European Union is principal example of the so-called fourth current of institutionalization of international relations. What makes it special in the context of other state-like communities is the level of integration and what follows the level of institutionalization of intra-communal relations. There are two levels of institutionalization of intentional relations in integration organizations. On the first level international relations are institutionalized within the community of states. The second level concentrates on institutionalization of relations between the community and other subjects of international relations. The European Union is an example of organization that is advanced on both levels of institutionalization. This paper analyzes institutionalization of international relations between EU and developed states (Australia and New Zealand) and Mercosur – another integrational organization. Recommencement of negotiation between EU and Mercosur on a treaty of association, as well as commencement of negotiations between EU and Australia on the conditions of a Framework Agreement, have taken place at the moment when it was certain that world economy has to cope with the effects of a serious recession. Those actions, although they may seem irrational, are thoroughly rational as they increase the chances of reaching a compromise. Crisis helps to concentrate on the core problems and states (or organizations of states) are more willing in that distinctions to reach an agreement, provided that the balance tilts in their favor (even if the results of negotiations are very diff erent from what was assumed at the beginning).
Institutionalization of relations with Sub-Saharan Africa states is one of approaches used to include those states in main currents of world economy. The African states will benefit because new markets for their exports will open which will increase the speed of reform of their political systems and economies. EU will benefi t because better overall situation of the African states will help in development of stable multilateral relations. In this paper I analyze the EU – Sub-Saharan states relations as an example of institutionalization understood as development of legal and institutional solutions that shape international relations. In this context institutionalization is an instrument that enhances systematic change which in turn leads to transformation of particular states and regions. In the paper I try to answer the question: is the declared level of integration of different instruments of EU foreign policy identical with the reality vis-a-vis the states of Africa.
The matter of normative foundations and operation of regional self- government in Poland, as seen by the regional elites is devoted. The general rules of democratic order was adopted as the reference frame for the perceptions and opinions of elites. The conclusions make it possible to say that the institutionalization of the regional self-government do not fully reflect the intentions of the initiators of the local government reform and that, moreover, the elites themselves lack the innovative potential necessary to improve the quality of this institution. ; The matter of normative foundations and operation of regional self- government in Poland, as seen by the regional elites is devoted. The general rules of democratic order was adopted as the reference frame for the perceptions and opinions of elites. The conclusions make it possible to say that the institutionalization of the regional self-government do not fully reflect the intentions of the initiators of the local government reform and that, moreover, the elites themselves lack the innovative potential necessary to improve the quality of this institution.
The paper analyzes solutions used in the process of institutionalization of relations between UE, CIS member states and the states of Asia and Africa. It also analyzes influence of institutionalization of economic cooperation, particularly export and import, on the position of states involved. Different solutions, such as GSTP for least developed countries, are used. Attention is drawn to the asymmetry in trade relations with the less developed countries, which are given preferential access to EU markets. Those solutions are additionally strengthened by financial instruments. It seems that the results of these actions are positive: GNP increase of African states is higher than the GNP increase of EU-27, especially after 2009. The importance of European Commission and EBC is underlined as an important factor that stimulates growth in those countries. Similar cooperation but on different level is also observed in regard to other continents. The cooperation between Asia, Africa and CIS countries is not limited to transfer of funds. It also includes internationalization of contacts and liberalization of trade, services and capital flow as well as cooperation in research and support of economic transformation. The solutions applied are different for each country, however they are based on the same principles.
