Suchergebnisse

Denne afhandling tager et teoretisk udgangspunkt i institutionel teori og omhandler institutionaliseringen af benchmarking i den danske byggebranche. Ved besvarelse af følgende tre forskningsspørgsmål, afdækker denne afhandling et studie af institutionaliseringen af benchmarking: • Hvordan og til hvilke formål er benchmarking blevet introduceret som løsning til politiske problemstillinger i den danske byggebranche? • Hvordan har politiske kampe og forhandlinger haft indflydelse på institutionaliseringen af benchmarking? • Hvordan har dette studie bidraget med anbefalinger til, hvordan nye strukturer kan institutionaliseres i den danske byggebranche? I metodekapitlet udfolder jeg, hvordan institutionel teori muliggør nye og vigtige undersøgelser til forståelse af institutionalisering af benchmarking. Jeg redegør for, hvordan teorivalget påvirker min analytiske tilgang til studiet, og yderligere hvordan institutionel teori kan bidrage med vigtig indsigter i forhold til dette studie. I metodekapitlet præsenteres tre modeller som anvendes i denne afhandling: "Three Pillars of Institutions," "contradictions," og "framings." Yderligere vil kapitlet redegøre for de anvendte metoder til dataindsamlingen og de valg, som er foretaget i forhold til at analysere institutionaliseringsprocesser. Analysen folder sig ud over syv kapitler, startende med en redegørelse for det politiske grundlag, der var årsag til at benchmarking blev et politisk forslag til en fremtidig institution i den danske byggebranche. Det andet kapitel demonstrerer, hvordan benchmarking blev introduceret i slutningen af 1990'erne som en teknologi, der kunne adressere politiske fokusområder fra to udviklingsprogrammer fra slut-halvfemserne. I det tredje kapitel demonstreres, hvordan private aktører fra byggeriet forsøgte at tage kontrol over institutionalisering af benchmarking ved at etablere Byggeriets Evaluerings Center (BEC), som skulle udvikle og udbrede benchmarking til byggeriet. Det fjerde kapitel redegør for, hvordan benchmarking blev konkretiseret i form af et benchmarkingsystem og formuleret til at adressere flere politiske fokusområder i byggeriet. På denne måde blev BEC til en politisk arena, hvor mange lokale perspektiver og strategiske interesser skulle håndteres. Det femte kapitel omhandler operationalisering af benchmarking, og viser hvordan konkretiseringen og implementering af benchmarking gav anledning til reaktioner fra aktører med forskellige og divergerende interesser i benchmarkinginitiativet. Politiske kampe opstod i takt med, at aktører udtrykte forskellige politiske interesser i institutionaliseringen af benchmarking. De politiske kampe, der bliver redegjort for i kapitel fem, konstituerede et stærkt politisk pres og påkrævede transformationer af institutionaliseringen, for at benchmarking kunne bevare institutionel legitimitet. Det politiske pres resulterede i radikale transformationer af institutionaliseringen af benchmarking. Denne transformation bliver der redegjort for i kapitel seks. Som resultat af transformationen fik private virksomheder i byggeriet forøget mulighed for at få indflydelse på den fremtidige institutionalisering. Derudover, og relateret til virksomhedernes indflydelse på institutionaliseringen, kom der konkurrenter til BEC på markedet. Denne konkurrence resulterede i implikationer i forhold til at forstå de instrumentelle formål og overordnede ambitioner for benchmarking. Det sidste analysekapitel afdækker, hvordan benchmarking bliver forstået og fortolket blandt praktikerne i byggeriet, der var blevet centrale aktører i institutionaliseringen. Dette kapitel viser, hvordan benchmarking som institution bliver integreret i praktikernes oplevede virkelighed og demonstrerer det samspil og fortolkninger, som benchmarking giver anledning til. Med udgangspunkt i de tre forskningsspørgsmål, diskuterer og konkluderer det sidste kapitel af afhandlingen på analysen. I kapitlet fremføres en forståelse af institutionaliseringsprocesser som værende højpolitiske og afhængig af aktørers politiske motivationer for at transformere de fremvoksende institutioner. Baseret på resultaterne fra analysen, konkludere jeg afhandlingen med anbefalinger til, hvordan man kan bygge og understøtte nye institutioner i den danske byggebranche. ; With a theoretical point of origin in contemporary institutional theory, this thesis is about the institutionalization of benchmarking in the Danish construction industry. By answering the following three research questions, the thesis embraces over an enquiry of the institutionalization of benchmarking: ‐ How and for what purposes has benchmarking originally been introduced as a solution to political issues in the Danish construction industry? ‐ How have political struggles and negotiations affected the institutionalization of benchmarking? ‐ How has the study contributed with recommendations on how to institutionalize new structures in the Danish construction industry? In the methodology chapter, I outline how institutional theory facilitates new and important inquiries into understanding institutionalization of benchmarking. I account for how the choice of theory is influencing my analytical approach to conduct this study and how institutional theory is providing important insight in this study of benchmarking. In the methodology chapter, I present three analytical models that are applied in the study; "Three Pillars of Institutions," "contradictions," and "framings." Further, the chapter accounts for the data collection methods used to conduct the empirical data collection and the appertaining choices that are made, based on the account for analyzing institutionalization processes. The analysis unfolds over seven chapters, starting with an exposition of the political foundation from which benchmarking originally arose as a political proposal for a future institution in the Danish construction industry. The second chapter demonstrates how benchmarking was introduced in the late 1990s as a technology addressing political focus areas from two development programs in the late 1990s. In the third chapter, it is demonstrated how private actors from the construction industry attempted to take control over the institutionalization of benchmarking by establishing an Evaluation Centre (Byggeriets Evaluerings Center, BEC) from which benchmarking was to be developed and disseminated to the construction industry. The fourth chapter demonstrates how benchmarking was concretized into a benchmarking system and articulated to address several political focus areas for the construction industry. BEC accordingly became a political arena where many local perspectives and strategic interests had to be managed. The fifth chapter is about the operationalization of benchmarking and demonstrates how the concretizing and implementation of benchmarking gave rise to reactions from different actors with different and diverse interests in the benchmarking initiative. Political struggles emerged as actors expressed diverse political interests in the institutionalization of benchmarking. The political struggles accounted for in chapter five constituted a powerful political pressure and called for transformations of the institutionalization in order for benchmarking to attain institutional legitimacy. The political pressures ended up radically transforming the institutionalization of benchmarking. This transformation is accounted for in chapter six. As a result of the transformation, private construction companies were provided an opportunity to influence the future institutionalization. Additionally, and related to the construction companies' influence on the institutionalization, competitors to BEC emerged. This competition entailed implications for how to perceive the instrumental purposes and overall objectives for benchmarking. Having the construction companies as important carriers of the institutionalization, the final chapter of the analysis uncovers how benchmarking is understood and interpreted among the practitioners in the construction industry. The chapter reveals how the benchmarking institution is incorporated in their experienced reality and demonstrates the interplay between and different interpretations among practitioners benchmarking gives rise to. With a point of departure in the three research questions, the final chapter discusses and concludes on the analysis. Here I advance an understanding of institutionalization processes as being highly political and reliant on actors' political motivations to transform the rising institution. Based on the finding from the analysis, I conclude the thesis with recommendations for how to construct and carry institutions in the Danish construction industry.

