Suchergebnisse

The paper conceptualises labor relations from the new institutionalist perspective. Labor relations are described as formal and informal institutional rules and practices. The following institutions are analysed: formal regulation of hiring, firing and working conditions; informal institutions of hiring, firing and working conditions; wage setting; representation of the employee collective; and labor market policy instruments. It is argued that the discourse of development of labor relations is a necessary although an insufficient condition for institutional change, and that studying the discourse helps us to understand some of the important characteristics of change. For this purpose empirical qualitative research was conducted. The research was based on interviews with actors within the fields of institutional change, policy making and the production of knowledge. The research attempted to unveil what the institutionalist actors thought of the issues of institutional performance, priorities of institutional change and chances for a change to be implemented. The results showed that the main problems concerning labor relations in Lithuania, as emphasized by the actors, were the rigidity of formal regulations and their weak enforcement, which results in the expansion of informal institutions. The main priorities of change are flexibility in labor relations and the development of collective bargaining. The findings reveal that, firstly, finding solutions to the problems and the implementation of the priorities conditioned by the interaction among the different labor relations institutions were limited. Secondly, the priorities of change represent an ideal picture labor relations and are weakly linked to the objective conditions of the institutional reality.[.]

The paper conceptualises labor relations from the new institutionalist perspective. Labor relations are described as formal and informal institutional rules and practices. The following institutions are analysed: formal regulation of hiring, firing and working conditions; informal institutions of hiring, firing and working conditions; wage setting; representation of the employee collective; and labor market policy instruments. It is argued that the discourse of development of labor relations is a necessary although an insufficient condition for institutional change, and that studying the discourse helps us to understand some of the important characteristics of change. For this purpose empirical qualitative research was conducted. The research was based on interviews with actors within the fields of institutional change, policy making and the production of knowledge. The research attempted to unveil what the institutionalist actors thought of the issues of institutional performance, priorities of institutional change and chances for a change to be implemented. The results showed that the main problems concerning labor relations in Lithuania, as emphasized by the actors, were the rigidity of formal regulations and their weak enforcement, which results in the expansion of informal institutions. The main priorities of change are flexibility in labor relations and the development of collective bargaining. The findings reveal that, firstly, finding solutions to the problems and the implementation of the priorities conditioned by the interaction among the different labor relations institutions were limited. Secondly, the priorities of change represent an ideal picture labor relations and are weakly linked to the objective conditions of the institutional reality.[.]

This article is focused on the analysis of interim (the Iraqi Governing Council, the Iraqi Interim Government and the Interim National Assembly) and transitional Iraqi institutions (the Transitional National Assembly) as well as other previously established institutions (the Office of Reconstruction and Humanitarian Assistance, the Interim Coalition Government). Much attention is given to the level of democracy within these institutions. They are examined applying the model of autonomous democracy that consists of a coherent chain of the main principles of democracy and its criteria. At the same time some additional attention is devoted to the elections to the Transitional National Assembly and these to the permanent National Assembly as well as the referendum concerning the Iraqi Constitution. Consequently, visible signs of the ethno-confessional polarization have become especially significant. Various reasons for this phenomenon which, in turn, has resulted in the political upheaval and the security crisis in Iraq will be discussed in the context of the process of democratization.

This article is focused on the analysis of interim (the Iraqi Governing Council, the Iraqi Interim Government and the Interim National Assembly) and transitional Iraqi institutions (the Transitional National Assembly) as well as other previously established institutions (the Office of Reconstruction and Humanitarian Assistance, the Interim Coalition Government). Much attention is given to the level of democracy within these institutions. They are examined applying the model of autonomous democracy that consists of a coherent chain of the main principles of democracy and its criteria. At the same time some additional attention is devoted to the elections to the Transitional National Assembly and these to the permanent National Assembly as well as the referendum concerning the Iraqi Constitution. Consequently, visible signs of the ethno-confessional polarization have become especially significant. Various reasons for this phenomenon which, in turn, has resulted in the political upheaval and the security crisis in Iraq will be discussed in the context of the process of democratization.

