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The purpose of this paper is to develop an ontological reading of the ethical and epistemic phenomenon that Miranda Fricker (2017) describes as testimonial injustice. In order to do this, we will resort to the ideas put forward by Ian Hacking (2001, 2002, 2006) concerning the relations between social classifications and social kinds. On the one hand, we will deal with the processes that Hacking terms "making up people", namely, processes in which the articulation of certain classifications make possible to existence of certain types of people. We will argue that episodes of testimonial injustice, that express the effects of stereotypical classifications, can be construed as part of the social processes of making up people because those episodes contribute to fabricate the epistemic attributes, such as credibility, of certain types or kinds of people. On the other hand, in order to conceptualize the ontological setting under which the phenomenon of testimonial injustice becomes recognizable and reproachable, we will draw on Hacking's idea of "interactive kinds". We contend that the concept of "interactive kinds" underlines the fundamentally unstable nature of human kinds and that emphasizing this dynamic aspect can illuminate the social conditions that make testimonial injustice ethically blameworthy. In this sense, we will argue that testimonial injustice can become the object of a normative point of view only insofar as the kinds whose existence is made possible by stereotypical classification are already undergoing a process of change.

In the "Commentary on the First Epistle of St. John", in a specific fragment of the text in which the focus is the Donatist controversy, Augustine states that despite the fact that love is an unavoidable norm for the true Christian life, in case of witnessing an action unjust, the Christian cannot passively accept such an act. However, in that same text, in another context, a kind of resignation is defended as proof that the Christian is in fact living a Christian practice permeated by the love of God. In De civitate Dei Livro XIX, in "On the customs of the Catholic Church and the Manicheans", and in other works, the same paradox persists: if on the one hand the Christian philosopher recognizes that even living in intense pain and suffering it is possible to conform and finding peace, a possible peace before the situation, on the other hand, defends that it is not fair for a man to submit to another since we are ontologically equal, therefore, apparently not encouraging eupathy in this unfair situation. Thus, our goal in this communication is: to investigate how we can understand the relationship between love and resignation, and whether both concepts can be applied to situations of flagrant injustice experienced or witnessed.

Based on qualitative data collected in a field research carried out in 2016 in five state public schools in Rio de Janeiro, this article examines the meanings attributed to injustice in public schooling practices and how student action in this context shapes the occupation of schools and current student experiences. The analyzes expanded the understanding of the school as a public arena, revealed the various ways in which political ties are formed, broken and maintained in the school and in occupations, and addressed the deficiencies of public schools and the policies for upper secondary public schools in Rio de Janeiro and other states. The research also revealed the uncertain and difficult associative student effort to expose education problems while living in the occupied school. The situations observed bring to light the need for a habitable public school, the ineffectiveness of the schooling offered to poor Brazilian students and young people, and the difficult struggle faced by them to ensure quality schooling and autonomy in the complex, unequal and plural context of current Brazilian society. ; A partir de dados qualitativos construídos em pesquisa de campo realizada no ano de 2016 em cinco escolas públicas estaduais do Rio de Janeiro, são analisados os sentidos de injustiça que atravessam a escolarização pública estadual e os modos de atuar que conformam as ocupações das escolas e a experiência escolar atual. As análises conduzem a ampliar a definição da escola como arena pública e à percepção da multiplicidade de formas pelas quais os vínculos políticos se constituem, se rompem e se mantêm na escola e nas ocupações, assim como a interrogar as deficiências do equipamento público escolar e das políticas públicas destinadas ao ensino médio no Rio de Janeiro e noutros estados. Na mesma direção, argumenta-se no sentido de mostrar o instável e dificultoso trabalho associativo dos estudantes em vista de sustentar, enquanto coabitam a escola ocupada, a denúncia dos problemas que atravessam sua escolarização. As situações encontradas interrogam tanto a oferta de uma escola pública habitável quanto a ineficácia da qualificação escolar dos estudantes/jovens das classes populares brasileiras, entre os quais as questões problemáticas trazidas à tona evidenciam uma difícil batalha pela escolarização e pela autonomização nas condições complexas, desiguais e plurais da sociedade brasileira atual.