The article presents the process of development of political parties in selected countriesof Central Europe and their relation to the category of party families. The analysis includesthe groupings, which gained the status of relevant parliamentary parties after 1989. It isdivided into three time periods: the year 1989; first and second parliamentary elections;finally, the year 2004 and the last decade. In the first period, parties were only starting toshape their structures, and their family adherence was often only conventional. The secondperiod sees a greater level of party institutionalization, as well as the increase of the leveland scope of their affiliation with basic party families. During the last decade, we canobserve a full representation of basic party families on domestic political scenes of CzechRepublic, Poland, Slovakia, and Hungary, varying only by the level of public support
The purpose of this article is to show the differences between the recognition of a neo-liberal and a neo-realist view in relation to the issue of energy security, but also to analyze, in a manner appropriate for designated schools of thought, contemporary phenomena and processes that affect relations between actors shaping the energy policy at the international level. To achieve this, the Author used two case studies. The first is dedicated to the Chinese energy strategy for the "Greater Middle East" (neo-realism), the second relates to issue of institutionalization of the EU energy policy (neo-liberalism). ; Celem niniejszego artykułu jest ukazanie rozbierzności między ujęciem neorealistycznym a neoliberalnym w odniesieniu do problematyki bezpieczeństwa energetycznego, ale także zanalizowanie, w sposób właściwy wskazanym szkołom myślenia, współczesnych zjawisk i procesów wpływających na relacje między podmiotami kształtującymi politykę energetyczną na poziomie międzynarodowym. Służą temu dwa studia przypadku, z których pierwszy został poświęcony chińskiej strategii energetycznej na "Większym Bliskim Wschodzie" (neorealizm), drugi zaś – problemowi instytucjonalizacji polityki energetycznej Unii Europejskiej (neoliberalizm).
Celem niniejszego artykułu jest ukazanie rozbieżności między ujęciem neorealistycznym a neoliberalnym w odniesieniu do problematyki bezpieczeństwa energetycznego, ale także zanalizowanie, w sposób właściwy wskazanym szkołom myślenia, współczesnych zjawisk i procesów wpływających na relacje między podmiotami kształtującymi politykę energetyczną na poziomie międzynarodowym. Służą temu dwa studia przypadku, z których pierwszy został poświęcony chińskiej strategii energetycznej na "Większym Bliskim Wschodzie" (neore-alizm), drugi zaś - problemowi instytucjonalizacji polityki energetycznej Unii Europejskiej (neoliberalizm). ; The purpose of this article is to show the differences between the recognition of a neo-liberal and a neo-realist view in relation to the issue of energy security, but also to analyze, in a manner appropriate for designated schools of thought, contemporary phenomena and processes that affect relations between actors shaping the energy policy at the international level. To achieve this, the Author used two case studies. The first is dedicated to the Chinese energy strategy for the "Greater Middle East" (neorealism), the second relates to issue of institutionalization of the EU energy policy (neoliberalism).
This article examines security policy of the European Union in securing democratic order and preventing universal values and individual liberties against major threats, such as terrorism and crime. The analytical concept employed here is governance of internal security of the EU conceived of as a complex set of political activities undertaken by the member states, assisted by EU institutions, bodies and agencies, to secure high level of safety to EU citizens and legal aliens as well as to respect civil liberties and fundamental rights. For the EU's identity as a security community is built on a common perception of threats and risks, EU security governance consists of complex, multitiered, geographically overlapping structures embedded into multilayered security regimes. Security policy is no longer state-centric, no less important is security generated on the societal level. However, the institutionalization of securitization processes, indispensable to accommodate state objectives with civic engagement and responsibility for maintaining democratic order, alters radically the perspective of security making in the face of new threats
On the 1st of August 1975 in Helsinki, 35 countries signed the Final Act of the CSCE. Running the Helsinki process was crucial for the institutionalization of the human rights movement in Central and Eastern Europe. For the first time the principle of respect for human rights, treated as a manifestation of European security, achieved a high status in the basic international document. Although at the beginning the conference did not have any means of direct impact on Member States, thanks to the adopted mechanisms (Review Conferences ) it became possible to international control over the observance of the principle of protection of human rights. As a result, already in 1976, the first non-governmental organizations, upholding the findings of Helsinki, were established in the USSR, Poland and Czechoslovakia,. In this way, the European communist states were subjected not only international but also internal pressure of societies. Social transformations in each of these countries have become the nucleus of the emerging civil society. The final result of, ongoing since 1973, the CSCE process in 1989, was a fall of the Iron Curtain in 1991 and end of the Yalta–Potsdam order, dividing Europe into the political sphere of influence for more than four decades.
