Suchergebnisse

Neste artigo, analisamos o programa Universidade Aberta do Brasil (UAB) que visa à democratização do sistema educacional brasileiro através da modalidade a distância e sua institucionalização na Universidade de Brasília (UnB). Questiona-se a pretensão democratizante do programa a partir das teses contemporâneas que versam a respeito da renovação das dinâmicas de reprodução educacional e da literatura especializada já acumulada acerca do programa em questão. Precisamente, se a modalidade educacional em questão se estratificaria na forma de uma dualidade intrainstitucional. Para tanto, foram realizadas entrevistas com coordenadores de curso de graduação a distância, buscando analisar as diversas dimensões da suposta dualidade intrainstitucional gerada pelo programa. Uma análise documental também foi mobilizada, visando a complementar o entendimento do objeto e atingir o objetivo da pesquisa. Constatou-se um complexo cenário institucional, com significativas modificações no decorrer dos anos de aplicação do programa. No entanto, ficou claro que as operações institucionais e didáticas e as relações comunitárias dos cursos a distância, em vários aspectos, ocorrem de forma marginal ao presencial. Após análise dos resultados da pesquisa, conclui-se que a modalidade a distância se encerra em uma institucionalização e inclusão apenas parcial, reforçando as teses da teoria da reprodução em suas versões mais atuais. ; In this article, we analyze the Universidade Aberta do Brasil (UAB [Open University of Brazil]) program, the aim of which is to democratize the Brazilian educational system, through the distance education modality and its institutionalization in the University of Brasília (UnB). We question the democratizing intent of the program, based on contemporary theses that deal about the renewal of education reproduction dynamics and on the specialized literature already accumulated on the program in question. Precisely, we question whether the educational modality at issue becomes stratified, in a type of intra-institutional duality. For this, interviews were conducted with coordinators of undergraduate distance programs, seeking to analyze the several dimensions of the supposed intra-institutional duality generated by the program. A documental analysis was also conducted, aimed at complementing the understanding of the subject and reaching the goal of the research. A complex institutional scenario was found, with significant changes over the years of application of the program. However, it became clear that institutional and teaching operations, and community relations in distance programs, in several aspects, are marginal to face-to-face programs. After an analysis of the research results, it was concluded that the distance modality is confined to merely partial institutionalization and inclusion, reinforcing the thesis of the theory of reproduction in its most current version.

This study analyzes the most relevant political and economic factors that conditioned the institutionalization trajectory of the brazilian Public Employment, Labor and Income System (SPETR). For this, the analytical focus was the financing mechanisms of the Fund of Support to the Worker. Based on a broad analysis of legal instruments and accounting for FAT's annual exercises since its implementation, it has been noted that, as current expenditures have increased in relation to revenues, especially in view of the mandatory constitutional programs (unemployment insurance and salary bonuses), such financing arrangement began to show signs of fragility, since the space to cover discretionary current expenses that make up the other operational dimensions of SPETR has been reduced. However, the main vector of depletion of FAT's financial capacity comes from economic policy decisions within the federal government that have transcended even the decision-making sphere created for this purpose, the Codefat. Decisions with the greatest impact on the system came unilaterally and without any compensation from the economic policy summit of the different governments since the mid-1990s, mainly affecting their revenue stream, particularly revenue earmarking and tax relief.

O artigo discute, em um primeiro momento, questões relativas à configuração da política de Educação Especial no Brasil a partir dos anos 2000, destacando elementos que marcaram o processo de institucionalização da inclusão dos alunos, público alvo da educação especial na escola comum, bem como seus desafios atuais. Tendo como referência essas problematizações, busca-se, em um segundo momento, contextualizar os trabalhos que compõem esta Seção Temática. Partindo de abordagens teórico-metodológicas distintas, esses textos conservam em comum uma preocupação ética com os desdobramentos da Educação Especial para a sociedade e com a efetivação do princípio constitucional da educação como um direito de todos. ; The article discusses, at first, questions related to the configuration of the Special Education policy in Brazil from the 2000s, highlighting elements that marked the process of institutionalization of the inclusion of students, the target audience of special education in the common school, as well as challenges. With these problematizations as reference, it is sought, secondly, to contextualize the works that make up this Thematic Section. Based on different theoretical and methodological approaches, these texts share an ethical concern with the development of Special Education for society and with the implementation of the constitutional principle of education as a right of all.

