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The author reflects, within the critical perspective of cultural anthropology, on the issue of the impact of pollutants on human bodies transformed into toxic bodies, ecological alterities characterized by social vulnerabilities and inequalities, but for this reason living texts able to tell stories about global environmental contamination, disease, power, exploitation, injustice and oppression. The toxic bodies reveal the inevitable intertwining between human subjects and non-human materials, requiring a significant collective responsibility, a total rethinking of the relationship between culture and nature and more appropriate ethical and political strategies of which, as the environmental historians show, women have already been active supporters from long time. ; L'autore riflette, nell'ambito della prospettiva critica dell'antropologia culturale, sulla questione dell'impatto degli agenti inquinanti sui corpi umani trasformati in corpi tossici, alterità ecologiche caratterizzate da vulnerabilità e diseguaglianze sociali, ma proprio per questo testi vivi in grado di raccontare storie di contaminazione ambientale globale, malattia, potere, sfruttamento, ingiustizie e oppressione. I corpi tossici svelano l'inevitabile intreccio tra natura umana e materie non umane, richiedendo una significativa responsabilizzazione collettiva, un ripensamento complessivo del rapporto tra cultura e natura e più adatte strategie etiche e politiche di cui già da tempo, come mostrano gli storici dell'ambiente, le donne si sono fatte attive promotrici.

International audience ; Qu'ils soient désignés par leurs qualités (la perfection de leur chant, la magie de leur vol), que leur présence soit réelle ou allégorique, les oiseaux sont, dans l'œuvre de Pasolini, à la base de trois discours : linguistique et poétique (le chant de l'oiseau face à la voix du poète), politique et idéologique (la métaphore animale comme dénonciation des travers de l'humanité, des injustices sociales et des discriminations) et enfin métaphysique et anthropologique (le corbeau-marxiste comme exemple de métamorphose anthropologique, de contamination entre l'humanité et l'animalité, de franchissement des limites proprement humaines)

International audience ; Qu'ils soient désignés par leurs qualités (la perfection de leur chant, la magie de leur vol), que leur présence soit réelle ou allégorique, les oiseaux sont, dans l'œuvre de Pasolini, à la base de trois discours : linguistique et poétique (le chant de l'oiseau face à la voix du poète), politique et idéologique (la métaphore animale comme dénonciation des travers de l'humanité, des injustices sociales et des discriminations) et enfin métaphysique et anthropologique (le corbeau-marxiste comme exemple de métamorphose anthropologique, de contamination entre l'humanité et l'animalité, de franchissement des limites proprement humaines)

The European Union is at the crossroads between intelligent expansion of future horizons and frightened shrinking to a perspective of local areas. Fear of descent of the citizens on one side and a politics of crisis, that goes along with harsh injustice have made upset the national societies against each other, missing courage on the side of politicians, to bring European issues to the fore, endanger the European project. There is only one way to overcome this situation by establishing a democratic union, which conserves not only the social and civilian achievements of the national state, as well as the assets of a greater democratic political unity, that offers an unity of European citizens and European state demos.

The article proposes a semiotic reflection on the 'conditions of enunciation' of graffiti in order to understand the essential features of the relation between this expressive form and the concept of power. Daniel 5, the Biblical passage that narrates the episode of Belshazzar's feast, is adopted as a point of departure for the construction of a textual series, which explores a philological tradition as well. Jewish interpretations, Christian exegeses, Christian iconography, and intertextual transpositions, all related to this biblical passage, are analyzed so as to determine the ways in which different socio-cultural contexts, in different periods, interpret and express the relation between political power, its injustice, and the role of 'God's writing on the wall' in redressing it.

This article contains a reflection on the tragic impact of terrorism on modern society &, based on the message of John Paul II, offers a Catholic point of view on the issue & on the way it can be solved. To be effective the fight must be intelligent & fair & it cannot disregard the historical & cultural reasons that have generated such hatred. It is the Christian world's responsibility to find its strength & its point of reference in the core precepts of the Gospel. Also, it is now time for the Church to face the ideological lies, & the injustice perpetrated in the past & to take responsibility. This together with faith will facilitate the work of Catholic people moving forward towards a Christian approach & solution. M. Williamson

This paper aims to provide an overview on the conceptual role played by the Roman world in Hegel's philosophy, especially in the Phenomenology of Sprit and the Berlin Lessons on Philosophy of Universal History. Through the analysis of 12 fundamental thesis, it will be systematically shown that the Roman Empire is depicted by the mature Hegel as the realm of irrationality, violence, injustice, and merely formal relations, and that these categories are not only related to a juridical and political standpoint, but also apply in the fields of aesthetics, religion and history of philosophy. The last thesis explores the possibility of a new comprehension of the notion of recognition and the master-slave dialectic inversion in Chapter 4 of the Phenomenology, linked to the role played by Rome in Hegel's philosophy

