El texto ubica el término justicia en su etimología y acepción general. Desde su origen y relación con la religión, pasando por la historia, la política y la ciencia del derecho sintéticamente. Y cómo, en la realidad actual, resalta la querella de la justicia a través de términos como lawfare y otras tendencias de época. Destacando finalmente que se trata a nivel de la estructura de una "injusticia" irreductible, que el psicoanálisis conceptualiza como significante del Otro tachado. ; The text locates the term justice in its etymology and general meaning. From its origin and relationship with religion, through history, politics and law science synthetically. And how, in the current reality, highlights the complaint of justice through terms such as lawfare and other trends of the time. Finally stressing that it is at the level of the structure of an irreducible "injustice" that psychoanalysis conceptualizes as a signifier of the crossed out Other. ; Hospital Interzonal General de Agudos "Prof. Dr. R. Rossi"
Theoretical tools aimed at making explicit the injustices suffered by certain socially disadvantaged groups might end up serving purposes which were not foreseen when the tools were first introduced. Nothing is inherently wrong with a shift in the scope of a theoretical tool: the popularization of a concept opens up the possibility of its use for several strategic purposes. The thesis that we defend in this paper is that some public figures cultivate a public persona for whom the conditions of the notion of testimonial injustice might be taken to apply, and this situation is exploited to their advantage, as a means to advance their political agendas. More specifically, they take advantage of this to generate situations of crossed disagreements, which in turn foster polarization. ; Las herramientas teóricas destinadas a señalar las injusticias que sufren ciertos grupos socialmente oprimidos pueden acabar siendo utilizadas con propósitos completamente opuestos a los iniciales. Modificar el alcance de una herramienta teórica no es necesariamente problemático: la popularización de un concepto abre las puertas a que se utilice estratégicamente para diferentes fines. La tesis que defendemos en este artículo es que algunos personajes públicos cultivan una imagen particular de sí mismos que parece satisfacer los requisitos de la noción de injusticia testimonial y utilizan esta situación como medio para obtener beneficio político de ella. Más concretamente, estos personajes públicos se benefician de esta condición para generar situaciones de desacuerdos cruzados, que están estrechamente relacionados con el aumento de la polarización.
El presente trabajo acomete el análisis de las complejas relaciones entre verdad y democracia a partir de la noción de parrhesia, tal y como esta fue rescatada por Michel Foucault durante sus últimos trabajos. La propuesta foucaultiana predica una vinculación constitutiva, no exenta de tensiones, entre ambas: no puede haber democracia sin referencia a una cierta idea de verdad, pero la emergencia de tal verdad presupone la existencia de un espacio democrático. La construcción de ese espacio se realiza sobre la crítica a todo intento de monopolizar la capacidad de decir la verdad. En este sentido, el concepto de injusticia epistémica nos ayuda a entender cómo se imbrican lo político y lo epistémico en el proceso democrático.Palabras clave: parrhesia, democracia, verdad, Foucault, injusticia epistémica.AbstractThe present paper attempts to analyse the complex relationship between truth and democracy from the notion of parrhesia, as Foucault treated it during his last works. The Foucauldian approach establishes a stressing linkage on one another: there can be no democracy without appealing to certain idea of truth, but the emergence of such truth involves the existence of a democratic space. Such space is constructed through the critic of every attempt to monopolize the capacity of saying the truth. In this sense, the concept of epistemic injustice helps us to understand how political and epistemic dimensions are interwoven in the democratic process. Key words: parrhesia, democracy, truth, Foucault, epistemic injustice.
El presente trabajo acomete el análisis de las complejas relaciones entre verdad y democracia a partir de la noción de parrhesia, tal y como esta fue rescatada por Michel Foucault durante sus últimos trabajos. La propuesta foucaultiana predica una vinculación constitutiva, no exenta de tensiones, entre ambas: no puede haber democracia sin referencia a una cierta idea de verdad, pero la emergencia de tal verdad presupone la existencia de un espacio democrático. La construcción de ese espacio se realiza sobre la crítica a todo intento de monopolizar la capacidad de decir la verdad. En este sentido, el concepto de injusticia epistémica nos ayuda a entender cómo se imbrican lo político y lo epistémico en el proceso democrático ; The present paper attempts to analyse the complex relationship between truth and democracy from the notion of parrhesia, as Foucault treated it during his last works. The Foucauldian approach establishes a stressing linkage on one another: there can be no democracy without appealing to certain idea of truth, but the emergence of such truth involves the existence of a democratic space. Such space is constructed through the critic of every attempt to monopolize the capacity of saying the truth. In this sense, the concept of epistemic injustice helps us to understand how political and epistemic dimensions are interwoven in the democratic process.
