Suchergebnisse

This is the third post in the blog series "Movements and Institutions". The relationship of social movements and institutions should not just be seen as one where political demands can influence policy change in a targeted organization or political system. With a focus on instituting practices, instead of resulting institutions, we can understand all social institutions as institutionalizations, as constantly moving processes with the potential for radical change.

The paper aims to answer the question why the process of institutionalization of the EU's external relations with its six neighboring countries, representing the Eastern dimension of European Neighborhood Policy (i.e., Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine), has failed to perform its stabilization role. The study is analytical and descriptive in nature. Its results indicate three reasons for which the aforementioned institutionalization process has not been successful, and thus – the EU's neighborhood has become even more unstable than it was over a decade ago. The first reason is rooted in the applied integration model. The model expected the EU's neighbors to undergo deep reforms, without offering them the EU membership 'reward'. In this regard, the EU's offer not only failed to meet the expectations of the neighbors in question, but also appeared to be partly misunderstood. In consequence, the Eastern ENP countries considered the decision on their potential EU membership to be exclusively political, as well as underestimated the importance of the previously agreed reforms. As regards the second reason for the unsuccessful development of the institutionalization process, the Eastern ENP countries found it very difficult to reach a high level of 'embeddedness' of the transferred formal institutions in their socio-economic environment. Finally, the institutionalization process has also faced difficulties due to the geopolitical rivalry between the EU and Russia over the region. The actions and policies undertaken by Russia not only influenced the (political and economic) decisions of the EU's Eastern neighbors, but also clearly showed that the institutionalization of their relations with the EU neither provided for them protection nor guaranteed defense. According to the presented theoretical approach, this serves as an explanations why the stabilization function of the institutionalization process was not able to perform its role.

The paper aims to answer the question why the process of institutionalization of the EU's external relations with its six neighboring countries, representing the Eastern dimension of European Neighbourhood Policy (i.e., Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine), has failed to perform its stabilization role. The study is exploratory and descriptive in nature. Its results indicate three main reasons for which the aforementioned institutionalization process has not been successful, and thus – the EU's neighbourhood has become even more unstable than it was over a decade before. The first reason is rooted in the applied integration model. The model expected the EU's neighbours to undergo deep reforms, without offering them the EU membership 'reward'. In this regard, the EU's offer not only failed to meet the expectations of the neighbours in question, but also appeared to be partly misunderstood. In consequence, the Eastern ENP countries considered the decision on their potential EU membership to be exclusively political, as well as underestimated the importance of the previously agreed reforms. As regards the second reason for the unsuccessful development of the institutionalization process, the Eastern ENP countries found it very difficult to reach a high level of 'embeddedness' of the transferred formal institutions in their socio-economic environment. Finally, the institutionalisation process has also faced difficulties due to the geopolitical rivalry between the EU and Russia over the region. The actions and policies undertaken by Russia not only influenced the (political and economic) decisions of the EU's Eastern neighbours, but also clearly showed that the institutionalisation of their relations with the EU neither provided for them protection nor guaranteed defence. According to the presented theoretical approach, this serves as an explanations why the stabilisation function of the institutionalization process was not able to perform its role.DOI: ...

AbstractThis study was intended to describe the dynamics of institutional processes run by the political parties in strengthening the position and role in the democratic system. Institutional process oriented by the party dynamics in building political strength that comes from internal and external mechanisms. In addition, it is understood that the institutionalization built a consensus of shared internal consolidation of all party members. Study of institutionalization in this research using the idea of Guelermo O'Donnell and Vicky Randall stated that the process of structural stabilization of the political parties are use the strong patterns of behavior and culture. While the method used is the thought of Edmund Husserl emphasizes the qualitative method in which phenomenological tradition assumes the subjective meaning based on real observations of the social and political orders. The results of this research showed that there is a transformation of public understanding, especially at the credibility on political parties. The credibility can be gained when a political party is particularly strong in the party institutionalization.

