The edited volume Archives and the Cultural Heritage focuses on archives as institutions and to their tense relationship with archives as material. These dynamics are discussed in respect of the past, the present, and the future. The focus lies in the mechanisms the Finnish archive institutions have utilised when taking part in forming the cultural heritage and in debating the importance of the private archives in society. Within social sciences and history from the early 1990s onwards, the effects of globalisation have been seen as a new focal point for research. Momentarily, the archives saw the same paradigm shift as the focus of the archival studies proceeded from state to society. This brought forth the notion that the values of society are reflected in the acquisition of archival material. This archival turn draws attention to the archives as entities formed by cultural practices. The volume discusses cultural heritage within Finnish archives with diverse perspectives and from various time periods. The key concepts are cultural heritage and archives – both as institution and as material. Articles review the formation of archival collections spanning from the 19th to the 21st century and highlight that the archives have never been neutral or objective actors; rather, they have always been an active process of remembering and forgetting, a matter of inclusion and exclusion. The focus is on private archives and on the choices that guided the creation of the archives and the cultural perceptions and power structures associated with them. Although private archives have considerable social and research value, and although their material complements the picture of society provided by documentary data produced by public administrations, they have only risen to the theoretical discussions in the 21st century. The authors consider what has happened before the material ends up in the archive, what happens in the archive and what can be deduced from this. It shows how archival solutions manifest themselves, how they have influenced research and how they still affect it. One of the key questions is whose past has been preserved and whose is deemed worthy of preservation. Under what conditions have the permanently preserved documents been selected and how can they be accessed? In addition, the volume pays attention to whose documents have been ignored or forgotten, as well as to the networks and power of the individuals within the archival institution and to the politics of memory. The Archives and the Cultural Heritage is an opening to a discussion on the mechanisms, practices and goals of Finnish archival activities. It challenges archival organisations to reflect on their own operating models and to make visible their own conscious or unconscious choices. It raises awareness of the formation of the Finnish documentary cultural heritage, produces new information about private archives and participates in the scientific debate on the changing significance of archives in society. The volume is related to the Academy of Finland research project "Making and Interpreting National Pasts – Role of Finnish Archives as Networks of Power and Sites of Memory" (no 25257, 2011–2014/2019), University of Turku. Project partners Finnish Literature Society (SKS) and Society of Swedish Literature in Finland (SLS).
It is generally recognized that in early modern society, the position of the church and clergy was very central. As many historians have stated over the decades, the church and state were closely connected and their power structures and ideologies supported each other. However, when studying the social and public role of the church and clergy, it soon becomes quite clear how pervasive this phenomenon was. The church not only created but also maintained and acted as a part of international, national, and local communities, structures, and cultures that connected people regardless of their social status and gender. The church was a spiritual, administrative, and social institution and experience environment, whose tasks, scope, and meanings changed and intertwined with the development, needs, and requirements of society. In this book, we investigate from different perspectives the motives and different means by which the church and clergy came to play a significant part in early modern society. In this volume, the church is considered both as an administrative institution and as a social space and cultural structure. Hence, we do not focus on the history of theology or doctrinal questions. Instead, we consider the social and public roles and meanings of the church. The church as such is understood in this book as transnational, a strong national and local institution, and also a space and structure. The church had its own institutionalized place in society and its activities and rights were defined by law (Church law 1696, the Law of the Swedish kingdom 1734) and by the decrees given by the Royal Majesty. The church had its own archbishop-led administrative organization under the Royal Majesty and it worked in close cooperation with the Crown administration and county governors. In this volume, we understand the clergy as church servants, a trained and appointed professional group, a separate estate (social class), and also as a wide social network constructed by their families. The approach of this book is social science history. In other words, the book examines the church and the clergy as an integral part of society and the individual communities who lived in the current Finnish territory during the early modern era. The topic is examined on the basis of three conceptual themes reflecting important new areas of research in the study of the social significance of the church and clergy: (1) the clergy and family as part of the community, (2) the church as a jointly built space, and (3) the church as an arena for interaction, knowledge, and politics. We approach this multidimensionality using different research questions, sources, methods, and theoretical approaches. The volume focuses on the 17th to 19th centuries, but many of the church and clergy-related phenomena are much older, and some of them extend to the present, so the articles also move beyond this time frame.
Tutkimuksen tehtävänä oli selvittää, voivatko valtionhallinnon alueille tuomat uudet instituutiot tukea omaehtoista alueellista kehittämistä ja, jos voivat, niin miten. Instituutioilla tutkimuksessa tarkoitettiin alueellista kehittämistoimintaa ohjaavia, tietoisesti luotuja sääntöjä ja menettelyjä tai käytännön toiminnan myötä kehittyneitä toimintamalleja. Omaehtoisella kehittämisellä taas tarkoitetaan sellaista alueellista kehittämistä, joka lähtee liikkeelle tietyllä alueella asuvista ihmisistä ja siellä toimivista organisaatioista sekä perustuu ennen kaikkea alueen omiin tarpeisiin ja voimavaroihin. Esimerkkeinä valtionhallinnon luomista uusista alueellisen kehittämisen instituutioista oli toimintaryhmätyö Suomesta sekä alueellinen kehittämissuunnittelu ja aluemanagement Saksan Baijerista. Toimintaryhmätyö on paikallisten kehittäjäryhmien ja näiden yhteistyökumppaneiden tekemää alueellista kehittämistyötä. Baijerin aluemanagement tarkoittaa puolestaan erilaisten toimijoiden yhteistyöhön perustuvan alueellisen kehittämisprosessin johtamista. Tutkimuksessa analysoitiin kahden suomalaisen ja kahden baijerilaisen esimerkkialueen kehittämisprosesseja noin neljän vuoden ajanjaksolla. Tärkeimmät metodit tutkimusaineiston keruussa olivat osallistuva havainnointi ja kehittämisprosessien toimijoille tehdyt puolistrukturoidut haastattelut. Tutkimus osoitti, että valtionhallinto voi uusien instituutioiden avulla tukea omaehtoista alueellista kehittämistä. Uusiin instituutioihin tulee tällöin sisältyä osallistavia suunnittelumetodeja ja hanketoiminnan koulutusta, malleja, kannustimia ja ongelmanratkaisuvälineitä paikallisille kumppanuuksille, joustavia rahoitusvälineitä, tukijaviranomaisten kumppanuutta sekä tukea verkostoitumiselle. Uusilla instituutioilla on kuitenkin myös piirteitä, jotka haittaavat omaehtosta kehittämistä. Tällaisia ovat normatiivinen säätely, tiettyjen toimijoiden aseman korostuminen, asiantuntijavetoinen tai liian kiireinen suunnittelu sekä kiinnittyminen sektorihallintoon. Uusien instituutioiden mahdollisuudet vakiintua alueille riippuvat puolestaan siitä, miten ne tehdään tunnetuksi, olemassa olevista