This paper focus on aspects of metropolitan governance of the United States and Canada highlighting strategies of cooperation and criteria used in their experiences of management and institutionalization. Thus, it describes both the governance experiences implemented voluntarily or compulsorily, their financing mechanisms and the resulting ability to offer public services. Besides, aiming at further deepening the understanding of the strategies adopted, this paper depicts the processes of conurbation, urban sprawl and densification in metropolitan areas. Therefore, the objective of this paper is to analyze the institutional processes of metropolitan governance and its fostering of public policies and programs. Institutional guidelines, challenges and observed limitations are considered for the cases at hand. In order to develop the paper, specific literature produced by the institutions as well as their analysis was consulted. The analyses indicate that there are different governance structures in Canada and in the United States concerning both political attachment and concentration or fragmentation of decision-making processes although delimitation criteria of metropolitan areas are similar. There is a diversity of models for offering public services. However, some limitations can still be observed in terms of articulating policies among different sectors. Disagreements persist among public and private economic actors.

No Brasil, instituições de longa permanência para idosos (Ilpi) são o principal equipamento prestador de cuidados prolongados para idosos em situação de vulnerabilidade social ou fragilidade de saúde. Este estudo buscou analisar as percepções de gestores e profissionais que atuam em nove Ilpi de diferentes regiões do estado do Rio de Janeiro acerca da institucionalização, das dificuldades para realizar os cuidados preconizados e de como melhorá-los. Foi feito um estudo qualitativo, que analisou 38 entrevistas semiestruturadas: nove com gestores e 29 com profissionais. Utilizou-se a técnica de análise de conteúdo temática, buscando compreender nos relatos quais são os principais desafios para garantir um cuidado atento e digno nessas instituições. Constatou-se que a violência é um grande obstáculo, que atua na contramão do cuidado preconizado. Ela manifesta-se de diferentes modos na realidade institucional: sob a forma de negligência e abandono antes da institucionalização, mas também no interior das Ilpi; nos preconceitos contra idosos; na visão negativa da velhice; na infantilização e despersonalização daqueles que acolhem; e no contexto macropolítico, pela ausência ou não cumprimento das ações previstas nas políticas públicas de atenção ao idoso ou na falta de legislações que atendam às suas necessidades. Políticas são necessárias e precisam ser implementadas. Para isso, deverá haver mais investimento, sobretudo na capacitação dos profissionais, para que os cuidados de longa duração sejam prestados dignamente à população idosa. ; In Brazil, long-term care institutions for the elderly (ILPI) are the main long-term care providers for the elderly in situations of social vulnerability or fragile health. This study sought to analyze the perceptions of care managers and professionals who work in eight ILPI in different regions of Rio de Janeiro state regarding the institutionalization, difficulties of performing recommended care and how to improve these. A qualitative study was carried out that analyzed 38 semi-structured interviews: nine with care managers and 29 with care professionals. A thematic content analysis technique was used in trying to understand in the reports what the main challenges are to guarantee attentive and dignified care in these institutions. Violence has been found to be a major obstacle, which acts contrary to the care advocated. It manifests itself in different ways within the institutional reality: in the form of neglect and abandonment before institutionalization, but also within ILPI themselves. It appears in prejudices against the elderly: in the negative view of old age, in the infantilization and depersonalization of those that receive them, in the macro-political context, and by the absence or non-fulfillment of actions foreseen in public policies of attention to the elderly or in the lack of legislation that attends to their needs. Policies are necessary and need to be implemented. To this end, there should be more investment, especially in the training of professionals, so that long-term care is provided to the elderly in a dignified manner.