In the last decades, several authors and theories have been resorting to the notion of via negativa, a negative path or an approach focused on negativity, to refer to the place that experiences and processes of negativity have in shaping normative systems. Normally in this approach negativity is defined as injustice and the suggestion, then, is that there we should attribute some kind of primacy, either genetic or hermeneutic, to perceptions and experiences of injustice over the definitions of what may be shaped as just or correct in a given normative system. A preliminary outline of a theoretical map will be here be advanced, in which the intuition of the purported primacy of the negative is located when it comes to understanding the normative dimensions -ethical, political and juridical- of social processes and systems. This map is incomplete and, as will be argued, rather points to the fact that the negative path is a hermeneutic tool in the hands not only of theorists but also of social agents themselves for the understanding of the genesis of practical ideas and norms, of their breakdowns, resistances and reformulations, and of the articulation of programs or proposals of normative orders that can subsequently be taken as just and acceptable. In more descriptive terms, the negative path would focus on the processes of refusal, complaint, denunciation, resistance or opposition to a given normative regime, whether in the form of revolution or a collective action of reform, or as an expression of individual actions of dissidence and disobedience. ; En los últimos decenios diversos autores han ido acudiendo a la noción de una vía negativa para referirse al lugar que las experiencias y los procesos de negatividad tienen en la conformación de los sistemas normativos. En términos usuales, esa negatividad se define como injusticia y la sugerencia, entonces, es que existiría una primacía, o bien genética o bien hermenéutica, de esas percepciones y experiencias de injusticia sobre las nociones y sistemas normativos en los que se definen y plasman qué sea la justicia. Se tratará aquí de establecer un primer esbozo de un mapa teórico en el que se ubica la intuición de la primacía de lo negativo a la hora de comprender las dimensiones éticas, políticas y jurídicas de los procesos y de los sistemas sociales. A la vista de las distintas propuestas que cabe subsumir bajo esta rúbrica, y a veces corrigiéndolas, se argumentará que la vía negativa es un recurso hermenéutico al que acuden las reconstrucciones teóricas tanto como los agentes sociales mismos para la comprensión de los procesos de génesis de ideas prácticas y de normas, de sus quiebras, resistencias y reformulaciones y al que se acude también para articular programas o propuestas puedan formularse como justos y aceptables. En términos más descriptivos, la vía negativa fijaría su atención en los procesos de denuncia, resistencia u oposición a un régimen normativo dado, bien sea en formas de revolución o de acción colectiva reformadora, bien sea como expresión de acciones individuales de disidencia y de desobediencia.
En diciembre de 2011, Samba Martine, interna del Centro de Internamiento para Extranjeros (CIE) de Aluche, muere de una infección evitable por no haber sido diagnosticada y tratada de manera adecuada, a pesar de haber solicitado insistentemente asistencia sanitaria. La madre de Samba, con el apoyo de varias entidades sociales, denuncia los hechos y llega a los tribunales. Ocho años más tarde, en junio de 2019, se anuncia la absolución por homicidio imprudente del único responsable procesado. Nueve años más tarde, en octubre de 2020, el Ministerio de la Presidencia, Relaciones con las Cortes y Memoria Democrática emite una Resolución por la que se atiende la reclamación de responsabilidad patrimonial por el fallecimiento de Samba Martine. Tomando como punto de partida este caso, este trabajo tiene como objetivo analizar los factores que hacen de él un ejemplo de injusticia epistémica en tres niveles interrelacionados: micro (localizada en el contexto de la relación asistencial), meso (desarrollada en el marco del CIE y sus mecanismos institucionales) y macro (vinculada al trasfondo ideológico y político que sustenta los niveles anteriores). La relevancia de esta propuesta radica en mostrar cómo la dejación de funciones por parte de la Administración y sus instituciones contribuye a generar una ignorancia, que, combinada con la falta de credibilidad del testimonio de la víctima, tiene como resultado final su muerte. Lejos de ser un caso anecdótico, situaciones de injusticia epistémica como esta forman parte de la cotidianeidad de numerosas personas migrantes indocumentadas, que después de periplos de sufrimiento terminan internadas en limbos legales como los CIE. ; In December 2011, Samba Martine, an inmate at the Aluche Foreigners Internment Center (CIE), died of a preventable infection due to not having been properly diagnosed and treated, despite having insistently requested healthcare. Samba's mother, with the support of various social entities, denounces the events and goes to court. Eight years later, in June 2019, the acquittal for reckless homicide of the only person prosecuted was announced. Nine years later, in October 2020, the Ministry of the Presidency, Relations with the Courts and Democratic Memory issues a Resolution in which the claim of patrimonial responsibility for the death of Samba Martine is addressed. Taking this case as a starting point, this work aims to analyze the factors that make it an example of epistemic injustice at three interrelated levels: micro (located in the context of the care relationship), meso (developed within the framework of the CIE and its institutional mechanisms) and macro (linked to the ideological and political background that sustains the previous levels). The relevance of this proposal lies in showing how the abandonment of functions by the Administration and its institutions contributes to generating ignorance. This ignorance, combined with the lack of credibility of the victim's testimony, has as a final result her death. Far from being an anecdote, situations of epistemic injustice such as this are part of the daily life of many undocumented migrants who, after journeys of suffering, end up interned in legal limbos like the CIE.