instituutioista, uudelta instituutiolta odotettujen julkisten hyötyjen ja paikallisten intressien yhteensopivuudesta sekä toiminnan laajenemisesta ja kehittymisestä alueella. Tutkimusasetelma on ajankohtainen eurooppalaisessa alueellisessa kehittämisessä ja maaseutupolitiikassa, joissa uusia instituutioita parhaillaan luodaan ja kokeillaan. Aiempiin tutkimuksiin verrattuna tutkimus tuo uutta erityisesti analysoimalla rinnakkain kahden, lähtökohdiltaan suuresti toisistaan poikkeavan maan hyvin erilaisia instituutioita. Tutkimuksen tuloksia voidaan hyödyntää alueellisen kehittämispolitiikan suunnista ja toimenpiteistä päätettäessä. Tuloksia voivat hyödyntää myös erilaiset paikalliset yhteisöt tai kunnat halutessaan viedä eteenpäin omaehtoista kehittämistä alueellaan. Aiheellisia jatkotutkimuksen kohteita ovat uusien instituutioiden sekä omaehtoista kehittämistä tukevat että haittaavat elmentit. ; New Institutions Supporting Endogenous Development The recent changes in regional development in Europe were the starting point of the study. The European Union and the national governments of many European countries have reacted to new challenges of regional development by creating and launching special institutions to support endogenous regional and local development. Both Finland and the German state of Bavaria have responded in this way. An example in Finland is the activity of the local action groups consistent with the model of the EU LEADER programme, which has been extended through the national rural development programme for local endogenous development (POMO programme). In Bavaria, the Ministry of State Development and Environmental Affairs has created and launched institutions of regional development planning and regional management. The objective of the study was to determine whether these new institutions launched from outside are able to support endogenous development processes in the regions, and if they are, how do they do it. Answers were sought by analysing how the various elements of the new institutions influence the process of endogenous development in its different stages. Also, the influence of the launching practice was analysed. Four qualitative case studies were carried out: two in Finland and two in Bavaria. In Finland the case studies were carried out in two regions where the POMO programme was being implemented. In Bavaria two relatively rural regions were chosen where a sub-regional plan was made and was being implemented through regional management. The conditions for establishment of the new institutions in the regions are discussed in the study. The theoretical framework of the study is built around the terms regional development, endogenous development and institutions. Institutions are here understood as formal and informal systems of rules that guide the assignment of meanings and so the action. The institutions of regional development supply the framework for the regional and local development. The conclusion that can be drawn from the recent discussion of regional development thinking and practices in Europe is that new models of thinking and acting supporting endogenous development have emerged. Such models include strategic thinking and programming, networking and partnership, and communicative planning. These models have been incorporated in the new institutions of regional development created and launched by central authorities. Finland and Bavaria have different institutional backgrounds for the new institutions and these backgrounds have influenced the aims and forms of the new institutions. The institution of the activity of the local action group in Finland supports endogenous development on the basis of local partnerships. The institutions of regional development planning and regional management in Bavaria are intended to support endogenous development based above all on a partnership of municipalities. The influence of the new institutions on regional development processes depends on the characteristics of the elements of the new institution, how the institution was launched and on pre-existing institutions in the region. The rational incentives offered by the new institutions, together with the values and the beliefs taken for granted of the pre-existing institutions, are playing a central role. There are also other factors peculiar to the region and the actors that influence the development process. The main question of the study - whether the new institutions can support endogenous development processes - can be answered in the affirmative. The supporting characteristics of the new institutions are participatory planning methods and training for project management, models, incentives and ways of problem solving for local partnerships, flexible funding instruments, partnership with supporting authorities and support to networking. However, the new institutions also have characteristics unfavourable to endogenous development. These include normative rules, emphasis on the position of certain actors, expert planning or too hasty planning and attachment to sectorial government structures. The possibilities of the new institutions to root themselves in the region depend on the mode of launching, on the pre-existing institutions, on the compatibility of expected public benefits with the interests of local actors and on the expansion of the activity and development of the practices in the region.
Aikuiskoulutus Suomessa jaetaan ammatilliseen aikuiskoulutukseen ja vapaaseen sivistystyöhön. Tämä tutkimus kohdistuu vapaaseen sivistystyöhön ja vapaan sivistystyön oppilaitoksiin: liikunnan koulutuskeskuksiin, opintokeskuksiin, kesäyliopistoihin, kansanopistoihin ja kansalaisopistoihin. Tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan vapaan sivistystyön oppilaitosten tehtäväkuvan muutosta osana systeemistä järjestelmää. Oppilaitosten toimintaympäristön muutoksiin sopeutumista tarkastellaan erityisesti resurssiriippuvuuden ja alueellisuuden näkökulmista. Tutkimuksen tulokset kootaan yhteen muodostaen vapaan sivistystyön tulkintahorisontiksi toiminnan sisällöllistä muutosta kuvaava resurssiriippuvuusjana. Tutkimus on tekstintulkinnallishermeneuttinen. Tutkimuksen aineisto muodostuu alan tutkimuskirjallisuudesta, vapaan sivistystyön arviointi- ja kehittämisprosessien raporteista sekä vapaan sivistystyön oppilaitosten vuosina 2012 ja 2013 uudistettujen ylläpitämislupien hakemuksista. Viime vuosina laskenut valtionapu on vapaalle sivistystyölle kriittinen resurssi. Myös lainsäädäntöpohja, valtionapuperusteet ja valtionhallinnon ohjaus- ja toimintakäytännöt ovat muuttuneet ja vaikuttaneet vapaan sivistystyön oppilaitosten yleisiin toimintaedellytyksiin. Resursseja oppilaitokset ovat 1990-luvulta lähtien enenevässä määrin hankkineet myös monilta muilta koulutustoiminnan sektoreilta ja suoraan markkinoilta. Omaehtoisen persoonallisen kasvun tukeminen on ollut vapaan sivistystyön ydinsisältö. Ydinsisältö on muuntunut 1900-luvun aikana enemmän institutionalisoituneeksi koulutukseksi osana koulutusjärjestelmää, tai yleissivistävien harrasteopintojen tukemiseksi institutionalisoituneissa toimintapuitteissa. Vapaan sivistystyön oppilaitosten toiminnan sisältö on jatkuvasti sopeutunut sekä resursseiltaan että alueellisesti yhteiskunnan tarpeisiin. Toiminnan sisältömuutokset ovat olleet luonteeltaan inkrementaalisia ja tehtäväkuvaa koko ajan laventavia. Pitkällä kaarella ja isossa kuvassa tarkasteltuna vapaan sivistystyön oppilaitosten toiminta on aina ollut pääosin sisällöltään konservatiivista ja sopeutuvaa, eikä toiminnan kehysnormistoon koko kaaren aikana ole liittynyt leimallisesi yhteistä transformatiivista tehtävää. Oppilaitosten identiteetti nousee paikallisesta, maakunnallisesta tai valtakunnallisesta toimintatarpeesta. Toiminnan sisältöä perustellaan alueellisella koulutuksen saavutettavuuden tasa-arvolla ja tuotettujen koulutuspalveluiden tarvelähtöisyydellä. Paikallista identiteettiä korostetaan muutospaineessa, eikä aikaisempaa ylipaikallisempaa identiteettiä ole kovin laajasti omaksuttu. Uuden vuosituhannen puolella toimintaa ohjaavan opetus- ja kulttuuriministeriön toimesta on painotettu rakenteellista ja sisällöllistä muutostarvetta, hyötyä sekä erityisryhmien koulutusta. Jatkuva, 1990-luvulla alkanut, yhteiskunnallinen muutospaine on vaikuttanut ja vaikuttaa vapaan sivistystyön oppilaitosten toimintaympäristöön, mutta muutokseen