This article is focused on the analysis of interim (the Iraqi Governing Council, the Iraqi Interim Government and the Interim National Assembly) and transitional Iraqi institutions (the Transitional National Assembly) as well as other previously established institutions (the Office of Reconstruction and Humanitarian Assistance, the Interim Coalition Government). Much attention is given to the level of democracy within these institutions. They are examined applying the model of autonomous democracy that consists of a coherent chain of the main principles of democracy and its criteria. At the same time some additional attention is devoted to the elections to the Transitional National Assembly and these to the permanent National Assembly as well as the referendum concerning the Iraqi Constitution. Consequently, visible signs of the ethno-confessional polarization have become especially significant. Various reasons for this phenomenon which, in turn, has resulted in the political upheaval and the security crisis in Iraq will be discussed in the context of the process of democratization.

Adapted from the source document.

In recent years, interest in no financial performance measures has grown, as evidenced by the large number of literature investigating balanced scorecard, value based management, total quality. The increased attention to no financial measurement reflects increased requirement of information for managing and decision making processes because of strong competition, constantly changing environment of organization. Those processes are based on organizations' relations with an environment. The dimensions that lead to the deeper analysis of relations between performance measurement system and environment of organization are very important for today organizations. According to this aspect, it could be stated that performance measurement system (PMS) which covers financial and no financial measurement and fits with environment of organization should be critical for today's organizations and need deeper and continue researches. [.]

In recent years, interest in no financial performance measures has grown, as evidenced by the large number of literature investigating balanced scorecard, value based management, total quality. The increased attention to no financial measurement reflects increased requirement of information for managing and decision making processes because of strong competition, constantly changing environment of organization. Those processes are based on organizations' relations with an environment. The dimensions that lead to the deeper analysis of relations between performance measurement system and environment of organization are very important for today organizations. According to this aspect, it could be stated that performance measurement system (PMS) which covers financial and no financial measurement and fits with environment of organization should be critical for today's organizations and need deeper and continue researches. [.]

In recent years, interest in no financial performance measures has grown, as evidenced by the large number of literature investigating balanced scorecard, value based management, total quality. The increased attention to no financial measurement reflects increased requirement of information for managing and decision making processes because of strong competition, constantly changing environment of organization. Those processes are based on organizations' relations with an environment. The dimensions that lead to the deeper analysis of relations between performance measurement system and environment of organization are very important for today organizations. According to this aspect, it could be stated that performance measurement system (PMS) which covers financial and no financial measurement and fits with environment of organization should be critical for today's organizations and need deeper and continue researches. [.]

Public Prosecutor's Office in the State Institutional System A disussion concerning the legal constutional status of the Public Prosecutor's Office in still continuing. The major issues under discussion are related to the organization and functions of Public Prosecutor's Office. The unsolved points of discussion concern the effectiveness of the system and structure of the principles, the limits of the power of Public Prosecutor's Office at its present stage; its position in the system of national institutions; the relation between the safeguarding of the enforcement of the legal powers of the Public Prosecutor's Office and the independence of the legal organs of government; the experience of analogous institutions of other countries and the extent to which it should be taken into account. To better understand the specific chracteriscs of the constitutional legal status of the Public Prosecutor's Office, they are contrasted with the constitutional regulations concerning the institution of the Public Prosecutor's Office of other countries. The metods scholarly-literary, historical and comparative-legal analysis are applied. The Public Prosecutor's Office system of Lithuania is contrasted with that operating in other European countries, such as Italy, Spain, Belgium, Malta, Cyprus and Poland. Suggestions are made as to which principles functioning in the above mentioned countries could be applied to Lithuania's model of the Public Prosecutor's Office. Certain different characteristics of the Public Prosecutor's Office of some post-Soviet countries, such as the Russian Federation, the Republic of Moldova, the Republic of Latvia and Azerbaijan are also presented. These countries and Lithuania shared the common experience of Soviet regime at a certain historical period, so the analysis of the status of the Public Prosecutor's Office in them is reasonable in the context of the subject investigated in the paper. On the basis of the historical analysis, it is possible to draw a conclusion that the Public Prosecutor's Office must be defined as a multi-functional legal institution whose activity is part of the whole system of actitvities of the country within a single legal framework. A conclusion is made that there exists no universal foreign Public Prosecutor's Office model that could be introduced in Lithuania, under current circumstances, to safeguard public interests and protect human and civil rights. It is obvious that within the mechanism of the State, the Public Prosecutor's Office has no definite constitutional-legal status, as it is independent of all organs of government. It is mandatory that its present status should be improved in order to consolidate its influence in the areas of law and order, and human and civil rights. A conclusion is drawn that the legal status of the Public Prosecutor's Office calls for further correction.