El presente trabajo fue patrocinado por el proyecto Prometeo de la Secretaria de Educación Superior, Ciencia, Tecnología e Innovación (SENESCYT) de la Republica de Ecuador. ; The proliferation of the so-called cultural studies, post-colonial studies and subordinates constitute a theoretical-methodological questioning of the modern ways of knowledge production. The "South" is these epistemologies' enclave which, through the claim of fighting against the cognitive and social injustices, allowed the academics "other" the consolidation of their practices within the hierarchy of knowledge, due to the integration of new cognitive projects which, in turn, reaccomodate within the academy. The goal of this article is to elevate to the contradiction our intellectual work, which is as placed in the international division of knowledge's contradictions as it is in the mutations and extensions of the modern paradigm.

National and international politics of the past in Germany since the 1990s In many European countries, the revolutions at the end of the 1980s marked the transition to an unpredictable future and the transformation of interpretations of the past. Against this background, the article discusses the change of memory cultures in Germany since 1989-90. The second part examines the new opportunities for reparations for Nazi injustice after the breakdown of the communist regimes. The third part demonstrates the limits of reparations and explains why the German government stuck to its former rigid policy lines in this field. Although the Foundation EVZ marks a decisive step in reconciling the general policy of the past with new initiatives in the culture of remembrance, the current discussions on reparation claims, especially by the Polish and Greek governments, indicate that the dispute over the costs of the German occupation in Europe continues today.

At least until the beginning of the 1990s, when the paradigm of recognition seemed to supplant the paradigm of redistributive justice theories, all the biggest contemporary political theories attempted to single out injustice in some form of inequality and tried in various ways to make individuals equal within a particular space for interpersonal comparison: whether this be the space of fundamental freedoms, income, wealth, conditions for self-respect, well-being, chances of well-being or capabilities. The objective of this work is to rebuild the main notions of equality and justice which have emerged from the contemporary philosophical-political debate and, at the same time, account for the critical theories that they have inspired, from the theories in which the language of difference adds to or surpasses the language of equality, to the paradigms located radically beyond all those regulatory positions which more or less explicitly arise from the liberal tradition, such as the paradigm of biopolitics, and that of cognitive capitalism.

Starting from the critic perspective of medical anthropology with reference to the problem of the environmental contamination the author reflects on the human body as a vulnerable junction of the interchange of culture and nature, a physical place of processes of social and material embodiment, and as the fulcrum of a complex interweaving of geopolitical forces and injustices. The impact of pollutants is expressed through the dynamics of transformation of human bodies into toxic bodies, ecological alterities characterized by social vulnerabilities and inequalities, and so living texts which can tell stories of contamination, disease, and oppression. Female rebelling bodies burst onto the public scene, trying, by their knowledge and practices, to realign ecology and economy. Finally it is highlighted how the relationship between environmental contamination, protection of territories and the right to health is inscribed in conflicting fields of forces where a new biological citizenship is played and fertile spaces can be open for a political ecology to which medical anthropology can obviously offer a rich contribution.

A few years after the introduction of the legislation on Special EducationalNeeds, this qualitative research intends to collect the experience of headteachers and teachers from four Italian regions (Lombardy, Piedmont, Ligury,Sicily).The 41 semi-structured interviews were analyzed following the approachproposed by Mortari (2007) and from the analysis four main themes emerged:fragility, responsibility, prejudice and (in) injustices and alliances inside andoutside the school. The data collected can guide and encourage the constructionof a positive relationship between school and family with positivebenefits for all the actors involved in this relationship. ; A distanza di qualche anno dall'introduzione della normativa sui Bisogni EducativiSpeciali, questa ricerca qualitativa intende raccogliere il vissuto didirigenti e docenti referenti di quattro regioni italiane (Lombardia, Piemonte,Liguria, Sicilia).Le 41 interviste semi strutturate sono state analizzate seguendo l'approccioproposto da Mortari (2007) e dall'analisi sono emersi quattro temi principali:fragilità, responsabilità, pregiudizi e (in)ingiustizie e alleanze dentro e fuorila scuola. I dati raccolti possono orientare e favorire la costruzione di unapositiva relazione tra scuola e famiglia con benefici positivi per tutti gli attoricoinvolti.