reagointi on oppilaitosmuodoittaan ja oppilaitoskohtaisesti ollut hyvin erilaista. Oman roolin epäselvyys jatkuvassa toiminnan sisällön muutospaineessa niin resurssien, rakenteen kuin toimintaympäristönkin osalta aiheuttaa oppilaitoksille epävarmuutta oman ydintehtävän sisällöstä. Toisaalta pitkäaikainen systeeminen luottamuspääoma toimintaa ohjaavaan ministeriöön ja eduskuntaan on mahdollistanut hitaan, vaiheittaisen, ja paikallista muutosjoustavuutta hyödyntäneen muutoksen. Koulutussektorin valtiollinen toimintapolitiikkaohjaus (policy) on 2000-luvulla merkittävästi lisääntynyt erilaisten kehittämisohjelmien myötä. Myös kehittämishankkeista on tullut osalle oppilaitoksista resurssienhankinnan arkea. Vapaan sivistystyön oppilaitosten rooli osana oppivaa aluetta on käytettävissä olevan partnerin rooli ja ilmenee leimallisesti omaa koulutus- ja sivistystehtävää ja sen erityisyyttä korostamalla. Oppilaitokset ovat vahvasti identifioituneet tuottamaan alueellisia ja paikallisia koulutuspalveluja. Samalla kohderyhmäajattelu on noussut aikaisempaa keskeisemmäksi osaksi tehtäväkuvaa. Toiminnan suurin yhteinen nimittäjä näyttää olevan vahva tukeutuminen alueyhteisöihin ja niiden konkreettisiin tarpeisiin. ; In Finland there are two different forms of Adult education: vocational adult edu-cation and liberal adult education. In this adult educational research, the focus is in liberal adult education. There are five types of institutions of liberal adult educa- tion: adult education centres, folk high schools, summer universities, sports insti-tutes and study centres. The aim of the research was to increase the understanding of the changes in the missions of liberal adult education institutions. The institu-tions of liberal adult education can be viewed as a system. This study tries to un-derstand the change in the functional environment of liberal adult education insti-tutions observed particularily from the point of view of resource-dependence theory. The point of view is regional. This research is textual analyse utilizing the hermeneutical method. In conclusion, the main purpose is to explain the change of identity of the organizations of liberal adult education by the resoursedependense chain. There are three types of empirical materials in this study. Firstly, the research literature, secondly the reports of evaluation and developing processes of liberal adult education and thirdly the appointments of liberal adult education organizations permissions to support learning institution in years 2012 and 2013. The state covers approximately half of the expenses of liberal adult education institutions. State grants are a critical resource for liberal adult education institutions. The state of grants for liberal adult education organizations has been declining in last years. The ground for legislative regulation and state grants has changed. Also, the states control has changed to be more generalized. The marketorientation of organizations has increased. There has been bigger and bigger pressure to get more and more resources for the other sectors of education and markets. The support of self-motivated individual growth has been the core content of liberal adult education. During the 20th century liberal adult education has become more and more institutionalized. Also, the quantity of hobby-oriented courses in institutionalized frames has increased. The functions of liberal adult education establishments have continuously been adapting to fit both the needs of the local community, and the resources available. The changes in the content of the activities have been incremental and the goals of activities have spread. In the big picture, the actions of liberal adult education organizations have been adaptive and conservative. The action has never been labelled transformative. In the 21st century, the need for changes in structure and amount of organizations has increased. Also, there are needs to change the content of the activities. The state needs more explanations to the benefits of the activity, also the state requires focus to be put on special groups. The liberal adult education organizations can be seen as an actor of state granted service and education system. The 21st century is labelled by new thinking of the welfare state and the change in the role of the state. Governanlity is now a bigger part in the states' role in the activities. Government policing has increased significantly with the development of different advancement programs in the 21st century. Liberal adult education institutions are not a part of the regional development. They are only partners in "learning regions". Their orientation is mostly in educational practices. The identity of the organizations is that of a service provider. The identity is based on local, provincial or nationwide basic. All liberal adult education organizations are linked in many ways to their own environment. The benefit of the action is justified by the equal access for all and the need for educational services. The main common attribute is regionalism and the practical needs of the local community.
What is a state? This volume approaches the question from an anthropological perspective, which means that the starting point of the analysis is not the concept of the state, but instead, what kinds of structures the state consists of, what kinds of effects these structures have, and how states are experienced by the people who inhabit, make, enact, and resist them. The volume introduces a contemporary anthropological approach to the study of the state for a Finnish-speaking audience. This new approach examines the state as a diverse, socially and culturally constructed phenomenon that varies in time and place. Additional aims of the volume are to introduce and translate concepts from political anthropology to the Finnish language, and to make anthropological analyses of the state known to other disciplines that study the state and to the general Finnish-speaking public. Covering a wide variety of ethnographic contexts examining both the effects of the state and the state-like effects of other institutions, the volume contains case studies from Brazil, Uganda, Papua New Guinea, Madagascar, Finland, Bolivia, Cuba, Egypt, Fiji, Solomon Islands, and Ghana. A theoretical introduction presents the development of anthropological thinking with regard to the state and state-like institutions. An afterword reflects on the contribution of the volume in light of the ethnographic context of Indonesia.
In this book [titled Home, welfare work and vulnerability] the authors take the reader on welfare workers' home visits to clients in need of support in their living. Welfare workers refer to professionals in health and social care who in the book are represented among others by social workers, social care workers and nurses. The main concepts of the book are home, welfare work and vulnerability and these are contemplated from different angles. Welfare work entails encountering people who are in vulnerable situations in the midst of their everyday lives. They may need support in coping with their mental health, with physical illnesses, with the challenges of achieving sobriety and recovery or perhaps with the difficulties accompanying old age. On the one hand their ability to act is limited and weak but on the other they have many kinds of strengths and resources.
The book addresses a significant turning point in welfare services and work at which the objective is defined as the right of every individual to their own home and making living at home feasible for as long as possible. In the last fifty years or so many societal factors have made possible the dismantling of institutions, the reduction of places and the shortening of stays in institutions, the further development of care in the community, the construction of small residential and care facilities and most recently the further development of services to be taken into people's homes. The last stage of this dismantling of institutions is referred to in the book as the "home turn". As a societal change the home turn is complex – and that is how it is approached in the book. When one's own home is the main place in which welfare policy and work are implemented, it is important to scrutinize more closely what actually occurs there and what special issues are connected to this given context.