Immediately following the Arab-Israeli war of 1948, the majority of Palestinians were expelled from Israel. They fled and settled as refugees in camps throughout the Middle East, including several in Lebanon. This event came to be known to them as al-nakba, or the catastrophe. Since then, many changes in leadership have plagued the Lebanese camps, each further institutionalizing the camps and services. These changes, combined with dwindling resources and discrimination by the Lebanese government, have created a hostile environment for the refugees. This institutionalization can be seen in several ways: via the establishment of aid organizations to control, monitor and provide services to the refugee population, the construction of hospitals, schools and homes, and the establishment of an educational system specifically devoted to the refugees. Despite this, the Palestinian refugees' status in Lebanon is simultaneously and counterintuitively impermanent. A notable lack of personal and community security has been created through discrimination in education and lawmaking against registered, unregistered and non-ID refugees, and inferior established services and education. These many issues, combined with the knowledge that they could be expelled from Lebanon at any moment, makes for a precarious situation. The very existence of such camps in resourcestarved nations, such as Lebanon, helps to exacerbate the alienation of refugees, as well as their dependence on foreign aid. It also increases tension between refugees and their host countries, which promotes an attitude of hostility that has often led to violence. The passing of power between the Lebanese government, the United Nations Refugee Works Association or UNRWA, and the Palestinian Liberation Organization, or PLO, has destabilized the camps and caused confusion over responsibilities, which have resulted in many of the refugees' needs being neglected, as well as restriction of the upward mobility of refugees.