In interview given to Igor Lemos Moreira, the American historian Elizabeth Schwall reflects on the role of Cuban dance in the island's revolutionary context. Specialist in the interface between arts and politics in the Americas, Schwall discusses theoretical-methodological aspects of studying the performing arts in historiography, the different processes that involved the institutionalization of dance by the Cuban revolutionary government and the interconnected histories between exiles and artists who support the revolution. Throughout the interview, carried out remotely, it is clear that, in addition to being a fruitful field for art historiography, the study of Cuban dance in the 20th century makes it possible to reflect on the global and intertwined connections between politics, society, art and individuals. ; Em entrevista concedida a Igor Lemos Moreira, a historiadora estadunidense Elizabeth Schwall reflete sobre o papel da dança cubana no contexto revolucionário da ilha. Especialista na interface entre artes e política nas Américas, Schwall discorre sobre aspectos teórico-metodológicos de estudas as artes performances na historiografia, os diferentes processos que envolveram a institucionalização de dança pelo governo revolucionário cubano e as histórias interconectadas entre exilados e artistas que apoiadores da revolução. Ao longo da entrevista, realizada remotamente, percebe-se que além de um campo profícuo a historiografia da arte, o estudo da dança cubana no século XX possibilita refletir acerca das conexões globais e entrelaçadas entre política, sociedade, arte e indivíduos.

The debates about the institutionalization of Cultural Studies and their political, ethical and epistemological dimensions were particularly important during the 1990s, when the field was undergoing a major transnational expansion encouraged by universities and publishers from England and the United States, which increasingly involved colleagues and institutions from various European, Asian and Latin American countries. Debates were often associated with the diversity of genealogies and intellectual traditions at play. Leaving aside the differences between those diverse intellectual traditions, this text focuses on some political, ethical, and epistemological dimensions of doing cultural studies beyond the academy, or inside and outside academia. ; Los debates sobre la institucionalización de los Estudios Culturales y sus dimensiones políticas, éticas y epistemológicas fueron particularmente importantes durante la década de 1990, cuando el campo pasaba por una importante expansión transnacional impulsada por universidades y editoriales de Estados Unidos e Inglaterra, que crecientemente involucró a colegas e instituciones de diversos países europeos, asiáticos y latinoamericanos. Los debates se asociaban a menudo a la diversidad de genealogías y tradiciones intelectuales en juego. Dejando en segundo plano las diferencias entre esas diversas tradiciones intelectuales, este texto se centra en algunas dimensiones políticas, éticas y epistemológicas de hacer estudios culturales más allá de la academia, o bien dentro y fuera de la academia.

This paper was based on some previously delimited categories to guide a reflexive debate about the production on the institutionalized social participation in the scope of the public administration in Brazil. To that end, the analytical course was organized and developed around a new concept for a generic definition of these innovations in the field of democratic practice in the country, here called "participatory deliberation institutions" (PDI), each with its particular functional characteristics. For a better operationalization of this concept, the text is ordered from three analytical pairs: i) institutionalization and structural insertion of these innovations; ii) participation and representativeness; and iii) deliberation and effectiveness. On these pairs some arguments in the literature have been embedded and problematized in order to shed light on different issues that fall within this highly complex field, aiming also for a more precise detailing of the central characteristics in terms of the democratic advances and intrinsic contradictions found dispersed in the area debate. With this, it is believed that this text makes a relevant contribution to the mapping of the "master lines" of analysis on a field of practices that, despite the rich production already existing, still makes possible and even lacks other exploratory investigations, given the dynamism inherent in the very process of democratic consolidation.

The Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) of the European Union (EU), one of the most important symbols of the European regional integration process, completed fifty years in 2012. At first glance, many of its positive aspects, which places the EU as the global largest exporter position of agri-food goods, stands strong in the defense of agricultural protectionism, position which is reflected in the European way of acting in the negotiations and the CAP as a concerned policy to ensure food security in the European Continent. All these elements show positive traits of European regional integration. However, the CAP is quite controversial because over the decades it favored the interests of the European farmers maintaining its level of income, especially of certain member states of the EU, persists for more than five decades keeping the essence of its original structure, even it is an extremely costly policy to citizens of the European bloc of regional integration and resulted in imbalances. Taking into account these elements, the purpose of this article is to discuss the origins of the CAP, which are linked to food security in the post-Second World War Europe, the interests that supported its original formulation, the previous negotiations and those that occurred during the its institutionalization process. In addition, we intend to analyze the first results of the integrated European policy in the agricultural area, which went through incremental changes until 1992.