The book offers a timely point of view on the development of welfare services and the grass-root level welfare work done in the homes. It draws on interaction research based on ethnomethodology and human geography. Research data consist of recordings of home visits, researcher's field diaries and interviews with clients and workers. The work includes both chapters providing conceptual and theoretical overviews and empirical research on the encounters between client and worker(s) on home visits. Welfare work accomplished in people's homes entails many tensions and ethical issues which are analysed in the book and made visible through the means of research.
Euroopan komissio luotiin jotta se voisi ajaa yhteisöjen intressiä. Sen vuoksi siitä päätettiin tehdä itsenäinen. Mutta koska Euroopan Unionin vaikutus jäsenmaissaan on hyvin vahvaa, myös talouden kannalta, haluavat jäsenmaat vaikuttaa komissioon mahdollisimman paljon. Tämän vuoksi komission itsenäisyys vaarantuu. Perustamissopimukset koettavat hoitaa ongelman luomalla komissiolle joita-kin suojamekanismeja. Mutta ovatko ne riittäviä? Vaikuttaa siltä, että komissioon pystytään vaikuttamaan liikaa sen jokapäiväisessä työssä. Tämä vaikuttaminen alkaa jo komission nimittämisvaiheessa ja jatkuu koko ajan komission pohtiessa uuden lainsäädännön tarvetta ja komission valmistellessa uutta lainsäädäntöä. Komission lakiehdotelman sisältöön vaikuttavat usein paljonkin muut instituutiot, jäsenvaltiot sekä intressiryhmät. Tämä johtaa siihen, että komissio ei täysin pysty toteuttamaan yhteisöjen in-tressiä. Monin eri tavoin komission päätöksiin voivat vaikuttaa yksittäisten tai use-ampien jäsenmaiden edut, vaikka tarkoitus olisi ajaa yhteisöjen etua. The European Commission was created so that it could work to fulfil the Community Interest. Therefore it was decided to be an independent institution. But because the European Union affects its Member States very deeply, not least in budgetary ways, the Member States seem to want to influence the Commission as much as possible. Therefore the independence of the Commission is at stake. The Treaties try to deal with the problem by setting some protective mecha-nisms on the Commission. But is it enough? It seems that the Commission gets in-fluenced too much in its everyday work. This influencing starts already at the nomi-nation of the Commissioners, continues all the while when the Commission is decid-ing if new Community legislation is needed and while it drafts new legislation. The substance of the drafts are often influenced very much by the other institutions, Member States and interest groups. What this means is that the Commission can't fulfil its task at seeking the best of the Communities. In many different ways the decisions of the Commission may further the good of one or some interested parties instead of the Community In-terest.
This book deals with approaches, sources, and methods in health history from the middle ages to the twentieth century. Individual chapters demonstrate how historians of medicine and health choose their methodological approaches and form interpretations from primary sources. They discuss the practices of writing and show how obstacles in the research process can be overcome. Practical examples of source materials, used methods and research challenges give tools to students for carrying out projects independently and help them to understand different possibilities in the field of health history. In this book, history of health includes but is not limited to medical science. Emphasising medical pluralism, it places (public) health in a cultural and social field encompassing official and unofficial practitioners, medical institutions, and patients. Individual case studies highlight themes in Finnish, European, and African history.
In this thesis, I critically interrogate power relations that underlie practices, techniques and rationalities of contemporary forms of governance represented by the governing strategy of structural adjustment framework devised by the Bretton Woods institutions— especially the IMF and the World Bank. Far from being a technique of coercion and domination, the thesis demonstrates that structural adjustment framework represents a differing modality of global power that attempts to discursively legitimise external interventions through the imposition of neoliberal economic agenda. I show that structural adjustment policies are carefully constructed neoliberal rationalities of governing through which donors seek to transform the government of Ghana into a self-disciplined neoliberal subject that must behave in an appropriately competitive fashion that is congruent with the ethos of market rationality. I draw on Michel Foucault's nuanced conceptualisation of governmentality, a form of productive and relational power working through individuals' subjectivities particularly as it coexists with the disciplinary rationale of power, and extend it to the relation between the IMF and the World Bank and the government of Ghana. I analyse how these interactions are embedded within a discursive formation and concrete practices which establish certain views of 'a problem' and mobilise particular authoritative actors, techniques and forms of truth as solutions. I also explore how over the decades the IMF and the World Bank through the modalities of conditionality associated with structural adjustment have sought to govern, remake and regulate the economic, political and social institutions of recipient States. In closing, and by way of illustration, I also examine 'non-compliance' as one possibility into what Foucault has termed 'counter-conduct' through which subjects undermine and challenge governmental forms of power. This being said, within the structural adjustment discourse, there remains, I would be inclined to argue, repressive and dominant forms of power. This thesis, contributes to the contemporary scholarship on governmentality to deepen and re-evaluate the distinctiveness of power relations in the example of the IMF and the World Bank adjustment programmes in Ghana.
The article studies rejected patent applications in Finland at the end of the nineteenth century. It examines the development of the patent system as part of the nation's emerging liberal economic institutions. Internationally, patents have been employed to study technological and economic development, however, the rejected patents and the agency of the patent officials have received little attention. The article examines newly collected applications related to patenting from 1864-1884 and asks, whose applications were rejected and why. The article shows how foreigners, and Swedish applications in particular, were typical among the rejected applicants. Most applications were rejected because the officials did not see the invention as novel or assessed the application as incomplete. In their examination, the Finnish patent officials heard experts and used material objects as evidence. The article shows how the Finnish patent officials followed modern practices of patent examination already in the early 1870s—before the actual legislation and more rigorously than in the neighbouring Sweden. Even though the interests of the domestic industries were raised in some cases, the officials managed and guided the national industrial property rights by developing the patenting principles in the state administration. ; Artikkelissa tutkitaan Suomessa hylättyjä patenttihakemuksia ja tarkastellaan näiden valossa autonomisen Suomen patenttijärjestelmää osana maan taloudellisten instituutioiden rakentamista 1800-luvun lopulla. Kansainvälisesti patentteja on hyödynnetty teknisen ja taloudellisen kehityksen tutkimuksessa, mutta hylätyt patentit ja patenttiviranomaisten toimijuus ovat jääneet vähemmälle huomiolle. Artikkelissa käydään läpi Senaattiin saapuneet patentteja koskevat anomukset vuosilta 1864-1884 ja kysytään: keiden patentit hylättiin ja miksi? Artikkeli osoittaa, että hylätyissä patenttihakemuksissa korostuivat ulkomaiset, etenkin ruotsalaiset hakijat. Yleisin syy hylkäämiselle oli, ettei keksintö ollut viranomaisten näkökulmasta uusi tai että hakemus oli puutteellinen. Viranomaiset kuulivat patenttihakemusten arvioinnissa asiantuntijoita ja käsittelivät jopa esinetodisteita. Artikkeli näyttää, että Suomen patenttiviranomaiset seurasivat patenttien tutkintaan liittyviä moderneja käytäntöjä jo 1870-luvun alussa – ennen varsinaista lainsäädäntöä ja tiukemmin kuin esimerkiksi Ruotsissa. Vaikka muutamassa tapauksessa viitattiin kotimaisen teollisuuden etuihin, tapahtui teollisten omistusoikeuksien ohjaus ja rajaaminen ennen kaikkea viranomaisten omaksumien patenttiperiaatteiden kautta.