Party systems provide the essential structure of the coalition bargaining environment. Stability in party systems ensures that there are regularities that can be observed in government formation, but most empirical research focuses on established democracies. In new democracies party systems are less institutionalized and interactions between parties are less predictable. This has significant implications for coalition formation. This paper presents the first study of coalition formation in new democracies that employs an empirical design that is comparable to the leading research on Western Europe. It uses a new dataset of potential coalitions in Central and Eastern Europe to examine three explanations for government formation that arise when party systems are weakly institutionalized. The results show that: first, incumbency is a disadvantage for governments when formation occurs post-election. This is due to high levels of electoral volatility in new democracies caused by policy failure and clientalistic practices. Incumbents are advantaged when formation takes place mid-term as weak party system institutionalization leads to an inchoate pattern of interaction between opposition parties which therefore fail to provide a viable alternative. Second, the presence of former dominant parties influences government formation by stifling the development of programmatic competition. Instead, programmatic competition is subjugated to contestation based on historical enmities. Finally, established parties collude to exclude new parties from coalition formation which may be an indicator that party systems are becoming more institutionalized. Overall, this article provides new insights into the importance of routinized and stable political practices and institutions.

This research aim to understand the application of accrual accounting in Malang viewed from their organizational change using New Institutional Sociology's perspective. This research is qualitative research with case study as the background to understand the context of accrual adoption. The results indicated about isomorphism while implementing accrual accounting in Malang, such as: coercive through pressure from the central government using their regulation, mimetic through learning from external parties that more experience, and normative through the role of professional actors. Decoupling behavior also emerged as a response of changes to develop accounting standards based on accrual.Keys: Accrual Accounting, New Institutional Sociology, Organizational change, Isomorphism

The Asian swamp buffalo, representing 20.51% of the olds buffalo population, has played a major role as source of draft power in the production of major agricultural crops,and secondarily, as source of meat and milk among East and Southeast Asian countries forcenturies. In the past few decades, however, the intensification of crop farming, coupledwith increased farm mechanization, diminished the swamp uffaloes role as source of draftin small farms. Despite this development, their value as source of livelihood and foodremains high in small farm settings. To fully harness the potentials of this huge existinganimal resource to contribute to the growing demand for ruminant-derived products andmore importantly, to benefit the smallholders by way of increased income and access tonutritious food, the direction for its development can be shifted towards improving for meatand milk production. Genetic transformation is pursued thru cross breeding and sustainedbackcrossing with riverine buffalo breeds. For a wide-scale crossbreeding and geneticimprovement program to be achieved and sustained, a national policy has to be legislatedand the necessary program elements need to be institutionalized, including focused fundingand human resources. Critical elements include the establishment of National Gene Pool ofelite riverine buffaloes from where genetic materials for wide-scale crossbreeding will bederived. Complemented with a responsive AI system for maximum use of superior genetics.A scheme to stimulate village buffalo-based entrepreneurship with emphasis on the dairyaspect is essential in order to ensure ready market and increased income among small holdproducers. Further, essential components are relevant research and effective extensionservices. Key Words: Philippine Carabao, Swamp and Riverine Buffalo Crossbreeding, Small FarmEnterprise Development, Buffalo Meat and Milk Production