This article addresses the issue of social conflict from the epistemology of "deep disagreements". Unlike other types of disagreements, deep ones generate incommensurability and cannot be corrected through rational argumentation, precisely because it can amplify the disagreement and exacerbate the problem. At the base of these divergences lie two irreconcilable epistemological positions: infallibilism and fallibilism. The infallibilist style of argumentation is embodied in attempts to find objective truth through final and conclusive evidence. Such a position induces them to defend their own beliefs through vicious cycles that Carlos Pereda has called "argumentative vertigos", generating different silencing and devaluation strategies based on identity prejudices (a kind of "grievance" that, in Miranda's words Fricker, constitutes an act of "epistemic injustice"). Dizzying argumentation can even lead to an epistemic annihilation of the Other as a valid interlocutor. This phenomenon is presented as "epistemicide" (adapted from the Portuguese sociologist Boaventura de Sousa Santos). In this work, the analysis of the frictions, tensions and disputes that can be activated in the course of the production and validation of knowledge is taken further, to probe the conditions under which devaluation and annihilation may be perpetrated against himself. I call this phenomenon "autoepistemicide", and I draw a comparison between this concept and its concomitant in the clinical setting: that of "Gaslighting". Finally, I extract the most important reflections of the article, opening new horizons for future research.

In this article, we will analyze the positive dimension of silencing for epistemic practices. Since: (a) silencing refers to a communicative impediment; and (b) at least in part our epistemic agency depends on this ability to express and make ourselves understood, it would be possible to conclude that (c) silencing necessarily harms our epistemic interactions. However, Barrett Emerick (2019) reminds us that in some cases silencing helps to preserve the integrity and dignity of those whose epistemic agency is violated. Based on this initial insight, we listed three premises that culminated in the justification for silencing other people: (1) epistemic silences stem from socio-historical processes and the power relations that permeate them; (2) the limits of epistemic agencies are established through social norms and conventions that affect identities in different ways; and, (3) the dignity of the human person must be the criterion for establishing the limits between what should or should not be said. Considering that in order to act correctly it is necessary not only the justifications for acting, but also the appropriate occasion, we defend that practical wisdom (phronesis) is the proper virtue for individuals, groups and institutions to know when to silence other people.

Este estudo analisa os valores sociopolíticos dos universitários (n=605) Portugal/Brasil, mediante um Questionário sobre Valores na dimensão sociopolítica. Os resultados revelaram diferenças quanto a valores fundamentais. Constatamos indiferença/descrença política nos estudantes portugueses e brasileiros, essencialmente no respeitante às causas das desigualdades sociais. No Brasil são decorrentes da pouca sorte, preguiça e inatividade laboral e em Portugal particularizam a pouca instrução. Esta pesquisa viabiliza a implementação de programas de educação para a cidadania em contexto académico. ; This study assesses the socio-political values of colleges students (n = 605) Portugal/Brazil, employing a questionnaire on socio-political dimension Values. The results revealed significate differences about fundamental values. We find indifference/scepticism in Portuguese and Brazilian students practice, essentially with regard to the causes of social inequalities. In Brazil are connect from bad luck, laziness and inactivity and in Portugal a short instruction distinguish. This research empowers the implementation of programmes of education for citizenship in academic context.

In this paper, Charles Mills discusses what he calls "white ignorance", developing one of the main themes of his 1997 book, 'The Racial Contract'. His discussion is concerned with the idea of a cognitive disadvantage based on membership in a social group, which is not strange to the radical philosophical tradition, and that has been explored with more vigor in the recent Social Epistemology, in debates about epistemic injustices, silencing, willful ignorance, cognitive biases, epistemological standpoints, etc. Mills argues for an "Epistemology of the white ignorance", a racially and socially situated epistemology, which contraposes itself, in a great extent, to the individualistic tendencies of the traditional epistemological work, while conserving the interests in objectivity and truth of this work.