This edited book is the third in a series of yearbooks that introduces the principles and applicability of the method of empathy-based stories. The book presents ten empirical studies which all use this method as a tool for data collection. In addition, the work examines the reliability of the method of empathy-based stories as a method and as part of qualitative research.
The research articles in the book provide a current overview of the change in different work and operating environments. These environments include various educational institutions from elementary school to universities, social media, and human resource management. Studies examine the social inclusion, participation and agency of pupils, students, young people, and professionals, as well as the professional and ethical challenges of those working in new environments. The method of empathy-based stories is used to observe, for example, university students' interpretations of involvement in the curriculum process, pupils' views on co-teaching, different forms of agency of young people who experience sexual harassment online, and the subjectivity of recruiters and the reasons for recruitment choices.
Methodologically, the book focuses on the reliability of the method of empathy-based stories and considers the characteristics of the method among qualitative research methods. Reflecting on the research articles, the work discusses what kind of requirements and challenges the method poses for both the researcher and the respondents. The book provides guidelines for evaluating the reliability of the method of empathy-based stories, while participating also in a general discussion of the reliability, potential, and limitations of qualitative research.
The book indicates how the method of empathy-based stories can be applied to a wide variety of research in different contexts. The strength of the method is its ability to utilize the respondents' imagination, thus providing the researchers with opportunities to find new perspectives and invent propositions. The book also provides practical examples of how the method can be used in research. - Kasvatusinstituutiot peruskoulusta yliopistoon ovat jatkuvan muutoksen keskiössä. Globaalit ja paikalliset yhteiskunnalliset muutokset, kuten esimerkiksi sosiaalisen median levittäytyminen osaksi arkea tai synnytyssairaaloiden keskittäminen, asettavat ammattilaisille uusia osaamisvaatimuksia sekä eettisiä haasteita. Kokoomateoksen kymmenessä tutkimusartikkelissa tarkastellaan eläytymismenetelmän avulla näiden muuttuvien ympäristöjen vaikutusta niissä toimivien ihmisten arkeen.
Tutkimusartikkeleissa käsitellään esimerkiksi oppilaiden näkemyksiä yhteisopettajuudesta, kätilöiden osaamista, rekrytoijien ammattitaitoa sekä seksuaalista häirintää verkossa kohtaavien nuoren toimijuutta. Menetelmällisen painotuksensa ansiosta teosta voi hyödyntää myös eläytymismenetelmän soveltamistapoja kuvaavana oppikirjana.
Teos on kolmas osa vuosikirjasarjassa, joka esittelee eläytymismenetelmän käyttöä tutkimusmenetelmänä. Teos osallistuu ajankohtaiseen keskusteluun laadullisen tutkimuksen luotettavuudesta hahmottamalla menetelmän käytettävyyden mahdollisuuksia ja rajoja sen metodologisten erityispiirteiden kautta.
Kuntoutusjärjestelmä on Suomessa rakentunut monitahoiseksi ja monen osajärjestelmän muodostamaksi kokonaisuudeksi. Oikeus kuntoutukseen määrittyy sen mukaan, minkä osajärjestelmän piiriin ihminen kuuluu. Tämä johtaa siihen, että yksilöille voi määrittyä erilainen oikeus kuntoutukseen riippuen siitä, minkä osajärjestelmän piirissä hän on. Myös eri sosioekonomiset ryhmät saavat erilaisia kuntoutusetuuksia. Aihe on erittäin ajankohtainen, koska viimeaikainen keskustelu työuran pidentämisestä nostaa areenalle myös kuntoutuksen yhtenä keinona pidentää työssä jaksamista. Sari Miettisen väitöskirja Muutoksen mahdollisuus Suomen kuntoutusjärjestelmässä tarkastelee Suomen kuntoutuspolitiikkaa kuntoutuksen institutionaalisen kokonaisuuden näkökulmasta. Tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan ensimmäistä kertaa kuntoutusjärjestelmää laajana institutionaalisena kokonaisuutena. Tarkoituksena on jäsentää kuntoutusjärjestelmän monimutkaisuutta ja sen muotoutumista sekä näiden kautta tehdä johtopäätöksiä järjestelmän muutoksen mahdollisuudesta. Tutkimuksen lähtökohtana on vuosikausia samanlaisina säilyneet epäkohdat järjestelmässä. Järjestelmän ongelmiksi on vuosikymmenten kuluessa katsottu esimerkiksi vastuunjaon epäselvyydet ja asiakkaiden putoaminen eri toimijoiden väliin. Näitä epäkohtia on pyritty korjaamaan erilaisilla uudistuksilla, joista tähän asti laajin on ollut vuonna 1991 voimaan astunut kuntoutuslainsäädännön uudistus. Uudistuksista huolimatta samat ongelmat ovat esiintyneet erilaisissa kuntoutusjärjestelmän kuvauksissa aina tähän päivän asti. Kokonaisuutta lähestytään analysoimalla valtionhallinnon asiakirjoja ja täydentäen aineistoa tarvittavilla avainhenkilöhaastatteluilla. Tutkimus osoittaa kuntoutusjärjestelmästä erilaisia sisäisiä keskusteluareenoja vuosikymmenien aikana sekä erityisiä valta-asetelmia eri osajärjestelmien kesken. Yhteinen puhe kokonaisuuden hallinnasta on puuttunut ja järjestelmän kokonaisuutta kehittäessä puhe on keskittynyt lähinnä neljään erilaiseen kehykseen. Käytännön tasolla asiakkaan oikeus kuntoutusetuuksiin näytti määrittyvän usealla erilaisella perusteella ja erilaisiksi eri väestöryhmien kesken. Oikeuden ovat myös määrittyneet monenlaisissa erilaisissa paikoissa, kuten yksilön kuntoutuksesta päättävien tahojen ja osajärjestelmien yksittäisten ohjeiden tasolla. Kuntoutusjärjestelmää tulisi tutkimuksen mukaan uudistaa kokonaisuus huomioiden. Usein uudistuksia on toteutettu osa kerrallaan, jolloin eri osien välisiin ongelmiin ei ole puututtu riittävässä määrin. Nykyisellään kuntoutusjärjestelmän osat toimivat erillisinä. Mikäli tätä halutaan muuttaa, pitäisi uudistuksia tehdä kokonaisuus huomioiden ja myös perustaa toimintaa selkeästi koordinoiva taho. Nykyiset keskustelut työuran pidentämisestä voisivat tarjota paikan kuntoutusjärjestelmän kokonaisuuden uudistamiseen, koska kuntoutus voi toimia välineenä saavuttaa näitä tavoitteita. ; Rehabilitation in Finland is part of many welfare systems and as an institutional entity it has many separate subsystems. It has been described as a fragmented and complex entity. Several problems have been attached to the Finnish rehabilitation system, such as unclear division of responsibilities between different subsystems. The rehabilitation system have undergone several coordination attempts especially since the 1990 s. A large legislative reform was launched in 1991. The purpose of the reform was to overcome the problems appearing in the system. The legislative reform was to be evaluated every four years and it was presented in the form of three government rehabilitation reports. Besides the major legislative reform in 1991, parts of the system have been reformed through single legislative reforms in the last three decades. However, despite many reforms in the rehabilitation reports and in other descriptions of the system the same problems have recurred. It seems that no extensive solutions have been found to the problems of the whole rehabilitation system, at least in the short-term. Macro-level studies of the rehabilitation system are needed in Finland. Studies are usually focused on the practical level and different methods of rehabilitation. Although some studies concern the whole rehabilitation system, the perspective is usually on certain sub-system or the entity is contemplated from the client s perspective. In this study the focus was on the institutional entity of rehabilitation in Finland called rehabilitation system. The concepts used were governance and historical institutionalism. The purpose was to analyse the complexity of the institutional entity of rehabilitation in Finland and its development and draw conclusions on the possibility of change in the rehabilitation system in Finland. The legislative reform in 1991 was used as a starting point because it has been the largest reform to develop the whole system in Finland so far. The complex system was analysed using several data. The data used were national rehabilitation policy documents and their background reports and statements, interviews with key authors, legislation and also literature and documents describing the history of the rehabilitation system in Finland. The data were analysed using data based and theory oriented content analysis, frame analysis and the basis of historical sociology. This dissertation consists of four publications which analysed the governance of the rehabilitation system from different perspectives. First, the focus was on the construction of governance