. Television is still the dominant medium for getting information about political events, the second and third ones are newspapers and radio, but they are much less influential. Yet among the three categories of women abstinents significant differences were found only regarding television and radio. Three categories of women abstinents differ only in cosmopolitanism and liberalism variables. There is a difference between women abstinents in their confidence in institutions. The most trust in institutions is found in women who occasionally took part in the elections, followed by those who voted, but no longer do so. The least trust in institutions is found among women who have never voted. ; Cilj ovog istraživanja je ustanoviti da li postoji razlika među apstinenticama u Bosni i Hercegovini prema određenim demografskim (starost, obrazovanje, selo-grad, stranačka i etnička pripadnost) i socio-psihološkim karakteristikama (zainteresovanost za politiku, način informisanja o politici, povjerenje u institucije, dogmatizam, nacionalizam, kosmopolitizam, cilj opravdava sredstvo, odnos prema vođi, konzervativizam, konzervativistička autoritarnost i liberalizam). Istraživanje je provedeno u prvoj polovini marta 2013. godine na uzorku od 483 punoljetne žene koje ne planiraju da glasaju na predstojećim izborima, a koje su u posljednjih šest godina (tri izborna ciklusa) nekad glasale, a nekad ne, glasale su, ali više neće, ili nikad nisu glasale. Pošli smo od pretpostavke da će različiti modaliteti političke apstinencije da se razlikuju s obzirom na mjerene varijable. Dobijeni rezultati pokazuju da se tri kategorije apstinentica razlikuju po pojedinim sociodemografskim varijablama: starost, obrazovanje, etnička i stranačka pripadnost i vjerska ubjeđenja. Ispitanice se međusobno razlikuju i zainteresovanošću za politiku. Najveće interesovanje nalazimo kod ispitanica koje manipulišu svojim izlaskom na izbore, a slijede one koje su se razočarale u izbore, dok je zainteresovanost za politiku najmanja kod ispitanica koje uopšte ne glasaju na izborima. Televizija je još uvijek dominantan medij za informisanje o političkim dešavanjima, dok su na drugom i trećem mjestu dnevne novine i radio, ali su znatno manje uticajni. Ipak, između tri kategorije apstinentica nalazimo značajne razlike samo kod televizije i radija. Tri kategorije apstinentica se međusobno razlikuju samo po varijablama kosmopolitizam i liberalizam. Prisutna je i razlika između apstinentica po njihovom povjerenju u institucije. Najviše povjerenja u institucije nalazimo kod ispitanica koje nekad izlaze, a nekad ne izlaze na izbore, slijede ispitanice koje su glasale, ali više neće. Najmanje povjerenja u institucije nalazimo kod ispitanica koje nikad ne glasaju.

Slobodan protok roba, usluga, ljudi i kapitala, razvoj informacione i komunikacione tehnologije, učinili su da lokalni problemi postanu globalni. Finansijska kriza 2007. godine vrlo brzo je postala globalna. Pandemija kovida-19 izazvala je svetsku zdravstvenu krizu, koja je ubrzo prerasla u ekonomsku, uz pretnju da postane i društvena kriza. Makroekonomski troškovi pandemije ogledaju se u padu bruto domaćeg proizvoda (GDP), rastu nezaposlenosti, povećanju fiskalne i eksterne neravnoteže. Fiskalna politika je u svim zemljama bila okosnica ekonomske politike u borbi protiv posledica pandemije. Ono što se sa sigurnošću može reći je da je šok pandemije pogodio ekonomiju i sa strane agregatne tražnje i sa strane agregatne ponude. U radu pokušavamo da sagledamo kako je pandemija delovala na privrede zemalja Zapadnog Balkana, sa kolikim privrednim padom su se suočile u 2020. godini. U radu takođe analiziramo koliko su javni sektor, zdravstvo i obrazovanje bili efikasni u borbi protiv posledica pandemije. ; The free flow of goods, services, people and capital, and the development of information and communication technology have all made local problems global. The 2007 financial crisis very quickly became global. The COVID-19 pandemic caused a worldwide health crisis, which quickly became an economic one, with threats of becoming a social one as well. The macroeconomic costs of the pandemic are visible in the form of shrinking GDP, the rise of unemployment, as well as fiscal and external imbalance. In all countries fiscal policy was the cornerstone of economic policy in the fight against the consequences of the pandemic. What we can say for certain is that the shock of the pandemic hit the economy both from the aspect of aggregate demand, as well as aggregate supply. In this paper we take a look at how the pandemic affected the economies of the Western Balkan countries, and the scale of the economic downturn they will face in 2020. We will also analyze how effective the public sector, the medical system, and education have been in the fight against the consequences of the pandemic.