The study attempted to analyze the activities of Ukrainian diplomatic institutions in Poland (Ukrainian Embassy and Consulates) and pointed out the priorities of Ukraine's cultural diplomacy, which is now at the stage of institutionalization. The purpose of the work was to identify the main institutions that are responsible for public diplomacy and cultural diplomacy of Ukraine, to bring closer the concept of a new image of the state abroad and to explain why diplomatic tools had begun playing such important role in foreign policy.Key words: information warfare; Ukraine; cultural Diplomacy ; W badaniach podjęto próbę analizy działalności ukraińskich placówek dyplomatycznych w Polsce (Ambasady i Konsulatów Ukrainy) oraz wskazano priorytety dyplomacji kulturalnej Ukrainy, która obecnie jest na etapie instytucjonalizacji. Celem pracy było wskazanie głównych instytucji odpowiedzialnych za dyplomacje publiczną oraz dyplomację kulturalną Ukrainy, przybliżenie zagadnienia koncepcji nowego wizerunku państwa za granicą oraz wyjaśnienie, dlaczego dopiero teraz narzędzia dyplomatyczne zaczęły odgrywać taką istotną rolę w polityce zagranicznej.Słowa kluczowe: Ukraina; wojna informacyjna; dyplomacja kulturalna ; Статтю присвячено аналізу діяльності українських дипломатичних представництв у Польщі (посольства та консульств України) та вказано основні пріоритети культурної дипломатії України, яка зараз перебуває на епаті інституціоналізації. Метою роботи було визначення основних інституції, відповідальних за публічну дипломатію та культурну дипломатію України, презентація концепції нового іміджу держави за кордоном та відповідь на питання, чому тільки зараз дипломатичні інструменти почали відігравати таку важливу роль у зовнішній політиці України.Ключові слова: інформаційна війна; Україна, культурна дипломатія.
Publikacja współfinansowana przez Uniwersytet Śląski w Katowicach ; The presented book provides a comparative analysis of new political parties in the party systems of the Visegrad Group countries. The primary aim of analysis is to define the factors which have impact on gaining parliamentary representation by new parties in Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia. Research on new political parties in these countries seems to be especially important for at least two reasons. Firstly, due to differences in social and political conditions, it is impossible to uncritically adapt the theoretical models made in western democracies. This stems from short tradition of functioning of democratic institutions in Central and Eastern Europe (also in V4 countries) which shaped the specific pattern of emerging of new political parties, diametrically opposed to patterns formed in consolidated democracies. On the basis of this pattern, two types of groupings can be distinguished: Old Regime parties and New Regime parties. The first type has personal or organizational ties to the previous communist regime, while the second one descends from anti-communist opposition. Secondly, in the case of the former Eastern bloc, indicators describing the party systems (e.g the electoral volatility index or the effective number of parties) do not provide full information about their real dynamics, because in conditions of weak institutionalization of political parties, changes in configuration on the political scene usually occur within the party system (as a result of mergers, splits or transformations of political parties). For this reason, it is worth analysing changes in the parliamentary arena resulting from the transfer of electoral preferences to new extra-parliamentary political entities.