This is the second issue developed by members of the WATERLAT-GOBACIT Network's Thematic Area 10, Water and Violence. Research done by members of this TA focuses on how violence, whether systemic-structural, subjective, symbolic, or in any other of its many forms, has become the key mechanism through which the relations between human beings, and between humans and Nature, are de-structured and reconfigured, and new kinds of relations are created, producing new forms of territorial, social and political power and domination. TA10 aims to explore, examine, and contribute to a better understanding of the often-traumatic experiences emerging from these processes of social reordering, whose consequences of socio-ecological dispossession can be observed in the form of environmental deterioration and destruction of the material basis of life, and most notably in the case of water sources. Its objective is to also contribute towards the development of conceptual and methodological frameworks that place the emphasis on understanding and explaining how the use of violence as a mechanism has an impact in the evolving forms of water politics and management currently being implemented worldwide, particularly looking at the consequences of these processes, as well as at the potential alternatives to confront the rapid increase of inhuman and anti-democratic practices and discourses in the processes of water control and accumulation. Within this framework, the present issue, organized by Dr Karina Kloster, from the Autonomous University of Mexico City (UACM), includes four articles that are the result of ongoing research covering experiences of water-related violences and injustices identified in Brazil, Guatemala, and Mexico. Many of these events are the result of criminal activities carried out by governments' security forces, illegal groups, and other violent actors, often working jointly to impose the appropriation of land, water, and other resources belonging to rural, indigenous and peasant communities. The issue is an ...
The settlements of informal origin in Colombia emerged as an alternative to access housing for the socially and economically vulnerable population due to the limited institutional opportunities to obtain a solution. Thus, the victims of the armed conflict have found in this modality of urbanization a refuge in the city as a result of the forced displacement and the poverty. However, the different access modalities to the land relate this type of settlements with an illegal city due to the processes of irregular urbanization and self-production of housing developed far from the fulfillment of the urban norm. This denomination leads to an invisibilization of a set of injustices that the families who live there face off permanently. Given this scenario, the concept of space justice, which was proposed in the seventies, was adopted with the intellectual movement called Radical Geography, so it could be explored new approaches to settlements of informal origin that allowed to overcome the confused idea of understanding the legal as an action of justice. The exploration is carried out from the revision of the set of political actions derived from those aws designed to guarantee the access to housing to the victims of the forced displacement because of the internal armed conflict in Colombia, and the reality observed through life stories. Finally, it is observed that the design of public policies continues to be thought from a utilitarian perspective, and for this reason the actions of justice are still measured in economic terms and not in social terms. ; Los asentamientos de origen informal en colombiana han surgido como una alternativa de acceso a vivienda para la población social y económicamente vulnerable frente a las limitadas oportunidades institucionales de acceso a una solución habitacional. Así, las víctimas del conflicto armado por desplazamiento forzado y la población que se encuentra en situación de pobreza han encontrado en esta modalidad de urbanización un refugio en la ciudad. Sin embargo, las ...