The Mediation Act has been applied in the Republic of Serbia since 2005. In the past period, the application of this Act has pointed out to a number of drawbacks and deficiencies in the system of resolving disputes through mediation. The dominant features of the current mediation system are some inadequate legal solutions, poor organization and insufficient preparation of the courts to internalize mediation, failure to provide relevant information about mediation to litigants and other participants in the judicial process, insufficient judicial training and education of lawyers and parties on mediation and other ADR methods, etc. Considering that the primary purpose of mediation is to diminish the litigation caseload and reduce the costs of court proceedings, the basic goal of introducing mediation into the Serbian legal system has not been accomplished. In order to improve the mediation system, the Serbian authorities launched a public debate in 2010 on designing a new legislative act which would eliminate the shortcomings of previous act and improve the efficiency of mediation. After nearly four years, the extensive debate and confrontation of different mediation concepts led to adopting a new Draft Mediation Act in 2013. As compared to the applicable 2005 Mediation Act, the Draft Mediation Act contains some innovations, such as the enforceability of a mediation agreement under specific conditions and the opportunity of introducing mandatory mediation in some cases. In this paper, the author analyzes the above issues on the basis of findings of economic theory and the results of the empirical study on the efficiency of mediation in Serbia in civil matters. In this context, the author argues that the achievement of the above objectives (to reduce the caseload and legal costs] calls for establishing a sustainable mediation system. In addition to instituting good legal solutions (such as mandatory mediation], the system should be supported by joint efforts and financial resources of responsible institutions and individuals. In a nutshell, mediation may come to life only if the legislative efforts are accompanied by a large-scale social action aimed at promoting this form of dispute resolution.

Jedno od osnovnih svojstava posebnih bezbednosnih problema, ali i zadataka kojima se oni rešavaju predstavlja složenost. U zavisnosti od osnovih obeležja složenosti posebnih bezbednosnih problema i zadataka, kao odgovora na njih, primenjuju se odgovarajuće koncepcije složenosti. Radi se o logičkoj, teoretsko-informacionoj, algoritamskoj, teoretsko-množinskoj i statističkoj koncepciji. U zavisnosti od primenjene koncepcije složenosti varira struktura procesa odlučivanja o načinu angažovanja snaga određenih za rešavanje konkretnog posebnog bezbednosnog problema, kao i ishodi tog procesa. S tim u vezi, postavlja se pitanje posledica izbora odredjenje koncepcije složenosti na proces i ishod odlučivanja u uslovima rešavanja posebnih bezbednosnih problema. Značaj odgovora na ovo pitanje je u pravilnom shvatanju koncepcija složenosti i njihovog uticaja na odlučivanje povodom rešavanja posebnih bezbednosnih problema. Odgovorom na ta pitanja olakšaće se edukacija u oblasti bezbednosnog menadžmenta s jedne strane i primena stečenih znanja u toj oblasti, s druge strane. ; One of the basic characteristics of special security problems, as well as the tasks with which they are solved is their complexity. Depending on the basic characteristics of the complexity of special security problems and tasks, as responses to them, adequate complexity concepts are implemented. This refers to logical,theoretical-information, algorithm, theoretically multiple and statistical concept. Depending on the implemented complexity concept, the structure of the decision-making process varies regarding the method of engaging the forces determined for the solving of concrete special security problem, as well as the outcomes of this process. Thus, there is the question about the consequences of the selection of certain complexity concepts for the process and outcome of decision-making in the conditions of solving special security problems. The significance of the answer to this question is in proper understanding of the concepts of complexity and their influence on the decision-making regarding solving of special security problems. The answer to this question will facilitate the education in the field of security management on the one hand and implementation of the acquired knowledge in this field, on the other hand. ; Book of papers / 4th International Conference "Crisis management days", 25 - 26 May 2011, Velika Gorica, Croatia

Freedom of expression enjoys a particular protection in the case-law of the European Court of Human Rights. According to the Court, freedom of expression constitutes one of the essential foundations of a democratic society, and one of the basic conditions for its progress and for the development of every man. Moreover, it is applicable not only to 'information' or 'ideas' that are favorably received or regarded as inoffensive or as a matter of indifference, but also to those that offend, shock or disturb the State or any sector of the population, since these are the demands of that pluralism, tolerance and broadmindedness without which there is no 'democratic society'. This high valuing of freedom of expression is particularly striking when it comes to the political speech, the free political debate being a distinctive feature of a democratic society. Nevertheless, the European Court considers that whoever exercises his freedom of expression undertakes 'duties and responsibilities', and that the freedom of political debate is undoubtedly not absolute in nature. More concretely, when the hate speech is at issue the Court underlines that the tolerance and respect of equal dignity of all human beings constitutes one of the essential foundations of a democratic and pluralist society, and that in a democratic society, in principle, it may be considered necessary to punish and even to prevent all forms of expression which propagate, incite, promote, or justify the hate based on intolerance. Taking into account the notion of prohibition of hate speech in the constitutional system of the Republic of Serbia, and the place of the European Convention on Human Rights in its hierarchy of legal sources, this paper follows the evolution of the European Court's case-law as to the understanding and definition of conditions under which it may be considered necessary in a democratic society to restrict freedom of expression because of hate speech. This legal standard - necessary in a democratic society, is then compared to the clear and present danger test, which has been developed for almost a century in the case-law of the Supreme Court of the United States of America, and which application is sometimes recommended in Europe.