Summitry, conducted at the highest level, has become an established part of diplomacy in the 20th and 21st centuries. Summit diplomacy means the regular meetings of heads of state or government, who acts in double legal status: on the one hand they are creators of state's foreign policy and are responsible for political decision-making; on the other hand they become diplomats responsible for execution of these decisions. The main features of contemporary summitry are: the frequency with which these meetings take place, the degree of their institutionalization and medialization. The articles identifies four different kinds of diplomatic summits: (1) regular summits held in the frame of international organizations, which could be meetings of their organs (European Council summits); (2) institutionalized regular summits which are not backed by any formal organization and are political-economic for a on their own (G7/8 summits); (3) ad hoc summits concerning specific international problems, organized by international organizations or states; (4) ceremonial summits. The article also analyzes advantages and disadvantages of summit diplomacy. ; Współcześnie nastąpił wzrost znaczenia tzw. dyplomacji na szczycie, prowadzonej przez głowy państw czy szefów rządów. Dyplomacja na szczycie to spotkanie głów państw lub szefów rządów, którzy posiadają podwójny status prawny: z jednej strony, są kreatorami polityki zagranicznej państwa i są odpowiedzialni za podejmowanie decyzji politycznych, z drugiej zaś strony, stają się zarazem wykonawcami tych decyzji, wchodząc w interakcje dyplomatyczne. Cechami charakterystycznymi współczesnej dyplomacji na szczycie są jej wzrastająca intensywność, coraz większa instytucjonalizacja oraz ogromna medializacja. W artykule podjęto próbę klasyfikacji szczytów dyplomatycznych: (1) regularne szczyty odbywające się w ramach organizacji międzynarodowych, czasami będące posiedzeniami ich organów; (2) zinstytucjonalizowane regularne szczyty stanowiące samoistne fora polityczno-gospodarcze; (3) szczyty organizowane ad hoc przez organizacje międzynarodowe lub państwa, dotyczące konkretnych spraw z zakresu stosunków międzynarodowych; (4) szczyty ceremonialne. Poddano również ocenie ich zalety oraz wady.
International audience ; The supranational identity concepts and their perception among nations constitute one of the determinants of the integration and disintegration processes in the post-Soviet area. One of these concepts is Turkism – an attempt to create identity foundation for the integration of the post-Soviet states under the aegis of Turkey. This paper analyzes the evolution of its principal assumptions and goals, dimensions of its realization, as well as determinants of its further development in the post-Soviet area. The idea of Turkism as a concept of ethnic-cultural community evolved from the nineteenth- century Pan-Turkism which postulated political integration of the Turkic nations. Among the determinants that limited political ambitions of Turkey after the collapse of the USSR, therecan be indicated: nationalisms as an expression of ruling elites' interests, lack of supranational community feeling among the societies, concerns about the possible reaction of Moscow and fears raised by the Turkish hegemonic ambitions. As a result, Turkey started to put emphasis on bilateral relations with the post-Soviet partners and concentrate on cooperation in economic and social sphere, including cultural and educational activities. Although, even there the success of Turkey was incomplete, the viability of this pragmatic approach was proved by the revival of political dimension of mutual contacts in 2006–2008 and their institutionalization. In the coming years the following factors may determine the development of Turkism in the post-Soviet area: growing ambitions of Turkey as a regional player, dynamics of relations between Ankara, former Soviet republics, the West and Moscow, domestic policy challenges in the post-Soviet states, their developmental needs in the globalized world, and last but not least: the role of Ankara in strengthening the post-Soviet states' multi-vector foreign policy as a method to maximize benefi ts from international cooperation. Divergent national and elites' interests of the ...