Context: With the growing denunciations of violence and injustices in the social relationship, inside and outside schools, education based on human rights is insurgent in the current system of teaching and learning. Using the concept of school as a process of scientific, social and political construction, we planned the teaching and learning process of chemical interactions using the art of graffiti as a playful activity. Objectives: Reflection on chemistry teaching beyond the concepts of natural sciences, but also towards social issues to promote an education that transfigures the traditional model established by the hegemonic power during Brazilian history. Design: We use an ethnographic case study as a method. Scenario and Participants: In this way, we chose to bring graffiti art to chemistry workshops, since the paints are fixed on urban walls through chemical interactions between substances, building images and/or protest phrases that make us rethink the injustices and inequalities existing in Brazilian society and to dialogue the emergence of this art in the black movement with the political aspects of Human Rights. Thirteen students enrolled in a state basic education high school in the city of Goiânia-GO, Brazil, joined the workshops on Human Rights, Graffiti and Chemistry. Eight graffiti artists also participated in the workshop for free. Data collection and analysis: We used transcripts of semi-structured interviews and video-recorded workshops to categorise the data, analysing them with the Descending Hierarchical Classification technique and the use of dendrograms performed by the Iramuteq Software. Results: We obtained categories that evidence the chemical understanding of the content of chemical interactions and the socio-political understanding of human rights, and seven drawings on graffiti murals that show this correlation. Conclusions: The transgression of morals and the empowerment of the subordinate promote playfulness in the individual or collective social visibility of individuals, enabling better assimilation of scientific and social content.

"Cinema Novo", as a political and cultural movement, was the result of a time between the late fifties and the early sixties, and had the city of Rio de Janeiro as its privileged locus. A time of profound changes on the international stage, with the emergence of the so-called third world countries and their affirmation in the political game characteristic of the Cold War. Also, a time of profound transformations on the national scene, with the developmentalist ideology, fed by the Juscelino Kubitschek government and, subsequently, the so-called national-reformism of the João Goulart government, which ended up animating social movements and denouncing the existing contradictions and injustices. in Brazilian society. In these scenarios, young people from the middle class of Rio de Janeiro seek cinema for their form of expression and articulate themselves with a renowned São Paulo filmmaker, Nelson Pereira dos Santos, and a young Bahian filmmaker, Glauber Rocha. This meeting, which takes place in the city of Rio de Janeiro, produced the most important cultural movement in the Brazilian cinematographic area, with productions that revolutionized cinematographic aesthetics and narrative and marked its place in international cinematography.

The aim of this paper is to establish a dialogue with the ideas of three revolutionary Latin American intellectuals – José Carlos Mariátegui, Ernesto Che Guevara and Paulo Freire, in order to share, from our intellectual tradition, a different vision, from the US/UK/European one, of what means to be critical; and to discuss possible inspirations for those of us working in Latin America and interested in contributing to the political processes of liberation which happen around us. We constructed this text in dialogue with the words of these three organic intellectuals which were able to engage creatively with the European thought, producing political appropriations and new theoretical developments informed by their praxis. These intellectuals produced worthy political theories based on their revolutionary praxis, offering ideas, insights and arguments for our analysis of the organization of social struggles and for social practices which confront our society in its imprisonment by the law of value. The paper defends the relevance of history as a space for creative dialogues with the ideas of intellectuals involved in direct activism and producing testimonies of political rebellion against external aggressions, discrimination, marginality, and social injustices; and intellectuals which produced knowledge in solidarity with these struggles.

