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POLITICAL TERRORISM HAS BEEN DESCRIBED AS VIOLENT POLITICAL BEHAVIOR PRIMARILY DESIGNED TO GENERATE FEAR IN THE COMMUNITY, OR A SUBSTANTIAL PART OF IT, FOR POLITICAL PURPOSES.1 POLITICAL TERRORISM IS DISTINGUISHED FROM REVOLUTION IN THAT THE IMMEDIATE OBJECTIVE OF TERRORIST ACTS IS INTIMIDATION RATHER THAN THE OVERTHROW OF THE EXISTING GOVERNMENT. TERRORISM IS A FORM OF POLITICAL EXTORTION. POSITIVE THEORIES OF CRIME2 AND EXTORTION3 ASSUME THAT INDIVIDUALS WILL ACT TO MAXIMIZE SOME OBJECTIVE FUNCTION SUBJECT TO EXISTING SOCIAL OR LEGAL CONSTRAINTS. HOWEVER, THERE IS NO PARALLEL TO THESE POSITIVE APPROACHES AIMED DIRECTLY AT THE SUBJECT OF POLITICAL TERRORISM.

PRAISES THE ATTEMPT BY BRITAIN'S LIBERAL PARTY TO INSTITUTE CHANGES IN THE POLITICAL MACHINERY. IN PARTICULAR PRAISES TO ACT WITHIN THE CONSTRAINTS OF WHAT IS FEASIBLE AND PROPOSE CHANGES THAT HAVE A REAL CHANCE OF BECOMING LAW AND OF PRODUCING POSITIVE CHANGES IN DEMOCRATIC PROCESS. SEES THESE REFORMS AS RETURN TO CLASSICAL DEMOCRAT PRINCIPLES OF JOHN STUART MILL.

RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN STRUCTURAL VARIABLES & THE ROLE OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN RECRUITING A STATE'S LEGISLATORS IS EXAMINED. THE ROLE OF POLITICAL APRTIES IN FOUR STATES (CONNECTICUT, PENNSYLVANIA, MINNESOTA, AND WASHINGTON) IN SPONSORING AND RECRUITING LEGISLATIVE CANDIDATES IS STUDIED.

THIS PAPER APPLIES PUBLIC CHOICE ANALYSIS TO PROPERTY TAX ASSESSMENT ADMINISTRATION, A LOCAL GOVERNMENT SERVICE WITH POLITICAL CHARACTERISTICS QUITE UNLIKE THOSE COMMONLY EXAMINED, TO ASSESS THE FLEXIBILITY OF THE MODEL AND THE GENERALIZABILITY OF ITS USUAL RECOMMENDATIONS ON INSTITUTIONAL STRUCTURE.

In recent years, several writers using the new political economy or public choice approach to political analysis have sought to improve our understanding of bureaus, bureaucrats and governments and, in some cases, to suggest ways in which their behavior might be "improved" in the public interest. The public choice approach to public administration rejects the so-called sociological or traditional political science approaches with their alleged Parsonian, Weberian, Marxist, historical, institutional or organic biases and limitations in favor of an individualistic, deductive, noninstitutional analysis, which is thought to be more cogent, more fertile in testable hypotheses, more genuinely theoretical and more relevant in terms of reform. Here the view is taken that the pathos of the public choice approach to public administration consists in this: that public choice advocates by virtue of their methodology are fated to "lose" consistently on questions of administrative reform and prescriptive efficacy, even while contributing, potentially importantly, to the scientific understanding of nonmarket, usually public, organizations or "bureaus."

AbstractThe object of this paper is to indicate how public choice theory and orthodox normative tax theory may be integrated within a single coherent intellectual framework. Because public choice theory has quite different conceptual foundations from normative tax theory, this is no simple task. A purely positive fiscal theory, that derives tax arrangements as one aspect of the emergent political equilibrium, would leave no logical room for normative tax theory at all: the question as to what the tax system 'ought to be' becomes irrelevant, or at least inseparable from the broader question as to the appropriateness of general political institutions. However, if tax arrangements are viewed as part of the political institutional framework, normative tax theory can be admitted ‐ but in a somewhat reformulated way. The paper aims to set out briefly the reformulations required.

IT IS WELL KNOWN THAT THE UNITED STATES SUPREME COURT HAS A POLICYMAKING ROLE. BUT IT IS NOT CLEAR THAT IT HAS THE APPROPRIATE COMPETENCE FOR MAKING POLICY CHOICES. IN THE FOLLOWING EXAMINATION OF ITS SEXDISCRIMINATION EQUAL PROTECTION DECISIONS BETWEEN 1971 AND 1981, PROFESSOR MORTON FINDS THAT THE COURT HAS TENDED TO ABSTRACT THE SEX-DISCRIMINATION ISSUE OUT OF ITS NORMAL LEGISLATIVE CONTEXT OF FAMILY SUPPORT. THE COURT HAS ALLOWED A RATHER NARROW CONCERN WITH INDIVIDUAL RIGHTS TO DIRECT ITS INQUIRY AND ITS USE OF SOCIAL SCIENCE DATA HAS LACKED DISCRIMINATION.

Increasingly, persons with complex disabilities are served in community settings, and institutionalization is less often a treatment of choice. However, relatively little work has been reported comparing the community and institution in terms of individual data. This study was conducted in order to compare changes in level of mental retardation among persons served in a community-based service system and institutionalized persons from the same geographic region. Comparisons were made at all levels of mental retardation and of cohort groups matched on age, sex, ambulation, and initial level of retardation. In general, persons in the community were more likely to increase their functioning level, while those at the institution were found to decrease at a higher rate. Particularly noteworthy differences were found within the severely retarded group. The impact of community interaction and stimulation is discussed, and implications for service providers are suggested.

Der Aufsatz behandelt auf der Grundlage eines Theorie-Modells ("Institutional Choice"-Ansatz) die makroinstitutionellen Rahmenbedingungen und die Verhaltensweisen der Entscheidungsträger in den Spezialisierungs- und Kooperationsbeziehungen innerhalb des RGW. Insgesamt spielt die internationale Kooperation und Spezialisierung im Vergleich zu anderen Alternativen der Unternehmen eine untergeordnete Rolle. Hauptursache sind die extrem hohen Transaktionskosten sowohl für die Unternehmen wie auch für die makroökonomischen und politischen Entscheidungsträger. Auch ist eine gut funktionierende Inlandskooperation als Voraussetzung für die internationale Entwicklung noch nicht erfüllt. BIOst/Hat