This essay focuses on the approach to the study of political and legal phenomena that can be defined "critical realism" and with its apparent paradox. By "critical realism" I understand a way of looking at political and legal phenomena that combines a blunt analysis of social reality with a transformative, non-resigned critical attitude towards the status quo. I argue that this is the approach that inspired Danilo Zolo's lifelong reflections on politics and law. The same approach, moreover, is in my opinion shared by authors such as Raymond Geuss and Bernard Williams, who, since the beginning of the new millennium, have contributed to re-shape the international debate on the methods of political philosophy. Inherent in this approach is a paradox that can be encapsulated in the following two questions. First, if the theoretical analysis should not start from ideals and principles, but must instead take as point of departure the social and political situation in which we are inescapably entangled (both central assumptions of the critical realism), how is it possible to gain the distance necessary for criticisms? Second, if we cannot transcend our societal reality and cannot therefore rely on external and objective values, on which basis is it possible to suggest "better" alternatives to the status quo? The mentioned authors could not explain convincingly, in my opinion, how these two questions can be answered. However, and this is the central claim of the article, the paradox is not unresolvable. The two questions mentioned above can be answered, so my argument, by recurring, respectively, to the negativism characteristic of Judith Shklar's approach to political and legal theory and to the concept of "immanent critique" as understood by Rahel Jaeggi. Shklar convincingly shows that the critique of the status quo can be made not notwithstanding the blunt analysis of social reality, but exactly in reason of it. In order to recognise abuses of power and injustices, so her argument, we do not need an ideal theory of justice or of the perfect state. On the contrary, nothing better than history and the analysis of contemporary social reality can show us that injustices and abuses of power are a recurring and ever possible characteristics of politics. Jaeggi's concept on immanent critique, moreover, indicates how it is possible to build an alternative to the criticized situation that is not anchored on transcendent principles and yet can plausibly explain why the suggested alternative is "better" than the status quo. Finally, I argue that both Shklars' negativism and Jaeggi's concept of immanent critique operate implicitly in Zolo's approach, but that they, having not being made explicit, could not develop their whole potential.

International audience ; Le débat est vif parmi les interprètes de la pensée politique de Foscolo. Précurseur du fascisme et de l'État-puissance pour les uns, démocrate et révolutionnaire pour les autres, Foscolo semble défendre des thèses contradictoires sur la Révolution française et ses idéologies principales. Un examen attentif des textes montre néanmoins que Foscolo est passé des positions démocratiques et rousseauistes de sa jeunesse à une attitude de protestation indignée contre les injustices qui gouvernent le monde, pour aboutir à une forme de « réalisme » ou de pragmatisme politique où les influences de Machiavel, de Vico et de Montesquieu conduisent à une conception originale de l'histoire, de la praxis et du rôle de l'écrivain dans la société. ; Il dibattito è vivo tra gli interpreti del pensiero politico foscoliano. Precursore del fascismo e dello stato-potenza per gli uni, democratico e rivoluzionario per gli altri, Foscolo sembra difendere tesi contraddittorie intorno alla Rivoluzione francese e alle sue ideologie principali. Un esame attento dei testi mostra tuttavia come Foscolo sia passato da giovanili posizioni democratiche e rousseauiane, a un atteggiamento di sdegno morale contro le ingiustizie che reggono il mondo, a una forma di «realismo» o pragmatismo politico in cui le influenze di Machiavelli, di Vico e di Montesquieu confluiscono in una concezione originale della storia, della prassi politica e del ruolo sociale dello scrittore.

International audience ; Le débat est vif parmi les interprètes de la pensée politique de Foscolo. Précurseur du fascisme et de l'État-puissance pour les uns, démocrate et révolutionnaire pour les autres, Foscolo semble défendre des thèses contradictoires sur la Révolution française et ses idéologies principales. Un examen attentif des textes montre néanmoins que Foscolo est passé des positions démocratiques et rousseauistes de sa jeunesse à une attitude de protestation indignée contre les injustices qui gouvernent le monde, pour aboutir à une forme de « réalisme » ou de pragmatisme politique où les influences de Machiavel, de Vico et de Montesquieu conduisent à une conception originale de l'histoire, de la praxis et du rôle de l'écrivain dans la société. ; Il dibattito è vivo tra gli interpreti del pensiero politico foscoliano. Precursore del fascismo e dello stato-potenza per gli uni, democratico e rivoluzionario per gli altri, Foscolo sembra difendere tesi contraddittorie intorno alla Rivoluzione francese e alle sue ideologie principali. Un esame attento dei testi mostra tuttavia come Foscolo sia passato da giovanili posizioni democratiche e rousseauiane, a un atteggiamento di sdegno morale contro le ingiustizie che reggono il mondo, a una forma di «realismo» o pragmatismo politico in cui le influenze di Machiavelli, di Vico e di Montesquieu confluiscono in una concezione originale della storia, della prassi politica e del ruolo sociale dello scrittore.