The public space is the stage for the most varied conflicts, resulting, in certain cases, in violence. However, it is in this space that men experience freedom, expressing themselves in front of plurality of opinions. As it is a space for free expression, our actions and opinions are not always received without contradiction, arousing resentful feelings. Following Arendt's thinking, the public space is the arena in which everyone should manifest themselves spontaneously, showing themselves from their uniqueness before the plurality that characterizes the community. As it is a space for the expression of the individual, guided by freedom and plurality, the individual's action is irreversible and unpredictable, enabling a cycle of misunderstandings and violence. Consequently, there is no way to prevent conflicting emotions from being fed by the damage originated from political action. According to Arendt, resentments are emotional states peculiar to human beings, facilitating common understanding and coexistence. Thus, resentment can lead to acts against injustice, with punishment and forgiveness, enabling a new beginning. However, there are acts that are not in keeping with forgiveness, such as the crimes perpetrated by Nazism, whose relationship established among men was not human. In the face of the absurdity of the situation, on which there is no way to judge, forgiveness has no place, closing the doors to a new beginning. Anyway, this text intends to explore the role of resentment as a factor that enables the survival of public space, but that can also lead to its destruction.

This critical commentary extends the debate on social determinants of health and disease. Its main argument is that while further studies are unnecessary to demonstrate the fundamentally social distribution of health outcomes, extant analyses rarely engage with the fact that poverty and other forms of oppression are political choices made by societies, which are both contemporaneously contingent and historically situated. This view must guide research and debate in the area so that studies intending to bring injustice to light do not end up naturalizing it. Research based on this fundamental understanding may help to overcome the narrow scope of multicausal black box approaches, which do not analyze the interrelations among determinants and make only a limited contribution to the construction of healthy societies. ; Este comentário crítico retoma o debate sobre a determinação social da saúde e da doença. Seu principal argumento é o de que, se por um lado, são desnecessárias novas pesquisas que procurem conferir maior consistência aos resultados que fundamentam essa interpretação, por outro, é escassa, nesses estudos, uma análise pautada pela noção de que a pobreza e outras formas de opressão são escolhas políticas da sociedade, que devem ser situadas historicamente. Essa noção deve orientar a pesquisa e o debate na área, sob pena de que as associações encontradas supostamente para denunciar a injustiça terminem por naturalizá-la. A pesquisa pautada por esses princípios pode superar o alcance limitado de abordagens multicausais do tipo caixa-preta, que não analisam as inter-relações entre os determinantes e pouco contribuem para a construção de sociedades saudáveis.

In the scope of urban space production, Brazilian urban policy, despite pointing out in its guidelines the struggle for the right to the city, seems indifferent to the impacts of real estate speculation on ecosystems. Given the context of the climate emergency, there is an urgent need to align urban and environmental policy for planning cities adapted to climate change. This work presents, based on spatial data from the recent deforestation of the city of João Pessoa, the legal and socioenvironmental characteristics of the urban expansion of the city and how the municipal urban and environmental policy has catalyzed processes of socioenvironmental injustice. It appears that planning and management are limited to following the trends signaled by the real estate market and that pressure ecosystems, especially in the southern portion of the municipality, and also that democratic arrangements are forged to make society's role in defending ecosystems unfeasible. ; No âmbito da produção do espaço urbano, a política urbana brasileira apesar de assinalar em suas diretrizes a luta pelo direito à cidade, parece indiferente aos impactos da especulação imobiliária sobre os ecossistemas. Dado o contexto da emergência climática, é urgente alinhar a política urbana e ambiental para o planejamento de cidades adaptadas às mudanças do clima. Este trabalho apresenta, a partir de dados espaciais do desflorestamento recente da cidade de João Pessoa, as características jurídicas e socioambientais da expansão urbana da cidade e como a política urbana e ambiental municipal têm catalisado processos de injustiça socioambiental. Constata-se que o planejamento e a gestão se limitam a acompanhar as tendências sinalizadas pelo mercado imobiliário e que pressionam os ecossistemas, principalmente na porção sul do município, e também que os arranjos democráticos são forjados para inviabilizar a atuação da sociedade na defesa dos ecossistemas.