Cristina Maria Meira Melo is a nurse and Ph.D. in Public Health from the University of São Paulo/USP and professor at the Nursing School, Federal University of Bahia/UFBA acting in undergraduate courses, Residence, Masters and Doctorate in Nursing. This book was published in 1986, the result of her dissertation. Its importance stands out of addressing on the nursing work based on the historical and dialectical materialism, little-discussed perspective in Brazilian Nursing and internationally. In this sense, the author provides reflections on the Nursing articulated to other social practices, highlighting the historical character from the professional institutionalization in the mid-nineteenth century. Reflections on nursing practice and its economic, political and ideological determinants are shown, being present and raised questions to the reader. ; Cristina Maria Meira Melo é enfermeira, Doutora em Saúde Pública pela Universidade de São Paulo/USP e docente na Escola de Enfermagem, da Universidade Federal da Bahia/UFBA, atuando nos cursos de Graduação, Residência, Mestrado e Doutorado em Enfermagem. O livro em questão foi publicado em 1986, resultado de sua dissertação. Sua importância destaca-se por debruçar sobre o trabalho de enfermagem à luz do materialismo histórico-dialético, perspectiva pouco discutida na Enfermagem brasileira e no cenário internacional. Nesse sentido, a autora proporciona reflexões a respeito da Enfermagem articulada a outras práticas sociais, destacando o caráter histórico a partir da institucionalização profissional em meados do século XIX. Reflexões a respeito da prática de Enfermagem e seus determinantes econômicos, políticos e ideológicos são evidenciados, mostrando-se atuais e suscitando questionamentos ao leitor.

The aim of this article is to bring together contributions to studies on regionalization in Brazil, presenting an overview of the institutionalization of the national program for regional development within the framework defined by the Civil-Military Dictatorship (1964-85). In order to achieve this, details of specialized agencies and institutions, publications by experts, and other unpublished primary sources, have been provided. As a main inference, it is assumed that the national-developmentalist project, in association with authoritarianism, encountered in the regionalization projects the territory par excellence for its materialization. This trait may be observed in manner that regions were characterized based solely on economic criteria, on the legislative privileges granted for the installation of factories outside the large capital cities, on plans and projects for removing residential neighborhoods in favor of industries and, finally, on associating the concept of regionalization to that of development. ; O artigo pretende agregar contribuições para os estudos sobre regionalização no Brasil com a apresentação de um panorama da institucionalização do programa nacional de desenvolvimento regional, no quadro delimitado pela ditadura civil-militar (1964-85). Para isso, são pormenorizados órgãos e instituições especializadas, publicações de experts, entre outras fontes documentais primárias inéditas. Como principal inferência, assume-se que o projeto nacional-desenvolvimentista, associado ao autoritarismo, encontrou nos projetos de regionalização o seu território de materialização por excelência. Esse traço pode ser observado na caracterização de regiões baseada unicamente em critérios econômicos, nos privilégios legislativos concedidos à instalação de fábricas fora das grandes capitais, em planos e projetos de remoção de bairros residenciais em prol de indústrias e, finalmente, na associação da ideia do conceito de regionalização ao de desenvolvimento

