This article is devoted to the analysis of various attitudes towards institutional change as a social and political phenomenon. Much attention is paid to major scholarly observations about the old institutionalism and the new institutionalism. Besides, numerous insights on institutional design and possibilities of different reforms and changes in democratic and totalitarian states are examined. Finally, some important aspects related to historical institutionalism, rational-choice institutionalism and sociological institutionalism are discussed in more depth. To make the article more vivid, some practical examples taken from Lithuanian and international contexts are presented as well.
This article is devoted to the analysis of various attitudes towards institutional change as a social and political phenomenon. Much attention is paid to major scholarly observations about the old institutionalism and the new institutionalism. Besides, numerous insights on institutional design and possibilities of different reforms and changes in democratic and totalitarian states are examined. Finally, some important aspects related to historical institutionalism, rational-choice institutionalism and sociological institutionalism are discussed in more depth. To make the article more vivid, some practical examples taken from Lithuanian and international contexts are presented as well.
This article is devoted to the analysis of various attitudes towards institutional change as a social and political phenomenon. Much attention is paid to major scholarly observations about the old institutionalism and the new institutionalism. Besides, numerous insights on institutional design and possibilities of different reforms and changes in democratic and totalitarian states are examined. Finally, some important aspects related to historical institutionalism, rational-choice institutionalism and sociological institutionalism are discussed in more depth. To make the article more vivid, some practical examples taken from Lithuanian and international contexts are presented as well.
This paper discusses the doctrinal content of the New Public Management (NPM): contractual state; the theories of public choice, transaction costs and agency theory. Secondly, the role of formal and informal institutions is explored. Also the article argues that the practical implementation of NPM is subject to institutional arrangement of the country's administrative system. From the point of view of informal institutions, Lithuania represents a mix of "Germanic-French" and "soviet-nomenclature" traditions of public administration. Having in mind soviet heritage, the contemporary bureaucratic system in Lithuania should be defined as patrimonial admi-nistration, rather than rationalistic bureaucracy. NPM is an effective tool when it is applied in the systems of rational-legalistic type of public administration. However, in the case of patrimonial bureaucracies NPM enhances the concentration of power in the arms of patrimonial rulers (managers). The gap between existing informal institutions and NPM practices acts as a hindrance to the development of modern public administration system in Lithuania. ; Straipsnyje nagrinėjami naujosios viešosios vadybos (NVV) įgyvendinimo aspektai Lietuvos institucijų kaitos požiūriu. Iš pradžių aptariama naujosios viešosios vadybos doktrina, kuri remiasi viešojo pasirinkimo (angl. public choice), užsakovo vykdytojo (angl. principal-agent) bei sandorio kaštų teorijomis (angl. transaction costs theory). Taip pat atskleidžiamas formalių ir neformalių institucijų raidos poveikis šalies administracinės kultūros formavimuisi. Straipsnyje ginama nuomonė, kad NVV taikymo sėkmė priklauso ne tik ir ne tiek nuo naujųjų formalių institucijų, kiek nuo to, kaip šalies administracinė kultūra koreguoja NVV principų įgyvendinimo procesus. Lietuvos biurokratinio administravimo sistema yra dviejų gana skirtingų kultūrų mišinys - vakarietiškos teisinės racionaliosios ir rytietiškos patrimonialinės. Paviršutiniškas vadybos principų taikymas dažnai tik dar labiau sustiprina galios koncentraciją ir padidina darbuotojų priklauso-mybę nuo vadovų malonės.
The article addresses the question of why the Baltic countries chose internal devaluation over external devaluation in response to the economic crisis of 2008–2010. After describing the situation in the Baltics and the two main choices, the paper argues that economic explanations are insufficient in accounting for the choice. Several political explanations for the choice are laid out based on external pressure arguments, society-oriented perspective and institutional perspective. The paper finds that the external pressure hypothesis is unable to account for the Baltic decision, which rather reflected a very strong domestic consensus on the importance of safeguarding fixed exchange rates. This consensus in turn was based on both widespread support by the general society and concentrated producer groups. Nevertheless, society-oriented perspective cannot fully explain the Baltic choice either – economic policies pursued during the crisis can only be fully understood when analyzing specific historical conditions under which the fixed exchange rate institutional system and its supporting elements were created. Over time, self-enforcing effects of the system became apparent both in the ideational sphere (principled beliefs about nationhood as well as particular causal beliefs) and in the material one, largely through the credit channel (indebtedness in euros). The current crisis also witnessed tendencies largely reinforcing the institutional equilibrium that supports the fixed exchange rate system.