This article discusses the institutionalization of Islamic law into national law in Indonesia. The aim is to analyze the possibility of incorporating Islamic Law into the national legal system. This desire is logical, considering that Muslims in Indonesia occupies the majority position (85%) and the community requires appropriate regulations sourced from the teachings of their religion. Based on the results of the 1979/80 BPHN legal review seminar, there are at least 3 (three) main things that could be done, namely; (1) making Islamic law one of the ingredients in the preparation of national law, (2) reviewing and updating national legal products originating from colonial law that is not following the elements of Islamic law. (3) coordinating new regulations which contain Islamic legal norms. This study finds the fact that not all provisions of Islamic law can be incorporated into national law. Only provisions of a civil nature and which are truly correlated with public order (public interest) can be adopted. Apart from that, the law is not only a legal product but also a political product. In other words, the configuration of legal politics in Indonesia shows a very close relationship with the political realm. Therefore, it is necessary to have a strong synergy between Muslim intellectuals and political actors.Keywords: Islamic law, legal politics in Indonesia, political configuration.

This paper analyzes the extent to which the 'world's only elected supranational assembly' has become institutionalized. More specifically, it asks the following question: Has the European Parliament become more complex, autonomous, specialized and universalistic? Using the concepts derived from the theory of institutionalization, I attempt to address this question and develop our knowledge of the institutional evolution of the European Parliament.

A new theoretical development for examining the institutionalization of party systems is proposed in this article. We build on electoral coordination theories to disaggregate volatility into the vote transfers that occur between or towards parties that are in equilibrium (which we call endogenous volatility) and those that are not (exogenous volatility). The former captures accountability, and the latter reflects the number of voters who are not acting in accordance with the existing equilibrium in the party system. Exogenous volatility measures the institutionalization of party systems. We also show that endogenous volatility depends on government performance, while exogenous volatility is a function of institutional openness. The empirical evidence comes from an original data set that includes 448 electoral cycles in lower-house elections in 66 countries between 1977 and 2011. ; This work was supported by the Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad of Spain under the research project CSO2017-85024-C2-1-P and ICREA.

Observers of the European policy-making process are inevitably struck by the contrast between cumbersome decision-making processes on the one hand and simultaneous swift policy developments on the other. Many policies seem to be stuck for long periods in the Council, while at the same time similar measures are introduced under a different guise along a different path. A case in point is European anti-poverty policy. At the very time when this measure was bogged down in a Council deadlock, it was reintroduced by the Commission, couched in different terms in a new political context. In the end it was elevated to official status in the Amsterdam Treaty. A further example of a similar process was in European telecommunications policy which initially met with strong resistance from member states. As a result of the Commission's skilful use of all kinds of soft measures, such as offering research funds to industry and actively creating a supportive policy network, it finally became established as a regular European policy. Or, to cite an example from general procedure: the main avenue of European policy-making in the Council often stalls because of the need for consensus, whereas Court rulings and Commission decisions are not hindered by this requirement. Consequently, the emphasis of European policy expansion has often shifted to the European Court of Justice's and the Commission's legal interpretation of rules which exist under the Treaty of Rome. This has given European policies a bias in favour of free trade and free competition. At the same time market-correcting measures and the pursuit of distributive goals remain entangled in the gridlock of Council decision-making processes and are pushed into the background.

This article revises the theory of legislative institutionalization, which emerged in political science to analyze historical trends in the U.S. Congress. It singles out Polsby's ''The Institutionalization of the U.S. House'' as the starting point of this theory and maintains that this theory takes aim at understanding the historical development of legislatures, besides highlighting issues of governance, authority building, and differentiation from the environment. After reviewing the observations and criticisms raised by the theory, this article provides an analytical framework to study the institutionalization of national, democratic legislatures, based upon a traditional process–oriented concept of legislative institutionalization. This framework draws from theoretical contributions made by institutional sociologists and both presidential and legislative researchers, all of which are brought together to understand the process that presides over the institutionalization of a legislature. Finally, this article suggests the existence of a link among the dimensions of the institutionalization process, the institutional design of a legislature, and the exchanges between the legislature and the environment.

The institutionalization of mountain regions in Europe, Regional Studies. Since the 1990s, many `project regions¿ have emerged in Europe, a trend deriving from the tendency to adopt ad hoc institutions for specific spatial and environmental issues and the empowerment of diverse stakeholders who compete with the dominant role of states. This article addresses the building of institutionalized mountain regions in Europe, analysing how the specificity of mountain areas was considered in policies by states and the European Union, and later for transnational mountain ranges. Environmental and trans-boundary issues have been major driving forces for new institutional arrangements combining a territorial and environmental focus and complex networks of stakeholders.