We live in a world where we are experiencing an increasing number of environmental disasters,social injustice, corporate scandals, and questionable leadership ethics. The issue I would liketo address in this article is how we, as educators and researchers, might respond to or engageproactively with these issues. One approach is encouraging our students to become more reflexive, and to become more reflexive ourselves as researchers. I believe that reflexivity is becoming an increasingly important resource in organization studies. Defined as questioning taken-for-granted assumptions, practices, policies, and so on, reflexivity offers a way of developing more critical and responsible approaches to our intellectual strategies and to practical activities within the academic and corporate world. I will begin by summarizing some of the criticisms of business school education and the challenges we face as researchers and go on to define and discuss how reflexivity can help us engage with these criticisms in a productive manner. ; Vivemos em um mundo onde estamos experimentando um número crescente de desastres ambientais, injustiça social, escândalos corporativos e lideranças com ética questionável. A questão que eu gostaria de abordar neste artigo é como nós podemos responder ou nos envolver proativamente com essas questões como educadores e pesquisadores. Uma abordagem é incentivar nossos alunos a se tornarem mais reflexivos como pesquisadores. Acredito que a reflexividade está se tornando um recurso cada vez mais importante nos Estudos Organizacionais. Definida como o questionamento de pressupostos, práticas, políticas etc., a reflexividade fornece uma forma alternativa de desenvolver abordagens mais críticas e responsáveis para nossas estratégias intelectuais e atividades práticas dentro do mundo acadêmico e corporativo. Começarei apresentando de maneira sucinta algumas das críticas à educação promovida por escolas de negócios e os desafios que enfrentamos como pesquisadores, e continuarei definindo e discutindo como a reflexividade pode nos ajudar a nosenvolvermos com essas críticas de modo produtivo.

This debate, an essay, reflects some challenges for society in the face of the current pandemic of COVID-19, in particular for health, surveillance and promotion. We assume that the current crisis is part of a broader civilizational crisis with multiple dimensions - social, economic, democratic, environmental and health- and that public health will need to reinvent itself in an emancipatory perspective. The article is organized in four topics. In the first, we present our main conceptual keys; in the second, we defend our central argument: the current pandemic intensifies previous injustices and vulnerabilities that mark capitalist and colonial modernity, which are strongly excluding and racist. In the third, we reflect on the crossroads, challenges and emancipatory possibilities in the face of the gaps opened by the proximity of death and the dilution of borders between normality and urgencies, including wealthier groups and countries. We finish the text with some reflections inspired by wise people and artists from Minas Gerais, a Brazilian State, such as the indigenous Ailton Krenak, the writer Guimarães Rosa and singers of Clube da Esquina. ; Esse debate, em forma de ensaio, reflete alguns desafios para a sociedade diante da atual pandemia da COVID-19, em particular para a saúde, a vigilância e a promoção. Assumimos que a crise atual faz parte de uma crise civilizatória mais ampla com múltiplas dimensões – social, econômica, democrática, ambiental e sanitária –, e que a saúde pública/coletiva precisará se reinventar numa perspectiva emancipatória. O artigo está organizado em quatro partes. Na primeira apresentamos nossa chave de leitura conceitual, na segunda defendemos nosso argumento central: a pandemia intensifica injustiças e vulnerabilidades anteriores que marcam a modernidade capitalista e colonial, excludente e racista. Na terceira, refletimos sobre as encruzilhadas, desafios e possibilidades emancipatórias diante das fendas abertas pela proximidade da morte e a diluição de fronteiras entre a normalidade e as urgências, inclusive para grupos e países mais ricos. Encerramos o texto com reflexões inspiradas em sábios e artistas de Minas Gerais, como o indígena Ailton Krenak, Guimarães Rosa e o Clube da Esquina.