The article addresses the question of why the Baltic countries chose internal devaluation over external devaluation in response to the economic crisis of 2008–2010. After describing the situation in the Baltics and the two main choices, the paper argues that economic explanations are insufficient in accounting for the choice. Several political explanations for the choice are laid out based on external pressure arguments, society-oriented perspective and institutional perspective. The paper finds that the external pressure hypothesis is unable to account for the Baltic decision, which rather reflected a very strong domestic consensus on the importance of safeguarding fixed exchange rates. This consensus in turn was based on both widespread support by the general society and concentrated producer groups. Nevertheless, society-oriented perspective cannot fully explain the Baltic choice either – economic policies pursued during the crisis can only be fully understood when analyzing specific historical conditions under which the fixed exchange rate institutional system and its supporting elements were created. Over time, self-enforcing effects of the system became apparent both in the ideational sphere (principled beliefs about nationhood as well as particular causal beliefs) and in the material one, largely through the credit channel (indebtedness in euros). The current crisis also witnessed tendencies largely reinforcing the institutional equilibrium that supports the fixed exchange rate system.
The article addresses the question of why the Baltic countries chose internal devaluation over external devaluation in response to the economic crisis of 2008–2010. After describing the situation in the Baltics and the two main choices, the paper argues that economic explanations are insufficient in accounting for the choice. Several political explanations for the choice are laid out based on external pressure arguments, society-oriented perspective and institutional perspective. The paper finds that the external pressure hypothesis is unable to account for the Baltic decision, which rather reflected a very strong domestic consensus on the importance of safeguarding fixed exchange rates. This consensus in turn was based on both widespread support by the general society and concentrated producer groups. Nevertheless, society-oriented perspective cannot fully explain the Baltic choice either – economic policies pursued during the crisis can only be fully understood when analyzing specific historical conditions under which the fixed exchange rate institutional system and its supporting elements were created. Over time, self-enforcing effects of the system became apparent both in the ideational sphere (principled beliefs about nationhood as well as particular causal beliefs) and in the material one, largely through the credit channel (indebtedness in euros). The current crisis also witnessed tendencies largely reinforcing the institutional equilibrium that supports the fixed exchange rate system.
The article addresses the question of why the Baltic countries chose internal devaluation over external devaluation in response to the economic crisis of 2008–2010. After describing the situation in the Baltics and the two main choices, the paper argues that economic explanations are insufficient in accounting for the choice. Several political explanations for the choice are laid out based on external pressure arguments, society-oriented perspective and institutional perspective. The paper finds that the external pressure hypothesis is unable to account for the Baltic decision, which rather reflected a very strong domestic consensus on the importance of safeguarding fixed exchange rates. This consensus in turn was based on both widespread support by the general society and concentrated producer groups. Nevertheless, society-oriented perspective cannot fully explain the Baltic choice either – economic policies pursued during the crisis can only be fully understood when analyzing specific historical conditions under which the fixed exchange rate institutional system and its supporting elements were created. Over time, self-enforcing effects of the system became apparent both in the ideational sphere (principled beliefs about nationhood as well as particular causal beliefs) and in the material one, largely through the credit channel (indebtedness in euros). The current crisis also witnessed tendencies largely reinforcing the institutional equilibrium that supports the fixed exchange rate system.
The article addresses the question of why the Baltic countries chose internal devaluation over external devaluation in response to the economic crisis of 2008-2010. After describing the situation in the Baltics and the two main choices, the paper argues that economic explanations are insufficient in accounting for the choice. Several political explanations for the choice are laid out based on external pressure arguments, society-oriented perspective and institutional perspective. The paper finds that the external pressure hypothesis is unable to account for the Baltic decision, which rather reflected a very strong domestic consensus on the importance of safeguarding fixed exchange rates. This consensus in turn was based on both widespread support by the general society and concentrated producer groups. Nevertheless, society-oriented perspective cannot fully explain the Baltic choice either -- economic policies pursued during the crisis can only be fully understood when analyzing specific historical conditions under which the fixed exchange rate institutional system and its supporting elements were created. Over time, self-enforcing effects of the system became apparent both in the ideational sphere (principled beliefs about nationhood as well as particular causal beliefs) and in the material one, largely through the credit channel (indebtedness in euros). The current crisis also witnessed tendencies largely reinforcing the institutional equilibrium that supports the fixed exchange rate system. Adapted from the source document.
