Suchergebnisse

Abstract
The rulings of internationals courts are often reduced to "who won?," but much more is at stake. Like other institutions, the World Trade Organization (WTO) offers rulings that balance legal discipline against political constraints. We argue that one way in which the WTO handles politically sensitive issues is by increasing the amount of affect in their rulings. In doing so, judges provide national governments with discursive resources to persuade their domestic audiences of the legitimacy of compliance. To test our expectations, we conduct a text analysis of all rulings rendered by the institution since 1995. Specifically, we find that more politically charged decisions, such as the ones concerning nonfiscal rather than fiscal aspects of national treatment claims, are explained in qualitatively different terms. We also find that, as an issue gets ruled on repeatedly, the amount of affect deployed progressively decreases. In sum, the WTO chooses its words strategically to persuade litigants, and their domestic audiences, of the legitimacy of compliance in politically fraught disputes.

In this article, I review the role of college admissions tests in the United States and consider the fairness issues surrounding their use. The two main tests are the SAT, first administered in 1926, and the ACT, first given in 1959. Scores on these tests have been shown to contribute to the prediction of college performance, but their role in the admissions process varies widely across colleges. Although test scores are consistently listed as one of the most important admissions factors in national surveys of postsecondary institutions, an increasing number of schools have adopted "test-optional" policies. At these institutions, test score requirements are seen as a barrier to campus diversity because of the large performance gaps among ethnic and socioeconomic groups. Fortunately, the decentralized higher education system in the United States can accommodate a wide range of admissions policies. It is essential, however, that the impact of admissions policy changes be studied and that the resource implications of these changes be thoroughly considered.

Abstract
This article uses the case of Singapore to argue that the theory of open access order advocated by North and his colleagues provides one possible option only. Although their theory of open access order explains the West relatively well, it does not always apply to contemporary non-Western countries. Similar to the cases of India and Japan examined elsewhere, the case of Singapore shows that what is more important to economic and human development is the open access in the economic sphere and the interconnected institutions in the area of property rights protection and contract enforcement, financial market, rule of law, and human resource accumulation. In other words, countries without open access in the political sphere as practiced in Singapore may also be able to achieve a great deal of success in terms of economic and human development if they ensure open access in the economic sphere and devote adequate resources to establishing the necessary interconnected institutions examined in this article. Further research elsewhere on China will similarly demonstrate this insight.

With the rapid developments in the cyberspace domain, Pakistan has emerged as one of the fastest growing digital economies in the world. Pakistan's internet penetration and teledensity are increasing exponentially, resulting in greater global connectivity. However, this connectivity has become a tool and target of conflict, crime and crisis which varies with respect to nature, occurrence and power. Pakistan is exposed to multidimensional cyber threats like computer malware, identity theft, economic data theft, cyber frauds and espionage attempts on critical infrastructures. However, the state institutions are ineffective to formulate a comprehensive national cybersecurity framework to counter these threats. This paper provides an in-depth analysis of the nature and severity of these cyber threats to the national security of Pakistan. It identifies the incorrect media framing of cybersecurity initiatives, the absence of relevant institutions, wide scope security debates, traditional security culture and non-inclusion of the audience as the major challenges to the successful securitisation of cyberspace in Pakistan.

The article analyzes certain aspects of the development of higher education in Sweden in the context of modern globalization and integration of socio-economic processes in the countries of the European Union. The article studies the position regarding the features of modern higher education, connected with its output beyond the limits of individual states and transformation into an international institution. It is proved that this circumstance determines significant achievements in the integrated development of the European higher education, leaving, at the same time, the risks of losing its national features and dropping the level of higher education in countries that are not well targeted for the welfare of the population. The necessity of taking into account the essence of these risks has been substantiated in order to increase the competitiveness of Ukrainian higher education institutions in their interrelation and cooperation with universities of Europe. The expediency of studying and introducing the best foreign experience in the national higher education system of the Scandinavian countries in particular and, namely, of Sweden, has been proved.