in the complex system. The perspective was on the roles of different institutions in the rehabilitation system. According to the results different co-operation forums have promoted change in the system. However, at the same time different power constellations in rehabilitation agendas inside the system have inhibited change. Second, the system was studied through so-called basic modes of governance (hierarchy, network and market). The results showed that certain parts seemed to be emphasized in the reform talk. Common talk of governance was missing. In the third part the main focus was on the interpretations of problems and their policy solutions for the whole system in its reform agenda. The results showed four different frames which were used in discussions. In the frames the problems and policy solutions usually did not meet. In the fourth part the governance of citizens rights was studied. According to the results the rights to rehabilitation benefits are determined in different ways for different population groups and the right to benefits was decided in many places. The overall results of this study showed a deep division between the subsystems. Instead of single and small reforms a reform of the whole system requires attention of all parts of the system in the reform and perhaps a strong coordinating body. It seems that through single and small reforms it is difficult to overcome the problems of this complex system.
Arviointitutkimus koskee Suomen talouden ytimen, valtiokonsernin talousohjauksen tilaa vuosien 1987-2008 uudistuskauden jälkeen. Mihin oli tultu vuonna 2008 ja miten talousohjausjärjestelmä toimii? Arvioinnin kohteena on myös se, miten ohjausjärjestelmän tila vastaa 2010-luvun haasteita. Arviointiaineiston muodostavat uudistuskauden dokumentit sekä ohjausjärjestelmän kaikkien tasojen eduskunnan, hallituksen, valtiovarainministeriön, ministeriöiden, virastojen ja laitosten sekä tarkastusviranomaisten haastattelut. Vastaavaa lähestymistapaa ei suomalaisessa hallinnontutkimuksessa ole aikaisemmin sovellettu. Arviointi tukeutuu kompleksisuusteoreettiseen viitekehykseen. Kompleksisuusteoriaa ei ole myöskään vastaavalla tavalla hyödynnetty. Tutkimus on siten sekä lähestymistapansa että teoriaulottuvuutensa osalta pioneerityötä, jota ei ole voitu perustaa aiempaan tutkimukseen. Sellaisena se avaa, vaatii ja osoittaa useita jatkotutkimustarpeita. Tutkimuksen päätuloksia ovat ensinnäkin se, että talousohjauksen ytimen, finanssipolitiikan ohjausrakenne on tasapainossa uudistustavoitteiden kanssa ja sellaisena se tukee talouden kokonaishallintaa. Toiseksi tutkimustulokset osoittavat, että tulosohjaustavoitteet, tuottavuus, taloudellisuus ja vaikuttavuus eivät ole toteutuneet talousarviolain edellyttämällä tavalla. Laki ja käytännön toiminta ovat kaukana tasapainosta. Lain vaatimukset ovat taakkana toimijoille. Taakka ei kuitenkaan näy suoraan menoina momenteilla ja siksi se ei ole saanut osakseen ansaitsemaansa huomiota. Kolmantena uudistustavoitteena ollut demokraattisen ohjauksen vahvistaminen näyttää valtiokonsernin osalta rakenteellisesti toteutuneen. Toimivuuden kannalta rakenne on kuitenkin vielä niin uusi, että erityisesti eduskunnan näkökulmasta sen toimivuutta on vaikea arvioida. 2010-luvun haasteiden kannalta tutkimuksessa tulee esiin joukko riskitekijöitä. Yksi niistä on talousohjauksen päätoimijan, valtiovarainministeriön ohjausrakenne. Se näyttää olevan epätasapainossa ministeriön kasvaneiden vastuiden kanssa. Taloudellisesti vaikeina aikoina valtiovarainministeriön rooli lisäksi korostuu järjestelmälogiikan mukasesti talouden tasapainottajana. Ministeriön ohjausrakenteella on yleistä merkitystä, koska se heijastuu koko hallinnon talousohjaukseen. Se voi olla sille joko tukena tai taakkana. ; In the administrative reforms of 1987-2008 in Finland the state as a whole was divided into three parts the core state, autonomous parts and actors operating in market conditions. The structural division was taken further when in 2010 the universities were split off from the financial governance of the core state to join the autonomous actors. Each part of the state body has its own financial governance. The study is confined to reforms in the system of financial governance of a state concern (core state) and the functionality of the system of governance after the reforms. This is an evaluative study assessing first the reforms in the structure and governance tools and thereafter their functionality. The structural research is based chiefly on documentary material from the era of reform. The functionality of the structures is evaluated from the perspectives of Parliament, the Government, the Ministry of Finance, the ministries, agencies and institutions and also the inspectorate. The functionality evaluation is based on 96 personal interviews with actors in charge of governance, the elite in financial governance. The object of the evaluation was the main finances under overall control and the objectives set for management by results of improving productivity, economy of operations and effectiveness. As the reforms progressed, it became a political objective to strengthen democracy or political governance in financial governance. This, too, was made a target of evaluation. The evaluation relies on the concepts of complexity theory. It was the working hypothesis of the study that through the concepts of the theory it would be possible to explain and comprehend reform processes, the functionality of the reforms and the problems experienced in them. In the study of the structure the main criterion was the complexity theory concept far from a state of equilibrium and in the study of functionality the concept of significance . No such complexity theory based study in the field of administrative science has so far been presented in Finland. Thus on the basis of the study the applicability of complexity theory to the research of reform processes and the functionality of reforms was evaluated. In the study of structure the research question was how after the reforms of 1987-2008 the governance structure of a state financial governance system is in a state of equilibrium with the goals of the reforms. The question in the study of functionality was how the financial governance system of a state concern functioned after the reforms from the perspectives of various actors. Likewise thereafter an answer was sought in the nature of triangulation to how the situation of the financial governance system structure and functionality appear to be in equilibrium with the challenges to financial governance apparent in the 2010s. Is the financial governance system a support, burden or risk to the challenges of the 2010s? In summary the answers to the research questions in light of the evaluation of the structure and functionality data are as follows: 1. The core of financial governance, the governance structure of financial policy and its functionality would appear to be almost in equilibrium with the goals of financial overall administration. In this respect the structure also supports overall financial governance. 2. The objectives of productivity, economical and efficacy in management by results would appear to be very far from being in equilibrium with respect to the requirements of the budgetary legislation (Talousarviolaki). Due to shortcomings in accounting and evaluation systems the objectives has not been achieved. Thus the management by results structure would appear to be a burden on financial governance and administration of the state economy as a whole. The structure of management by results would appear to be in a state of disintegration 3. The aim of strengthening democracy through the structural reforms of the 2000s appears to have been achieved. However, the structure is still mostly so new that its functionality, especially as regards Parliament, is difficult to evaluate. The structure appears mostly to support overall financial management, but this may entail risks from the perspective of overall financial management. 4. The situation of financial governance, from the perspective of the challenges of the 2010s would appear, as far as financial policy is concerned to be almost in equilibrium with the policy challenges, but from the perspective of overall financial management this would not appear to be the case in all respects; the situation in governance is likely to require reforms and attention to the obvious risk factors latent therein. The study permits the evaluation that complexity theory, a derivative of systems theory, would appear to be applicable to the research of reforms of complex systems and their functionality and to offer opportunities to explain and comprehend the successes and failures of reforms.
Tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan erästä Euroopan integraation vähemmän tutkittua ulottuvuutta: integraation vaikutuksia jälkikommunistisen yhteiskunnan kansalaisjärjestöihin. Liettualainen ympäristöjärjestösektori ja Ignalinan ydinvoimalan tapaus tarjoavat rajallisen, mutta samalla hyvin konkreettisen näkökulman kysymyksen tarkastelemiseksi. Tutkimus nojaa vuosina 2001-2003 kerätyn haastatteluaineiston laadulliseen analyysiin. Ignalinan ydinvoimalan tapauksen perusteella voidaan tulkita liettualaisten ympäristöjärjestöjen kohtaamia muutospaineita neuvostoajan lopulta aina Liettuan EU-jäsenyyteen saakka. Ignalinan ydinvoimalan ympärille keskittynyt liikehdintä oli yksi keskeisimmistä neuvostovallan vastaisen protestin välineistä 1980-luvun lopun Liettuassa. Ignalinan ydinvoimalasta muodostui tuolloin neuvostovallan poliittinen symboli; protestointi ydinvoimalaa vastaan oli samalla vastalause Moskovan sanelupolitiikalle ja vallitsevalle yhteiskunnalliselle järjestykselle. Ignalinan poliittinen symboliasema kuitenkin muuttui radikaalisti Liettuan itsenäisyysjulistuksen myötä: voimalasta muodostui niin taloudellisesti kuin poliittisestikin tärkeä kansallisen suvereniteetin osa. 1990-luvun lopulla ydinvoimalan poliittisen symboliaseman muutos sai yhä vahvemman ilmentymän EU:n esittäessä Ignalinan molempien reaktoreiden alasajoa ennen niiden lasketun käyttöiän umpeutumista. Eräät liettualaiset ympäristöjärjestöt toimivat aktiivisesti osana laajempia eurooppalaisia kansalaisjärjestöverkostoja vaatien itäisen Keski-Euroopan neuvostomallisten ydinvoimaloiden välitöntä sulkemista. Siten Ignalinan tapaus aiheuttaa monissa tapauksissa järjestöidentiteetin epävarmuutta: Yhtäältä ympäristöjärjestöidentiteetti vaatii kriittistä suhtautumista ydinvoimaan, erityisesti neuvostomallisiin RBMK-reaktoreihin. Toisaalta taas Ignalinan ydinvoimala koetaan Liettuan taloudellisen ja poliittisen omavaraisuuden takaajaksi. Ignalinan tapauksen ympärille rakentuva identiteettipoliittinen asetelma voidaan yksinkertaistaa tilanteeksi, jossa ympäristöjärjestöt hapuilevat kahden yhteensopimattoman toimintamallin välillä: järjestöt toivovat voivansa toteuttaa rooliaan ympäristöjärjestöinä, usein laajempien eurooppalaisten ympäristöjärjestöverkostojen mallin mukaisesti, mutta samalla kansallisen suvereniteettipolitiikan tuottamat mallit ovat vahvasti läsnä järjestöjen määrittäessä perusluonnettaan. Ignalinan tapauksen pohjalta tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan myös laajempia Euroopan integraatioon ja jälkikommunistiseen kansalaisjärjestötoimintaan liittyviä kehityskulkuja. Tutkimus tuo esiin, että Euroopan integraatio on luonut monitasoisen institutionaalisen järjestyksen, joka määrittää oman vaikutuspiirinsä säännöt. Euroopan integraatio on samalla ilmiö, joka toteutuu myös hyvin arkipäiväisissä asioissa se on läsnä monissa mikrotason käytännöissä vaikuttaen siis myös ympäristöjärjestöjen toimintaan. Samalla voidaan havaita, että politiikan muodot ja tyylit eivät synny tyhjiössä tai pelkästään rationaalisten valintojen tuloksena; historia, sen tuottamat tulkinnat sekä rutiineihin perustuvat säännönmukaisuudet ovat läsnä poliittisessa elämässä, niin kansalaisjärjestötoiminnassa kuin muussakin yhteiskunnallisessa aktivismissa, samoin kuin hallinnollisissa käytännöissä. ; The colourful, sometimes even dramatic, history of Lithuanian environmental non-governmental organisations (NGOs) makes them an interesting subject of political science research. During the past fifteen years the role of the Lithuanian environmental movement has changed quite radically. The environmental movement had a central political role at the time of the Lithuanian independence activism in the late 1980s, but the movement later lost its mobilising potential and was marginalised by the beginning of the 1990s. Since then the environmental NGOs have been strongly affected by the process of European integration. Environmental NGOs have served both as agents and indicators of the institutional change taking place in Lithuania. The dynamics of this change can be analysed through the case of Ignalina in the course of the past couple of decades the nuclear power plant of Ignalina in the north-east corner of Lithuania has been a reference point for a number of political discussions and processes. During the Lithuanian independence movement the nuclear power plant became a symbol of Soviet rule. As Ignalina was strongly associated with the hegemony of Moscow over Lithuania the plant occupied a central role in the fight towards national sovereignty. Independence activism took the form of environmental protests, especially in the early stages of the Lithuanian reform movement, and a large number of environmental organisations were established all over Lithuania. The political context provided an opportunity to address sensitive political questions through environmental activism. For instance, in September 1988 thousands of protesters formed a human chain the ring of life around the two units of Ignalina as a manifestation of Lithuanian national sovereignty and identity. The symbolic position of Ignalina changed radically after Lithuania s independence declaration in March 1990. As Moscow imposed an energy embargo on Lithuania it soon became clear that the country was dependent on its own sources of energy, of which the nuclear power plant of Ignalina was the most important one. Although Ignalina had only recently served as the symbol of Soviet oppression, the plant suddenly proved indispensable in the reconstruction of the nation and its material well-being. In 1995 the Lithuanian government tabled a EU membership application. Towards the end of the decade Ignalina was brought on the political agenda of the EU it soon became evident to Lithuanians that the closure of the nuclear power plant would be considered a de facto prerequisite for EU membership. As a result, the question of Ignalina was highly politicised the setting gave Ignalina a positions as the symbol of national sovereignty. There had been a radical shift in the political symbolism surrounding the plant. Meanwhile, the environmental NGOs faced a dilemma: Some of the environmental activists were closely linked to European anti-nuclear NGO networks and were strongly in favour of the decommissioning of Ignalina. However, many of the environmental NGOs also carried with them a long tradition of ethno-cultural thinking thus