The institutional protection of equal rights and opportunities is one of the most important features of the contemporary democratic society. In this context, there is some paradox in Lithuania. The modern mechanism for the protection of equal rights and opportunities is being developed, however, the population does not fully utilize its competences in the case of actual discrimination. The article enquires into the choice of potential and actual actions for a conflict resolution based on discrimination in the context of existing institutional possibilities in Lithuania. The concept of the conflict resolution pyramid is used. Both pyramids of potential and actual conflict resolution represent the trend towards a quantitative decline in the choices to be made for the conflict resolution. Some foreseen gaps between the potential and actual action in the case of discrimination are unexpectedly salient.Almost all Lithuanians express the determination to defend the violated rights that is not a case of represented actual actions by the victims of discrimination. Moreover, it can be assumed that at least half of all Lithuanian respondents are not eager for the conflict resolution even on the basic level of a close social environment. Also, the research data suggest that the public discourse on equal opportunities and discrimination is at the stage of formation.
The institutional protection of equal rights and opportunities is one of the most important features of the contemporary democratic society. In this context, there is some paradox in Lithuania. The modern mechanism for the protection of equal rights and opportunities is being developed, however, the population does not fully utilize its competences in the case of actual discrimination. The article enquires into the choice of potential and actual actions for a conflict resolution based on discrimination in the context of existing institutional possibilities in Lithuania. The concept of the conflict resolution pyramid is used. Both pyramids of potential and actual conflict resolution represent the trend towards a quantitative decline in the choices to be made for the conflict resolution. Some foreseen gaps between the potential and actual action in the case of discrimination are unexpectedly salient.Almost all Lithuanians express the determination to defend the violated rights that is not a case of represented actual actions by the victims of discrimination. Moreover, it can be assumed that at least half of all Lithuanian respondents are not eager for the conflict resolution even on the basic level of a close social environment. Also, the research data suggest that the public discourse on equal opportunities and discrimination is at the stage of formation.
The institutional protection of equal rights and opportunities is one of the most important features of the contemporary democratic society. In this context, there is some paradox in Lithuania. The modern mechanism for the protection of equal rights and opportunities is being developed, however, the population does not fully utilize its competences in the case of actual discrimination. The article enquires into the choice of potential and actual actions for a conflict resolution based on discrimination in the context of existing institutional possibilities in Lithuania. The concept of the conflict resolution pyramid is used. Both pyramids of potential and actual conflict resolution represent the trend towards a quantitative decline in the choices to be made for the conflict resolution. Some foreseen gaps between the potential and actual action in the case of discrimination are unexpectedly salient.Almost all Lithuanians express the determination to defend the violated rights that is not a case of represented actual actions by the victims of discrimination. Moreover, it can be assumed that at least half of all Lithuanian respondents are not eager for the conflict resolution even on the basic level of a close social environment. Also, the research data suggest that the public discourse on equal opportunities and discrimination is at the stage of formation.
The institutional protection of equal rights and opportunities is one of the most important features of the contemporary democratic society. In this context, there is some paradox in Lithuania. The modern mechanism for the protection of equal rights and opportunities is being developed, however, the population does not fully utilize its competences in the case of actual discrimination. The article enquires into the choice of potential and actual actions for a conflict resolution based on discrimination in the context of existing institutional possibilities in Lithuania. The concept of the conflict resolution pyramid is used. Both pyramids of potential and actual conflict resolution represent the trend towards a quantitative decline in the choices to be made for the conflict resolution. Some foreseen gaps between the potential and actual action in the case of discrimination are unexpectedly salient.Almost all Lithuanians express the determination to defend the violated rights that is not a case of represented actual actions by the victims of discrimination. Moreover, it can be assumed that at least half of all Lithuanian respondents are not eager for the conflict resolution even on the basic level of a close social environment. Also, the research data suggest that the public discourse on equal opportunities and discrimination is at the stage of formation.