Innovations are gaining more and more attention in studies and research mainly due to their role in the socio-economic development of countries. However, many countries and regions face real problems in creation, diffusion and absorption of innovation. The aim of the paper is to explore the barriers and bottlenecks which may influence and limit innovative activity across the country, regions and companies. The level of innovation in an economy is the result of many factors. For this reason, the article indicates not only the economic barriers which may appear at various stages of the innovation process, but also includes the cultural, behavioral, sociological and anthropological background. As a result, the various taxonomies of barriers are presented and evaluated. Particular attention is paid to the comprehensive interactions between various actors and institutions in the innovation process. Thus, the article focuses on and highlights the regional aspect which encourages the need of cooperation between businesses and institutions in order to understand the negative determinants blocking innovation.

Over the past several decades, a new kind of labor politics has emerged in new venues (state and local levels), focusing on new governing institutions (employment laws), involving new strategies by labor unions, and featuring new organizational forms ("alt-labor"). The timing, form, and content of these developments have been powerfully shaped by the persistence of the increasingly outmoded but still authoritative national labor law, which has constrained and channeled the efforts of workers and their advocates to respond to growing problems. While the new institutions and organizations provide new substantive rights for workers and alternative vehicles for voice and collective action, the layering of these new forms alongside the old—without displacing the latter—has generated new problems without solving the problems produced by the ossification of labor law in the first place. Using novel empirical data and analysis, this article documents these changes, explores their causes, and considers their consequences for the changing politics of workers' rights.

AbstractIn the past decade there has been a distinct increase in literature on Indigenous laws. Calls to teach about Indigenous laws in postsecondary institutions in Canada have also intensified. This growth and these calls are significant, yet as with all fields of inquiry and teaching, there are also gaps. Gender continues to be under-addressed in work on Indigenous legal education. Drawing on interviews with twenty-three professors who teach about Indigenous law at postsecondary institutions in Canada, I examine the challenges in gendering Indigenous legal education. The professors all expressed that it is important to engage with gender when teaching, but the majority were experiencing significant challenges in actually doing so in practice. It is essential to understand how these challenges are entangled with gendered power dynamics and broader structural barriers, as they will continue to limit Indigenous legal education if not directly deconstructed and changed. Overall, the interviews signal the need for increased institutional support and change, more educational resources, eliminating discrimination, and ongoing discussion about gender and Indigenous law.

AbstractHow do periods of conflict and peace shape women's empowerment around the world? While existing studies have demonstrated that gender inequalities contribute to the propensity for armed conflict, we consider how the anticipation and realization of armed conflict shape women's opportunities for influence in society. Some scholars have pointed to the role that militarization and threat play in entrenching male dominance, while others have argued that periods of warfare can upend existing gender hierarchical orders. We posit mechanisms by which the preparation for and experiences during war affect change in women's empowerment. We develop and test observable implications using cross-national data from 1900 to 2015. We find that, at least in the short and medium term, warfare can disrupt social institutions and lead to an increase in women's empowerment via mechanisms related to role shifts across society and political shifts catalyzed by war. Reforming institutions and mainstreaming gender during peace processes stand to have important legacies for gender power relations in postconflict societies, though much more may be needed for more permanent change.

Despite repeated claims during the past century that the international legal order has been radically transformed, the contours of that order are in many ways the same in 2019 as they were in 1919. New laws govern international institutions, human rights, trade, and the environment and new institutions have emerged that affect how international law is interpreted and applied. War has lost legitimacy as a tool of foreign policy and individual responsibility for aggression and crimes against humanity has been affirmed. Yet these changes build on ideas and practices that may have been rudimentary but were not absent a century ago. Underlying them are persistent differences involving a shifting cast of old and new states as well as differences between local and universal ideals and between instrumental and noninstrumental conceptions of law. The traditional understanding of state sovereignty on which the international legal order rests has been qualified but not discarded, and its persistence confirms that the system it orders remains a system of states.