From the consideration of mercy as compassion for another's misery S. Thomas Aquinas deduces that one feels sympathy for this misery insofar as one considers it to be one's own. By mercy we mean sickness, the lack of material means, and in general all that degrades human dignity. The contribution to a legislation that favours divorce or abortion signifies contributing to the degradation of society by destroying the principle on which rests the family, the education of man himself, and the respect that human life of itself deserves. Once the objective idea of good has been lost, man commences to deny his own right to life. Having abandoned mercy towards his neighbour, man loses his human condition and becomes incapable of love even towards himself. This loss makes itself felt at once in the injustice of a society that refuses to acknowledge an ordinatio rationis, and this society will see itself threatened by disorder in its very foundations. Once the sense of mercy among men has been lost, their relations become dominated by the exaltation of sex and the approval of individual violence as a legitimate means of redressing wrongs or simply of satisfying one's desires. Society finds itself incapable of putting an end to these excesses because it lacks a legitimate reason. Individual violence can in turn give rise to legal violence. For this reason it is unlawful to participate in the legalization of something that, through lack of goodness, ought to be condemned. Neither respect for the opinion of others, nor the majority view, nor the desire to give legal expression to something which, though unacceptable, may in this manner be better controlled, can permit a man who seeks justice to take part in any way in the establishing of a law that is in essence unjust. And this is so not out of any consideration of self-protection, always an egoistic motive, but rather for altruistic reasons. One's attitude of resistance should be based on the demands made by one's own conscience not to go against the dictates of reason, ...
This publication belongs to the WATERLAT-GOBACIT Network Working Papers Series (http://waterlat.org/publications/working-papers-series/), Vol. 6, No 3. This issue was developed by members of the WATERLAT-GOBACIT Network's Thematic Area 7 (TA7), Art, Communication, Culture, and Education. This is the second issue of the TA7 Series. It features three articles presenting research results from Argentina, Brazil and Mexico. Article 1, by Ximena I. Cabral, is a long piece developed in a format close to that of a photographic essay, as the author seeks to capture and analyse the "expressive resources" used by the actors during a cycle of social protests against inequality and injustice related to water Politics and management in the Province of Cordoba, Argentina, between 2005 and 2007. The article examines in detail the conflicts arising from the privatization of Cordoba's water and sanitation utility in 1997, when the government granted a 30-year long concession to a private consortium led by a multinational water company to deliver these services. After the large-scale crisis that affected the country in 2001, caused by a decade of highly destructive neoliberal policies implemented during the 1990s, Argentina's currency was heavily devaluated, prompting a renegotiation of the contract that in practice amounted to a dollarization of the tariff, which was strongly rejected by the population. This triggered a long cycle of popular protests that faced a very determined alliance between politicians and local and international businesses, which would eventually impose its conditions through different means, including repression. In Article 2, Zenaida Luisa Lauda-Rodríguez examines a successful case of "precautionary" social struggle against a mining project in the State of Santa Catarina, Brazil. The local community, in alliance with other actors, succeeded in preventing the implementation of the mining project through a campaign based on a demand to apply the "precautionary principle", which passed the burden of ...
La intervención se concentra en el aporte más fecundo y creativo del trabajo de Rosenkrantz, esto es, su explicación de la legitimidad política y el carácter autoritativo del derecho. Mi crítica será interna, específicamente argumentaré a favor de una exigencia adicional -además de las propuestas por Rosenkrantz- para el test de membresía. Es decir, aunque creo que los requisitos consignados por Rosenkrantz para que se configure la relación de membresía son básicamente correctos, discrepo en que esto sea todo lo que la membresía exige para configurarse. ; The article tackles the most fruitful and creative part of Rosentranktz´ s paper: his explanation of political legitimacy and the authoritative character of law. The remarks will be internal. I will advocate for a further restraint to membership.
This article aims to deepen in the investigation of the intricate process of social protest that occurred in Ecuador during the 1980s according to the analysis of political action and the demands for redistribution of the unions, its relationship with the State and its gradual crisis, as well as the demands for recognition of the indigenous movement and its exponential growth in the political scene. The hypothesis of the research is that the neoliberal policies of the governments of the 1980s influenced a reconfiguration of the scene of political conflict where identity demands were superimposed on those of redistribution due to the adverse effects of neoliberal policies imposed by the State. ; El presente artículo tiene el objetivo profundizar en la investigación del intrincado proceso de protesta social ocurrido en Ecuador durante la década de 1980 según el análisis de la acción política y las reivindicaciones de redistribución del movimiento sindical, su relación con el Estado y su paulatina crisis, al igual que las reivindicaciones de reconocimiento del movimiento indígena y su crecimiento exponencial en el escenario político de esta época. La hipótesis de la investigación es que las políticas neoliberales de los gobiernos de la década de 1980 incidieron en una reconfiguración del escenario de contienda política donde las demandas de identidad se superpusieron a las de redistribución de los movimientos sociales.