This article uses a case study to analyze the actions of ruling classes and social movement organizations in urban politics. The study observes these groups' disputes and interactions with the state, and how different strategies, actions, and political projects of the subaltern classes have influenced the orientation of urban development. In a broad time-scale approach, the article discusses relations of hegemony, the process of institutionalization of movements, disputes in society and within the state, and the heterogeneity of the political projects that guide the subaltern classes. ; Este artículo analiza, a partir de un estudio de caso, la actuación de las clases dominantes y de los movimientos sociales en la política urbana, sus disputas e interacciones con el Estado, y cómo diferentes estrategias, acciones y proyectos políticos de las clases subalternas influyeron en el desarrollo urbano. En un abordaje de amplia escala temporal, se debate las relaciones de hegemonía, el proceso de institucionalización de los movimientos, las disputas en la sociedad y en el interior del Estado, y la heterogeneidad de proyectos políticos que orientan a las clases subalternas. ; Este artigo analisa, a partir de um estudo de caso, a atuação das classes dominantes e dos movimentos sociais na política urbana, suas disputas e interações com o Estado, e como diferentes estratégias, ações e projetos políticos das classes subalternas influem na orientação do desenvolvimento urbano. Em uma abordagem de ampla escala temporal, a discussão perpassa as relações de hegemonia, o processo de institucionalização dos movimentos, as disputas na sociedade e no interior do Estado, bem como a heterogeneidade de projetos políticos que orientam as classes subalternas.

This text investigates how public policies focused on racial equality were inserted in the governmental agenda and how they were implemented by the Brazilian federal government from 2000 to 2014. The research strategy was a case study, using process tracing to analyze the facts in this period. Based on this tool, a timeline was developed, consisting of three periods and a background section. The first period (2000 to 2002) refers to the time of preparation for the Durban Conference in 2001 and its immediate effects. In the second period (2003-2009), the institutionalization of the racial equality policy within the federal government was marked by the rise of the government of the Workers' Party (PT) and by the creation of a dedicated department on ministerial level - Secretaria de Políticas de Promoção da Igualdade Racial (the Secretariat of Policies for the Promotion of Racial Equality). The last period (2010-2014) incorporates the policy consolidation, in which developed norms and decisions established the legitimacy of the undertaken policies and allowed their expansion. To investigate each period in relation to the stated aims, questions and assumptions, the research was divided into three non-linear steps. In the first stage, the focus is to trace the timeline, with the main events of each period and with the main causal mechanisms that led to the institutional change. The second stage focuses on qualifying the institutional change, characterizing its main aspects. In the third stage, it tries to identify how the categories of the various protagonists, contexts and institutions acted in the process of institutional change. The investigation was based on documental, bibliographical and interview research. It is concluded that the process of insertion of racial equality policies in the Brazilian federal government in the period from 2000 to 2014 was promoted by causal mechanisms such as international pressure, institutional tension and normative validation, configuring a layered institutional change trajectory, which also lead towards processes of change by conversion and by drift.

In the second half of the 20th century, the Colombian state was concerned with containing the guerrilla insurgency, promoting internal peace and restructuring its power. The weakening of the state, maximized by drug trafficking led by guerrilla and paramilitary groups, sparked discussions about the establishment of a security plan involving the United States and Colombia, entitled Plan Colombia in 1999. Bill Clinton's US policy, inserted in a conjuncture of war on illicit activities, aimed at interrupting the institutionalization of violence in the Colombian State, as well as containing the impacts of drug sales in adjacent territories. The majority of investments came from the US government, which would remain maximized due to the episodes of 2001 – when the "war on terrorism" converted the plan into a fight against narcoterrorism. This article aims to analyze Plan Colombia in the dynamics of International Relations between the US and Latin America. ; En la segunda mitad del siglo XX, el Estado colombiano se preocupó por contener la insurgencia guerrillera, promover la paz interna y reestructurar su poder. El debilitamiento del Estado, maximizado por el narcotráfico liderado por la guerrilla y los grupos paramilitares, provocó discusiones sobre el establecimiento de un plan de seguridad entre Estados Unidos y Colombia, denominado Plan Colombia en 1999. La política estadounidense de Bill Clinton, insertada en una coyuntura de guerra sobre actividades ilícitas, encaminadas a interrumpir la institucionalización de la violencia en el Estado colombiano, así como a contener los impactos de la venta de drogas en territorios colindantes. La mayoría de las inversiones provinieron del gobierno de Estados Unidos, que se mantendría maximizado debido a los episodios de 2001, cuando la "guerra contra el terrorismo" convirtió el plan en una lucha contra el narcoterrorismo. Este artículo tiene como objetivo analizar el Plan Colombia en la dinámica de las Relaciones Internacionales entre Estados Unidos y América Latina. ; Na ...