This article examines the process within which history was institutionalized in the Ottoman Empire. Institutional space for history had begun to be constructed within the context of interstate rivalry during the mid-nineteenth century. History had the task of "proving" the fact that the Turks had been from the very beginning a part of the "Western civilization." The essential period for the institutionalization history was that of the regime of the Committee of Union and Progress in 1908-18, providing historians to emphasize the role of the "people" in history along with large structures of geography and "civilizations." Once professional institutions were established and various history journals began to be published in this context, historians also began to pay due attention to the professional standards of the discipline. Despite the exclusionary tendencies of the Turkish official history, institutionalization during a revolutionary period functioned as a significant counter-tendency as institutions are path-dependent.

Purpose of the study: In modern conditions, communications play a decisive role. The information has become a "product" not only in the economic and political areas, but also in quite unexpected institutions of the post-industrial society (humanitarian, social or public, and cultural). In the article, the authors present the role of media communications in the representation of social policy and analyze experience gained from the interaction of media communications and social policy. Methodology: In the study's practical section based on expert monitoring of articles in the printed media and the Internet, the authors analyze possibilities and prospects of institutionalization of media communications in social policy representation. Main Findings: Besides, in the study, the authors define a list of priority social topics in the publications under analysis and various aspects of media activities that influence the probability of representation of social policy by media communications. In the study, the authors indicate requirements for the responsible social position of a media professional and present policy and role diversity of media communications in the course of institutionalization.

The institutionalization of mountain regions in Europe, Regional Studies. Since the 1990s, many 'project regions' have emerged in Europe, a trend deriving from the tendency to adopt ad hoc institutions for specific spatial and environmental issues and the empowerment of diverse stakeholders who compete with the dominant role of states. This article addresses the building of institutionalized mountain regions in Europe, analysing how the specificity of mountain areas was considered in policies by states and the European Union, and later for transnational mountain ranges. Environmental and trans- boundary issues have been major driving forces for new institutional arrangements combining a territorial and environmental focus and complex networks of stakeholders.

Since its inception, GLOBALGAP has transformed from an informal grouping of retailers into a highly elaborate regulatory organisation. This chapter critically examines GLOBALGAP's development. I argue that, through an iterative process of legitimation, actual and anticipated interactions with state, market and civil society actors led GLOBALGAP to develop structures, practices and processes that sought to enhance representation and participation of structurally weaker parties such as smallholders, whilst also addressing concerns relating to the exclusionary effect of its standards. I tease out how, as non-state regulatory organisations emerge and develop, they respond to actual and anticipated governance interactions in order to build, maintain and repair their legitimacy. Crucially however, early institutionalisation confers power upon particular actors, crystallises an organisation's identify and lays the foundations for the achievement of its goals. Consequently, the enduring nature of early this institutionalisation can temper the potential for governance interactions to advance democracy, justice and fairness within non-state regulatory organisations. ; Non UBC ; Unreviewed ; Faculty

In this chapter we seek to highlight the importance of advancing the work that does exist on GPSFs in the institutionalization of transnational governance regimes through a more careful consideration of the identities, projects and effects of the firms in question. We contend that in their attempts to develop new markets, services and more efficient internal organizational models, GPSFs exercise far reaching institutional effects as they challenge governance regimes, disrupt/create jurisdictions, and transform identities, practices and systems of regulation in the professions themselves. They do this, we suggest, through three strategies associated with scope of control, defining scales of knowledge resources, and the production of ecologies of linked interests. These strategies involve developing strategic alliances with a range of other field actors such as academia, regulatory bodies, International Organisations, national governments and professional associations as part of linked ecologies (Abbott, 2005). As such, GPSFs exemplify the process of professional strategy > organizational opportunities > issue control that Seabrooke and Henriksen (this volume) claim is central to the transnational realm. This chapter provides, then, a contribution to on-going attempts to 'revisit theories of professionalism, which did not fully anticipate the shift of professional work to the context of large organizations' (Suddaby et al., 2007: 25). It also complements the following chapter by Boussebaa, outlining the institutionalizing effects of neo-colonial networks.