AbstractIn this paper, I examine the preservation thesis, according to which liberal democratic states can restrict the entry of illiberal immigrants to preserve the existence and functioning of liberal democratic institutions. The most reasonable version of the preservation thesis maintains that a liberal democratic state can accept illiberal immigrants as long as the acceptance will not exceed its capacity to accommodate the illiberal people under its jurisdiction. The preservation thesis relies on the assumption that a liberal democratic state should first allow its own illiberal citizens to stay in its territory and then leave illiberal immigrants to compete with each other for the limited opportunities to enter, even though illiberal citizens and illiberal immigrants pose the same challenge for the preservation of liberal democratic institutions. After examining three arguments based on humanitarianism, social ties and political ties to defend this assumption, I argue that these defenses fall victim to the problems of insufficiency and circularity. Therefore, the preservation thesis rests on a precarious ground.

In order to codify the political and partisan activity in Iraq, after a difficult labor, the Political Parties Law No. (36) for the year 2015 started and this is positive because it is not normal for the political parties and forces in Iraq to continue without a legal framework. Article (24) / paragraph (5) of the law requires that the party and its members commit themselves to the following: (To preserve the neutrality of the public office and public institutions and not to exploit it for the gains of a party or political organization). This is considered because it is illegal to exploit State institutions for partisan purposes . It is a moral duty before the politician not to exploit the political parties or some of its members or those who try to speak on their behalf directly or indirectly to achieve partisan gains. Or personality against other personalities and parties at the expense of the university entity.

In the Paris Agreement era of climate governance, private market-based initiatives are expected to play a catalytic role in achieving global commitments. However, the literature has been largely silent on the political causes of the variable and often limited uptake of such initiatives in the Global South. This article uses original project-level data to investigate the participation in voluntary carbon offset (VCO) programs across developing countries. We argue that, paradoxically, access to formal international institutions and linkages with domestic priorities are key factors for participation in voluntary carbon markets, reducing asymmetries in information, capacity, and interest in developing contexts. Our statistical analysis finds that institutions such as the Clean Development Mechanism and targeted foreign aid, as well as domestic concerns such as climate vulnerability and advancing renewable energy, shape in important ways the variable engagement in VCO projects. Our analysis also suggests that the design of private regulations can be fine-tuned to better capture synergies between local concerns and transnational climate action.

We examined predictors of self-reported cross-racial interactions (CRIs) by exploring ego networks for 355 Black and White undergraduates at two predominantly White institutions (PWIs). One PWI was 67% White, and the otherPWI was only 50% White. Institution, 1st year status, and racial homogeneity of student network were significant predictors of CRI. Students at the less structurally diverse university (that was 67% White) reported fewer CRIs;students with racially homogeneous networks (i.e., where all alters/connections were the same race as each other) also reported fewer CRIs. In contrast, 1st yearstudents reported a higher number of CRIs. Network homophily (i.e., where alters/connections in a network were all the same race as ego--the student himor herself) did not significantly predict CRIs, and neither did parent education or ego's (i.e., the students') race or gender. There was one significant difference by race; however, a higher percentage of White students had racially homogeneous networks. The importance of structural, interactional, and curricular diversity in higher education is discussed.

A daily systemic risk measure is proposed accounting for links and mutual dependencies between financial institutions utilising tail event information. FRM (Financial Risk Meter) is based on Lasso quantile regression designed to capture tail event co-movements. The FRM focus lies on understanding active set data characteristics and the presentation of interdependencies in a network topology. Two FRM indices are presented, namely, FRM@Americas and FRM@Europe. The FRM indices detect systemic risk at selected areas and identifies risk factors. In practice, FRM is applied to the return time series of selected financial institutions and macroeconomic risk factors. Using FRM on a daily basis, we identify companies exhibiting extreme "co-stress", as well as "activators" of stress. With the SRM@EuroArea, we extend to the government bond asset class. FRM is a good predictor for recession probabilities, constituting the FRM-implied recession probabilities. Thereby, FRM indicates tail event behaviour in a network of financial risk factors.