Abstract: In this article the opportunity structures of New York City and Amsterdam for organized squatting are compared. New York City knew two distinct squatting waves, with an intermission of several years. The literature on US urban movements predicts transformation through cooptation and repression. Only the first wave, in which housing activists used squatting as a tactic, fits this prediction. The second wave of squatting in New York City, and squatting in Amsterdam in general, escaped cooptation because they involved a squatters' movement proper, in which squatting was not only a tactic but also central to its existence. Compared to Amsterdam, squatting in New York was hampered by technical difficulties and political isolation. Stricter protection of private property made New York squatters restrict themselves to publicly-owned abandoned buildings. Turf conflicts tended to develop on the neighbourhood level when these buildings were later claimed for the development of low-income housing. In Amsterdam this type of conflict was rare because of the broad support for low-income (re)development. Instead, Amsterdam saw citywide protest directed at the real estate sector and municipal authorities. Cet article compare la structure des opportunités des villes de New York et Amsterdam concernant les squats organisés. New York a connu deux vagues de squattage séparées de plusieurs années. Les textes sur les mouvements urbains aux Etats-Unis prévoient une mutation par cooptation et répression. Seule la première vague, pour laquelle les militants en faveur du logement ont utilisé le squattage comme tactique, répond à cette prédiction. La seconde vague d'opérations à New York, et celles d'Amsterdam en général, ont échappéà la cooptation, car il s'agissait de mouvements de squatters à proprement parler, où le squat n'était pas seulement une tactique mais surtout un fondement de leur existence. Comparéà Amsterdam, le squattage à New York s'est heurtéà des problèmes techniques et à un isolement politique. La protection plus stricte de la propriété privée a forcé les squatters new-yorkais à se limiter aux bâtiments publics abandonnés. Des luttes de territoires ont eu tendance à se développer entre voisins lorsque ces bâtiments ont ensuite été réclamés pour aménager des logements à faible loyer. A Amsterdam, rare fut ce genre de conflit grâce au vaste soutien favorable au (ré)aménagement social; au contraire, une protestation générale s'est élevée à l'encontre du secteur immobilier et des autorités municipales.

With the Treaty of Rome, European states designed a set of policy domains related to trade and the regulation of markets, a complex of governmental organisations, and a binding set of substantive and procedural rules to help them achieve the construction of a European Economic Community (Fligstein and McNichol, 1998). Although the Treaty traced the broad outlines of this new Community, it was the purposeful activities of representatives of national governments (Moravcsik 1999), of officials operating in the EC's organisations, like the Commission (Pollack 1998) and the Court (Burley and Mattli 1993; Stone Sweet and Caporaso 1998a; Weiler 1991, 1994), and of leaders of transnational interest groups (Mazey and Richardson, eds., 1993) that subsequently produced the extraordinarily dense web of political and social networks that now functions to generate and sustain supranational governance (Wallace and Young 1998; Héritier 1999; Sandholtz and Stone Sweet, eds., 1998).

This study investigates the institutionalization of e-participation initiatives in six European countries – Estonia, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Scotland and Spain – using a multiple case study. The following research questions are addressed: How have recently established e-participation initiatives been institutionalized in public administrations? What are the formal and informal aspects of their institutionalization? It is concluded that the adoption of a digital solution does not in itself trigger a change in the policy-making process because the institutionalization of e-participation is not a linear process. The formal institutionalization increases the sustainability, transparency and throughput legitimacy of e-participation and allows citizen proposals to be handled in a standardized way. Although the formal institutionalization of e-participation is key for an institutional change towards deliberative democracy, it needs to be accompanied by informal institutionalization through the supporting ideas, values and preferences of politicians and public officials who have the power to change public institutions.

Nowadays many scientists analyze the institutionalization of social movements as a sign of political maturity and of advancement toward social democratization. Nevertheless the case of the current Latin American social movements show the complexity of the unfinished processes related to the yearned democratic consolidation. This article examines how much the institutionalization has improved the democratization of the indigenous movement in the Colombian political system. Firstly, this text analyzes the political function of this movement in the promotion of a multicultural and pluriethnic nation at the Constitutional Assembly and in the Constitution of 1991. Secondly, the article contrasts the legal logic behind the implementation of indigenous participation with the dynamics of the native communities. Finally, the internal reflection of this movement is described, after nearly two decades of experience that simultaneously combines the upholding of their struggle with their institutionalization. © Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca.