The Roma is a minority group in the European Union (EU), which obstacles with great social, economical and political challenges throughout the entire EU. Despite some theoretical studies and empirical data, no analysis has ever been oriented towards the situation of the Roma in Lithuania. Thus, the objective of this master thesis (The Implementation of the Minority Policy in the European Union: the Roma (Case of Lithuania)) is to analyse the role of institutions in the implementation process of the Roma policy in Lithuania. Both the ways and the methods of the inter-institutional relations enable to find out solutions which can help to improve present situation. It is indicated that both the institutional structure (institu-tions may be governmental, non-governmental, and the Roma communities) and the relations between them determine the way in which policy is implemented. The aim of the thesis is to clarify the main criteria that show the roots of today's situation of the Roma in Lithuania (institutional perspective) and to foresee the future situation. In order to achieve the aim of the thesis, four main tasks were set: to analyse the model of social policy of the minorities both in the EU and in Lithuania; to clarify the main criteria of the Roma situa-tion in Lithuania (this helps to find out possible solutions); to find the main criteria of judicial-institutional construction of the policy in relation to the best practices throughout the EU; to find the main political and administrative actors that have the greatest influence upon today's policies situation in Lithuania. In the course of the thesis, the following hypotheses were tested: only two-way integration may both ensure full realization of the Roma needs in economical, social, cultural, political spheres and avoid negative preconceptions of the society; if there is no compatibility between the political declara-tions and the procedure of implementation, the Roma have no choice to become a fully integrated seg-ment of the society. A conclusion was drawn that some aspects of new institutionalism, rational choice and net-works theory enable to clarify the main problems of the implementation of the Roma policy in both the national and the supranational levels. It is also stated that in case of several unexpected changes in the institutional structure, the way of the policy must also be changed. It is recommended that the situation, in relation to the supranational cooperation between rįtinstitutions, should be improved in Lithuania, especially while talking about institutional cooperation in problem-orientated spheres (e.g. labour mar-ket, education, etc.). Besides, it is stated that policy should be implemented at that administrative level (local government, national, supranational) at which the best conditions are created. Finally, it is noted that the authorities of the local governments should pay more attention to the administration of the Roma.
The Roma is a minority group in the European Union (EU), which obstacles with great social, economical and political challenges throughout the entire EU. Despite some theoretical studies and empirical data, no analysis has ever been oriented towards the situation of the Roma in Lithuania. Thus, the objective of this master thesis (The Implementation of the Minority Policy in the European Union: the Roma (Case of Lithuania)) is to analyse the role of institutions in the implementation process of the Roma policy in Lithuania. Both the ways and the methods of the inter-institutional relations enable to find out solutions which can help to improve present situation. It is indicated that both the institutional structure (institu-tions may be governmental, non-governmental, and the Roma communities) and the relations between them determine the way in which policy is implemented. The aim of the thesis is to clarify the main criteria that show the roots of today's situation of the Roma in Lithuania (institutional perspective) and to foresee the future situation. In order to achieve the aim of the thesis, four main tasks were set: to analyse the model of social policy of the minorities both in the EU and in Lithuania; to clarify the main criteria of the Roma situa-tion in Lithuania (this helps to find out possible solutions); to find the main criteria of judicial-institutional construction of the policy in relation to the best practices throughout the EU; to find the main political and administrative actors that have the greatest influence upon today's policies situation in Lithuania. In the course of the thesis, the following hypotheses were tested: only two-way integration may both ensure full realization of the Roma needs in economical, social, cultural, political spheres and avoid negative preconceptions of the society; if there is no compatibility between the political declara-tions and the procedure of implementation, the Roma have no choice to become a fully integrated seg-ment of the society. A conclusion was drawn that some aspects of new institutionalism, rational choice and net-works theory enable to clarify the main problems of the implementation of the Roma policy in both the national and the supranational levels. It is also stated that in case of several unexpected changes in the institutional structure, the way of the policy must also be changed. It is recommended that the situation, in relation to the supranational cooperation between rįtinstitutions, should be improved in Lithuania, especially while talking about institutional cooperation in problem-orientated spheres (e.g. labour mar-ket, education, etc.). Besides, it is stated that policy should be implemented at that administrative level (local government, national, supranational) at which the best conditions are created. Finally, it is noted that the authorities of the local governments should pay more attention to the administration of the Roma.