Public Prosecutor's Office in the State Institutional System A disussion concerning the legal constutional status of the Public Prosecutor's Office in still continuing. The major issues under discussion are related to the organization and functions of Public Prosecutor's Office. The unsolved points of discussion concern the effectiveness of the system and structure of the principles, the limits of the power of Public Prosecutor's Office at its present stage; its position in the system of national institutions; the relation between the safeguarding of the enforcement of the legal powers of the Public Prosecutor's Office and the independence of the legal organs of government; the experience of analogous institutions of other countries and the extent to which it should be taken into account. To better understand the specific chracteriscs of the constitutional legal status of the Public Prosecutor's Office, they are contrasted with the constitutional regulations concerning the institution of the Public Prosecutor's Office of other countries. The metods scholarly-literary, historical and comparative-legal analysis are applied. The Public Prosecutor's Office system of Lithuania is contrasted with that operating in other European countries, such as Italy, Spain, Belgium, Malta, Cyprus and Poland. Suggestions are made as to which principles functioning in the above mentioned countries could be applied to Lithuania's model of the Public Prosecutor's Office. Certain different characteristics of the Public Prosecutor's Office of some post-Soviet countries, such as the Russian Federation, the Republic of Moldova, the Republic of Latvia and Azerbaijan are also presented. These countries and Lithuania shared the common experience of Soviet regime at a certain historical period, so the analysis of the status of the Public Prosecutor's Office in them is reasonable in the context of the subject investigated in the paper. On the basis of the historical analysis, it is possible to draw a conclusion that the Public Prosecutor's Office must be defined as a multi-functional legal institution whose activity is part of the whole system of actitvities of the country within a single legal framework. A conclusion is made that there exists no universal foreign Public Prosecutor's Office model that could be introduced in Lithuania, under current circumstances, to safeguard public interests and protect human and civil rights. It is obvious that within the mechanism of the State, the Public Prosecutor's Office has no definite constitutional-legal status, as it is independent of all organs of government. It is mandatory that its present status should be improved in order to consolidate its influence in the areas of law and order, and human and civil rights. A conclusion is drawn that the legal status of the Public Prosecutor's Office calls for further correction.

Public Prosecutor's Office in the State Institutional System A disussion concerning the legal constutional status of the Public Prosecutor's Office in still continuing. The major issues under discussion are related to the organization and functions of Public Prosecutor's Office. The unsolved points of discussion concern the effectiveness of the system and structure of the principles, the limits of the power of Public Prosecutor's Office at its present stage; its position in the system of national institutions; the relation between the safeguarding of the enforcement of the legal powers of the Public Prosecutor's Office and the independence of the legal organs of government; the experience of analogous institutions of other countries and the extent to which it should be taken into account. To better understand the specific chracteriscs of the constitutional legal status of the Public Prosecutor's Office, they are contrasted with the constitutional regulations concerning the institution of the Public Prosecutor's Office of other countries. The metods scholarly-literary, historical and comparative-legal analysis are applied. The Public Prosecutor's Office system of Lithuania is contrasted with that operating in other European countries, such as Italy, Spain, Belgium, Malta, Cyprus and Poland. Suggestions are made as to which principles functioning in the above mentioned countries could be applied to Lithuania's model of the Public Prosecutor's Office. Certain different characteristics of the Public Prosecutor's Office of some post-Soviet countries, such as the Russian Federation, the Republic of Moldova, the Republic of Latvia and Azerbaijan are also presented. These countries and Lithuania shared the common experience of Soviet regime at a certain historical period, so the analysis of the status of the Public Prosecutor's Office in them is reasonable in the context of the subject investigated in the paper. On the basis of the historical analysis, it is possible to draw a conclusion that the Public Prosecutor's Office must be defined as a multi-functional legal institution whose activity is part of the whole system of actitvities of the country within a single legal framework. A conclusion is made that there exists no universal foreign Public Prosecutor's Office model that could be introduced in Lithuania, under current circumstances, to safeguard public interests and protect human and civil rights. It is obvious that within the mechanism of the State, the Public Prosecutor's Office has no definite constitutional-legal status, as it is independent of all organs of government. It is mandatory that its present status should be improved in order to consolidate its influence in the areas of law and order, and human and civil rights. A conclusion is drawn that the legal status of the Public Prosecutor's Office calls for further correction.