Koo Wai-sze. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2001. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves [163-172]). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Contents --- p.i ; Abstract --- p.v ; Acknowledgement --- p.vii ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Current Situation of Preschool Education and Services in Hong Kong --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Historical Review of Preschool Education and Services in Hong Kong --- p.5 ; Table 1.1: Percentage of children aged 3 to 5 attending schools (1971-1996) --- p.10 ; Table 1.2: Gross enrolment ratios of Pre-Primaty Education in Selected Countries (1995-1997) --- p.10 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Research Inquiries --- p.12 ; Chapter 1.4 --- Structure of the Thesis --- p.19 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature Review --- p.20 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Functional School of Thought --- p.21 ; Chapter 2.1.1 --- Functional Perspectives on Preschool Education and Servicesin Hong Kong --- p.27 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Conflict School of Thought --- p.29 ; Chapter 2.2.1 --- Conflict Perspectives on Preschool Education and Services in Hong Kong --- p.37 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Institutionalist Perspectives and Organizational Analysis --- p.39 ; Chapter 2.3.1 --- Organizational Perspectives --- p.39 ; Chapter 2.3.2 --- Institution and Institutionalization --- p.42 ; Chapter 2.3.3 --- The Problem of Isomorphism --- p.48 ; Chapter 2.3.4 --- Institutionalist Perspectives on Preschool --- p.50 ; Chapter 2.4 --- Theoretical Framework --- p.51 ; Chapter 2.4.1 --- New Institutionalist Perspective on Institutionalization of Preschool Education and Services in Hong Kong --- p.51 ; Chapter 2.4.2 --- New Institutionalist Perspectives on Preschool Education and Services --- p.52 ; Chapter 2.4.3 --- The Child as Scientized Individual - Child-Centered Ideology --- p.56 ; Chapter 2.4.4 --- The Form of Education Institution Embodied by Preschool Education --- p.61 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Methodology --- p.64 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Government and Other Documents --- p.64 ; Chapter 3.2 --- Content ...

Today's organizations are utilizing technologies for building effectiveness management and services due to struggles with the various challenges of the information and communication technology age, such as integration, interoperability, agility, and change. Many view the enterprise architecture (EA) approach as a promising solution for coping with those challenges. Organizations also see the benefits of EA in dealing with other challenges, such as effective strategic planning, improved decision-making, and better business and information technology alignment. These benefits have led to an increased number of organizations adopting EA around the world, and some countries even have a law on EA, such as Finland and the US. Despite those EA benefits, EA practices pose a wide range of problems, from social to business to technological. Moreover, organizations that adopt EA struggle with limited signs of success, extremely slow utilization, and ineffective institutionalization. Although there are various studies on the matter, they tend to focus their efforts on working with the framework and its related issues, such as EA's layers, methodologies, and tools. As a result, a comprehensive study about how EA gets adopted into organizations seems overlooked. The few exceptions, however, focus more on the outcomes rather than on insights into EA adoption, such as issues related to the root causes of problems, strategies for effective EA adoption, and the institutionalization process. Examining those issues would strengthen the theoretical foundation of EA adoption. It also could help practitioners improve the effectiveness of their EA adoption, as EA itself offers no value if it is not used in practice. Therefore, this research focuses on understanding insights into how EA gets adopted into organizations with dual studies. First is a study on the root causes of the problems and strategies for the effective adoption of EA in organizations. Second is a study on institutionalization processes when organizations adopt EA. The findings indicate several issues in EA adoption and institutionalization. First, there are several root causes from organizations, project teams, users, and EA itself. Second, there are various strategies and characteristics for effective adoption of EA practices. Third, different institutional pressures influence the institutionalization process in different phases. That process is influenced by differing institutional logic, and the perceptions and assumptions of senior managers about EA play important roles in EA adoption. The dissertation contributes to the literature by explaining what happens when organizations adopt EA. That is, it helps understand the problems, the institutional pressures in different phases of EA adoption, and the strategies for overcoming these challenges when organizations adopt EA. It also provides insights into the institutionalization process, when EA functionalities and features become the norms in practice. In addition, the research has implications for practice by providing several root causes of the problems and the different institutional features related to the stakeholders involved in the different phases of EA adoption. Furthermore, the study provides various legitimacy strategies that practitioners need to consider when they adopt EA. Even though there are similar strategies in organizations, they appear differently in practice. Finally, the study also identifies the importance of cognitive-cultural legitimacy for EA initiatives, meaning that EA practices depend on the stakeholders' backgrounds, cultures, and characteristics. This dissertation is article-based and contains six peer-reviewed articles. The interpretive case study approach is used, and the empirical part of the study is based on four case studies at local government and ministerial levels within a country.