El presente artículo tiene el objetivo profundizar en la investigación del intrincado proceso de protesta social ocurrido en Ecuador durante la década de 1980 según el análisis de la acción política y las reivindicaciones de redistribución del movimiento sindical, su relación con el Estado y su paulatina crisis, al igual que las reivindicaciones de reconocimiento del movimiento indígena y su crecimiento exponencial en el escenario político de esta época. La hipótesis de la investigación es que las políticas neoliberales de los gobiernos de la década de 1980 incidieron en una reconfiguración del escenario de contienda política donde las demandas de identidad se superpusieron a las de redistribución de los movimientos sociales. ; This article aims to deepen in the investigation of the intricate process of social protest that occurred in Ecuador during the 1980s according to the analysis of political action and the demands for redistribution of the unions, its relationship with the State and its gradual crisis, as well as the demands for recognition of the indigenous movement and its exponential growth in the political scene. The hypothesis of the research is that the neoliberal policies of the governments of the 1980s influenced a reconfiguration of the scene of political conflict where identity demands were superimposed on those of redistribution due to theadverse effects of neoliberal policies imposed by the State. ; Universidad Pablo de Olavide
The policies of market liberalization in the early nineties contributed to preserve the historical role of Colombia in the international division of labor as an exporter of commodities and energy resources, expanding economic borders of those activities. This expansion encountered forms of peasant production and hybrid societies that depend largely on the environment services provided by nature, which significantly intensified conflicts and socio-environmental injustices. In this context, the purpose of this article is twofold: i) to inventory and mapping of the main environmental conflicts in Colombia, having initially documented 95 cases; ii) a descriptive analysis of environmental conflicts from the main variables used in the study. The research results support the conclusion that the extractive sector explains much of environmental conflicts; there is a clear relationship between the amount and intensity of conflicts an extractive development model of recent governments; the main groups affected are poor communities; great duality exists to resolve conflicts: one persistent violence and secondly, the use of institutional and legal mechanisms. This shows the bipolarity of Colombian society which is part of the extremes of negotiation, legality and violence.Keywords: Socio-environmental conflicts, Environmental justice, Reprimarization, Social metabolims. ; Las políticas de liberalización de mercados a inicios de los noventa contribuyeron a conservar el rol histórico de Colombia en la división internacional del trabajo como exportadora de materias primas y recursos energéticos, expandiendo las fronteras económicas de esas actividades. Esta expansión se encontró con formas de producción campesina y sociedades híbridas que dependen en buena medida de los servicios ambientales provistos por la naturaleza, con lo cual se intensificaron en forma significativa los conflictos e injusticias socio-ambientales. En este contexto, el propósito de este artículo es doble: i) realizar un inventario y mapeo de los principales conflictos ambientales en Colombia, habiéndose documentado inicialmente 95 casos; ii) realizar un análisis descriptivo de los conflictos ambientales a partir de las principales variables utilizadas en el estudio. Los resultados de la investigación permiten concluir que el sector extractivo explica buena parte de los conflictos ambientales; que existe una clara relación entre la cantidad e intensidad de los conflictos y el modelo de desarrollo extractivo de los últimos gobiernos; que los principales grupos afectados son las comunidades pobres; que existe gran dualidad para resolver los conflictos: por un lado la violencia persistente y por otro, el uso de los mecanismos institucionales y legales. Esto muestra la bipolaridad de la sociedad colombiana que se enmarca en los extremos entre negociación, juridicidad y violencia.Palabras claves: Conflictos socio-ambientales, Justicia ambiental, Reprimarización, Metabolismo social.
This text explores the potential of a political philosophy of vulnerability, feminist and egalitarian, focused on analyzing, publicizing and criticise the processes of mass production of precarity. The intersection of the main axes of power is identified as a producer of intersectional inequalities, following the intersectional approach of P. H. Collins and N. Yuval-Davis. The situations of vulnerability/precarity induced are connected to the normative dimension through the concept of intersectional injustice following the contribution of I. M. Young. It concludes with a balance of the new social and political ontology of vulnerability as the basis for a feminist political philosophy. ; El presente texto explora el potencial de una filosofía política de la vulnerabilidad, feminista e igualitaria, centrada en analizar, publicitar y criticar los procesos de producción masiva de precaridad. Se identifica la intersección de los principales ejes de poder como productora de desigualdades interseccionales, siguiendo el enfoque interseccional de P. H. Collins y N. Yuval-Davis. Se conectan las situaciones de vulnerabilidad/precaridad inducida con la dimensión normativa a través del concepto de injusticia interseccional siguiendo la aportación de I. M. Young. Se concluye con un balance de la nueva ontología social y política de la vulnerabilidad como base para una filosofía política feminista.