Public Prosecutor's Office in the State Institutional System A disussion concerning the legal constutional status of the Public Prosecutor's Office in still continuing. The major issues under discussion are related to the organization and functions of Public Prosecutor's Office. The unsolved points of discussion concern the effectiveness of the system and structure of the principles, the limits of the power of Public Prosecutor's Office at its present stage; its position in the system of national institutions; the relation between the safeguarding of the enforcement of the legal powers of the Public Prosecutor's Office and the independence of the legal organs of government; the experience of analogous institutions of other countries and the extent to which it should be taken into account. To better understand the specific chracteriscs of the constitutional legal status of the Public Prosecutor's Office, they are contrasted with the constitutional regulations concerning the institution of the Public Prosecutor's Office of other countries. The metods scholarly-literary, historical and comparative-legal analysis are applied. The Public Prosecutor's Office system of Lithuania is contrasted with that operating in other European countries, such as Italy, Spain, Belgium, Malta, Cyprus and Poland. Suggestions are made as to which principles functioning in the above mentioned countries could be applied to Lithuania's model of the Public Prosecutor's Office. Certain different characteristics of the Public Prosecutor's Office of some post-Soviet countries, such as the Russian Federation, the Republic of Moldova, the Republic of Latvia and Azerbaijan are also presented. These countries and Lithuania shared the common experience of Soviet regime at a certain historical period, so the analysis of the status of the Public Prosecutor's Office in them is reasonable in the context of the subject investigated in the paper. On the basis of the historical analysis, it is possible to draw a conclusion that the Public Prosecutor's Office must be defined as a multi-functional legal institution whose activity is part of the whole system of actitvities of the country within a single legal framework. A conclusion is made that there exists no universal foreign Public Prosecutor's Office model that could be introduced in Lithuania, under current circumstances, to safeguard public interests and protect human and civil rights. It is obvious that within the mechanism of the State, the Public Prosecutor's Office has no definite constitutional-legal status, as it is independent of all organs of government. It is mandatory that its present status should be improved in order to consolidate its influence in the areas of law and order, and human and civil rights. A conclusion is drawn that the legal status of the Public Prosecutor's Office calls for further correction.

First hypothesis is falsified – in accordance with other similar works (f.e., Gupta, 2008), no relation between democracy level and degree/occurrence of collective violence is found. However, empirical analysis strongly supports the second hypothesis: there is a statistically significant relationship between the regime capacity (measured as polity fragmentation index) and degree of collective violence. The probability that regime will experience higher levels of collective violence (if it occurs) is raised greatly when the regime capacity is lower. As it is expected from these findings, third hypothesis is only partially supported: higher levels of collective violence are indeed observed in the low capacity-undemocratic regimes, but the most successful in terms of containment of collective violence are high-capacity undemocratic regimes (not high capacity-democratic, as formulated in the hypothesis).

First hypothesis is falsified – in accordance with other similar works (f.e., Gupta, 2008), no relation between democracy level and degree/occurrence of collective violence is found. However, empirical analysis strongly supports the second hypothesis: there is a statistically significant relationship between the regime capacity (measured as polity fragmentation index) and degree of collective violence. The probability that regime will experience higher levels of collective violence (if it occurs) is raised greatly when the regime capacity is lower. As it is expected from these findings, third hypothesis is only partially supported: higher levels of collective violence are indeed observed in the low capacity-undemocratic regimes, but the most successful in terms of containment of collective violence are high-capacity undemocratic regimes (not high capacity-democratic, as formulated in the hypothesis).