The aim of the work is to embed the Russian model of federalism (changes taking place in the Center – regions system) in the modern theoretical and conceptual grid of federalism, using the analysis of changes taking place in 2000 – 2016 within the system of federal relations in Russia. The author uses the historical method, exegesis of legal acts and ideational method. Particularly interesting, according to the author, is the attempt to relate the Russian model of federal relations to the ideal types of federalism by W. H. Riker and the concept of the model of "police patrol" and "fire alarm". The author tries to answer the following: 1. How was the evolution of federal relations in Russia after 1999? 2. What characterizes the institutionalization of the system of the mechanism of monitoring the activities of regional state authorities? 3. What was the evolution of the new format of relations between the Kremlin and the regional elites, and was it maintained in the spirit of the neo-warrior model? 4. What were the premises for changes within the federal relations system and their consequences. Answering these questions will verify three hypotheses: H1. Due to the Kremlin's lack of readiness to eliminate federalist provisions from the constitution, in conjunction with the "leaching" of federalist content from the center-regions relations, it is accepted to call Russia "a federation without federalism." Attempts to "reconcile" the benefits of federalism with the practice of a unitary state allow defining the federalism of modern Russia as "unitary". H2. As a result of the Kremlin's actions after 1999, the Russian federal model has clearly approached the maximum pole. H3. Referring to the plane of analysis of the Russian system of federal relations constructed around the axis of the model "police patrol" vs. "fire alarm", it can be assumed that in the discussed period it definitely came close to the model of "police patrol". ; Celem pracy jest osadzenie rosyjskiego modelu federalizmu (przemian dokonujących się w układzie Centrum–regiony) we współczesnej siatce teoretyczno-pojęciowej federalizmu, za pomocą analizy przemian dokonujących się w latach 2000–2016 w obrębie systemu stosunków federacyjnych w Rosji. Autor stosuje metodę historyczną, egzegezę aktów prawnych i metodę ideacyjną. Szczególnie interesująca, zdaniem autora, jest próba odniesienia rosyjskiego modelu stosunków federacyjnych do osi typów idealnych federalizmu autorstwa W. H. Rikera i koncepcji modelu "patrolu policyjnego" i "alarmu przeciwpożarowego". Autor stara się odpowiedzieć na następujące: 1. Jak przebiegała ewolucja stosunków federacyjnych w Rosji po roku 1999?; 2. Co charakteryzuje instytucjonalizację systemu mechanizmu monitoringu działań organów władzy państwowej szczebla regionalnego?; 3. Jak wyglądała ewolucja nowego formatu relacji Kreml–elity regionalne i czy była ona utrzymana w duchu modelu neojarłyku?; 4. Jakie były przesłanki zmian w obrębie systemu stosunków federacyjnych i ich konsekwencje? Odpowiedź na te pytania pozwoli zweryfikować trzy hipotezy: H1. Ze względu na brak gotowości Kremla do wyeliminowania z tekstu konstytucji zapisów federalistycznych, w połączeniu z "wypłukiwaniem" federalistycznej treści ze stosunków centrum–regiony, przyjmuje się określać Rosję "federacją bez federalizmu". Próby "pogodzenia" dobrodziejstwa federalizmu z praktyką państwa unitarnego pozwalają zdefiniować federalizm współczesnej Rosji jako "unitarny". H2. Rosyjski model federalizmu wyraźnie zbliżył się w wyniku działań Kremla po roku 1999 w stronę bieguna maksymalnego. H3. Odnosząc się do płaszczyzny analizy rosyjskiego systemu stosunków federacyjnych konstruowanej wokół osi modelu "patrol policyjny" vs. "alarm przeciwpożarowy", można przyjąć, że w omawianym okresie zdecydowanie zbliżył się on do modelu "patrolu policyjnego". ; Целью данной работы является включение российской модели федерализма (изменения, происходящие в системе Центр – регионы) в современную теоретическую и концептуальную сетку федерализма с использованием анализа изменений, произошедших в 2000 – 2016 гг. в системе федеративных отношений в России. В сщоич исследованиях Автор использует исторический метод, толкование правовых актов и идейный метод. Особенно интересной, по мнению автора, является попытка соотнести российскую модель федеративных отношений с идеальными типами федерализма У. Х. Райкера и концепциями моделей «полицейский патруль» и «пожарная сигнализация». Автор пытается ответить на следующие вопросы: 1. Как развивалась федеративные отношения в России после 1999 г.? 2. Что характеризует институционализация системы механизма мониторинга деятельности региональных органов государственной власти? 3. Какова была эволюция нового формата отношений между Кремлем и региональными элитами, и поддерживалась ли она в духе модели неоярлык? 4. Каковы были предпосылки для изменений в федеративной системе отношений и их последствия. Ответ на эти вопросы подтвердит три гипотезы: Г1. Кремль не готов исключить федеративные положения из конституции, поэтому в сочетании с «вымыванием» федералистского содержания из отношений центр – регионы, принято называть Россию «федерацией без федерализма». Попытки «примирить» преимущества федерализма с практикой унитарного государства позволяют определить федерализм современной России как «унитарный». Г2. В результате действий Кремля после 1999 года российская федеральная модель явно приблизилась к максимальному полюсу. H3. Обращаясь к плоскости анализа российской системы федеративных отношений, построенной вокруг оси модели «полицейский патруль» против «пожарная тревога», можно предположить, что в обсуждаемый период она однозначно приблизилась к модели «полицейского патруля».