Social media have become a common organizational resource of governments and public administrations in different contexts. Previous authors have stated that social media institutionalization encompasses a process including stages from experimentation to complete command of the innovation. However, an understanding of barriers to social media institutionalization in public administration needs to be developed. In this article we focus on exploring what factors operate as barriers of the social media institutionalization process. Methodologically, we use a mixed-methods strategy combining different sources of data for triangulation purposes, including a survey on social media conducted to Spanish largest local governments. Based on this data, and following the literature on social media institutionalization, we construct a Social Media Institutionalization Index (SMI). Our SMI is founded on a set of variables measuring to what extent social media have been embedded in public sector organizations. Also, we conducted a case study in a city council based on semi-structured interviews. Our results suggest that social media institutionalization has not been fully developed in our sample of local governments. In addition, different variables (including security, lack of resources for maintenance, control and evaluation, organizational culture, or absence of governance framework) are perceived by public managers as institutionalization barriers, whereas the governance scheme of social media seems to be the critical variable. At the same time, we emphasize that some inhibitors might be overvalued by public employees. This article encourages future avenues of comparative research and practical recommendations to public managers leading social media in the public sector ; This study was supported by the Research Grant RTI2018-095344-AI00 (SmartGov_Local), State Research Agency, Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation

The paper looks at the issue of importance of charismatic leaders with respect to political parties in Slovakia. The argumentation draws on classical theories, especially that of Angelo Panebianco. The paper asserts that majority of significant Slovak parties, i.e. Movement for a Democratic Slovakia, Christian Democratic Movement and some others, owe their existence above all or solely to their party leaders. In other words, the parties remained significant as long as they relied on their leader. While in some parties in the course of their development, there was successful depersonalization of the leader's charisma carried out and the parties continued to exert significant influence, there were some other formations that ceased to exist after they lost their leader. This may serve as a proof of the small degree of institutionalization of the Slovak party system. At the same time, it is important to add that another two new formations, which were successful in the last parliamentary elections, i.e. Direction and the Slovak Democratic and Christian Union, were dependent on the charisma of their leaders. The latter said, we may not expect that the Slovak party system will get consolidated in a significant manner in near future. ; The paper looks at the issue of importance of charismatic leaders with respect to political parties in Slovakia. The argumentation draws on classical theories, especially that of Angelo Panebianco. The paper asserts that majority of significant Slovak parties, i.e. Movement for a Democratic Slovakia, Christian Democratic Movement and some others, owe their existence above all or solely to their party leaders. In other words, the parties remained significant as long as they relied on their leader. While in some parties in the course of their development, there was successful depersonalization of the leader's charisma carried out and the parties continued to exert significant influence, there were some other formations that ceased to exist after they lost their leader. This may serve as a ...

The article analyzes the concept of public diplomacy, clarifies the previous forms of implementation of the "soft power" concept in world politics and in Ukraine. The practical implementation's peculiarities of the diplomacy new forms in the period of hybrid conflicts are pointed out. The experience of the world's leading players in the field of political propaganda and its modernized forms of communication is considered. World history knows many examples of departure from normalized diplomatic relations, namely by influencing the society of another state in order to achieve its goals. The role of cultural diplomacy as a component of public diplomacy and its tools in popularizing Ukraine and promoting the national interests of the state is substantiated. The examples of the work of new institutional structures formed on the basis of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ministry of Culture and Information Policy, whose task is to develop public and cultural diplomacy, show their particularly important role in external aggression and negative propaganda against Ukraine. The need to promote socio-cultural projects both inside and outside the country is indicated, and the strengthening of the project component in the external communication sphere is especially effective. The active steps of the Ukrainian authorities to form a positive image of Ukraine among the world community are noted. The purpose of this study is to determine the context of the formation and development of public diplomacy, to outline its institutionalization in the world and in Ukraine. To find out the successes and challenges of the declared political sphere at the present stage. To reveal the most successful forms of its realization.

Advance online publication, April 2, 2012. ; In 2008 the European Union adopted an apparently radical reform of its wine policy. However, whether this policy change actually reinstitutionalizes the regulation of this industry is dependent on how it is implemented and represented by both commercial operators and regulators located at national and intra-national scales. Using interview and documentary data generated on this process in France, Spain and Romania, this article sets out to compare and explain the differentiated institutionalization of the reform that has actually occurred to date. Its key empirical finding is that reinstitutionalization is dependent on the degree to which change has been legitimated within such regions. More precisely, durable change or maintenance of the status quo stems from how conflicts over different parts of the EU's reform have been framed and debated locally. This finding has two wider implications for institutionalist theories of political change. First, constructivist accounts of the framing of collective and public problems need to be brought to the fore. Second, at least when studying contemporary Europe, the question of scale and its institutional effects should be systematically built into research strategies and methodologies.