connecting the organisations closely to the notion of Lithuanian national sovereignty. Against this background it proved difficult for many organisations to define their role in view with the question of Ignalina what would be appropriate political action? As a result, there remained a great deal of indecisiveness and confusion among the environmental NGOs as to the decommissioning plans of Ignalina, and more generally as to the role of the environmental organisations in the Lithuanian society. The case of Ignalina provides a framework within which it is possible to analyse certain dimensions of national sovereignty in an integrating, post-Cold War Europe. The integration of Central and Eastern Europe into the EU has produced a situation in which many of the expectations attached to national sovereignty are being challenged. The research also brings forward a topic that has received only limited attention in the past, namely the effects of European integration on non-governmental organisations in Central and Eastern Europe. By focusing on a specific sector of Lithuanian NGO activity it is possible to analyse the dynamics of europeanisation on a very concrete level. The case of Ignalina suggests that the activists of Lithuanian environmental NGOs are forced to ponder the raison d être of their organisations in the face of different, often conflicting institutional pressures. The expectations drawn from fresh national sovereignty are not always compatible with the models of action produced by the European integration process. The case evidences a conflict between post-Communist nation-building and the institutional limitations brought about by EU membership. Simply put, the idea of national sovereignty on the one hand and European integration on the other offer environmental NGOs distinctive, often conflicting, models of appropriate political action. The models of action created by the institutional framework of the EU are not easily compatible with the norms typical of a newly independent state. This identity political conflict is especially pronounced whenever national and European norms are placed in direct opposition with each other. However, it should be noted that the national and European levels of politics cannot be completely distinguished from each other. It is interesting to notice how models of action drawn from the EU system often form the very basis of national or local political action. Therefore it can be stated that the separation between European and national models of appropriate action is not always feasible. It is possible to approach most political questions, including the encounter of Lithuanian environmental NGOs and the EU, from an institutional perspective. The theoretical framework of the study is based on new institutionalism , and the notion of logic of appropriateness is central to the study political institutions are analysed as collections of norms that define the rules of appropriate political action in different situations. In essence, politics is about appropriate action. The research seeks to explain the logic of appropriateness being followed by Lithuanian environmental NGOs. The research problem is approached through a set of questions: (1) How does the colourful history of the Lithuanian environmental movement affect the political characteristics of today s environmental NGOs? (2) What does the specific case of Ignalina tell us about the institutional contexts in which the Lithuanian environmental NGOs operate? (3) How to define the relationship between Lithuanian environmental NGOs and the politics of national sovereignty? (4) What is the relevance of the institutional framework of the EU to Lithuanian environmental NGOs? The study suggests that the rules of appropriateness change depending on the political context. At the same time, the conflicts produced by differing, overlapping institutional environments are reflected in the inner dynamics of political actors, resulting to indecisiveness and confusion. Since political action is first and foremost directed by the logic of appropriateness, the interpretations of political contexts are of central relevance. Therefore it is possible that a single object, such as a nuclear power plant, can be given a variety of interpretations in the realm of identity politics. The case of Ignalina evidences that symbolism and interpretation form the core of political life.
Tutkimuksen tavoitteena oli selvittää poliittisen eliitin toimintaa ja työmoraalia Suomen eduskunnassa. Tutkimus tehtiin kvantitatiivisen ja kvalitatiivisen aineiston pohjalta ja soveltamalla yhteiskuntatieteen ja oikeustieteen tutkimusmetodeja. Tilastotietoa kerättiin kahdeksientoista (18) valtiopäivien täysistunnoista vuosien 1970-1998 väliltä. Valiokunnista kohteena oli vaalikausi 1991-1994. Yhteensä aineistoon sisältyi 6 078 pöytäkirjaa ja näiden 520 869 läsnä- ja poissaolomerkintää. Lisäksi tarkasteltiin valtiopäivien historiaa, sekä lobbausta eli valiokuntien kestityksiä. Tärkeimmät säädökset olivat valtiopäiväjärjestys, Suomen perustuslaki ja eduskunnan työjärjestys. Tutkimustuloksena todettiin mm. seuraavaa. Kansanedustajan toimi ei ole enää perinteinen luottamustehtävä. Kansanedustaja on ammattipoliitikko, ja hänen toimensa nimikkeeksi sopisi käsite 'luottamusvirka'. 'Edustajanpalkkiokaan' ei ole 'palkkio' vaan kuukausitulo, ja siihen voisi soveltaa vanhaa virkamiespalkan elatusteoriaa. Kansanedustaja saa elatusta siitä, että hän antaa työvoimansa valtion, puolueen ja kansan käytettäväksi. Eduskuntatyö kaipaisi perusteellista remonttia. Tulisi pohtia ainakin välikysymyksen tarpeellisuutta, täysistuntojen päätösvaltaisuusrajaa, varamiesjärjestelmää ja valiokuntien asiantuntijakuulemisia. Asiantuntijat ovat liian usein samoja henkilöitä, he edustavat julkista valtaa, ay-liikettä ja erilaisia etujärjestöjä. Puhemiesneuvoston valtaa - ja henkilöön perustuvaa auktoritatiivista valtaa - voisi rajoittaa asettamalla puhemiehen (ja varapuhemiesten) toimikaudelle määräaika. Eduskunnan kollektiivinen moraali muodostuu majoriteetti- ja senioriteettiperiaatteen pohjalta ja ilmentää usein kokeneempien edustajien käsitystä oikeasta ja väärästä. Taustajoukoista ja puolueensa tuesta riippuvainen ammattipoliitikko menettää herkästi yhteyden äänestäjiensä arkipäivään. Tällöin "oikea" voi hämärtyä ja edustajan etu nousee tärkeimmäksi. Esimerkiksi valiokuntien kestitysten suhteen on tulevan korruptiolain aikana syytä olla takavuosia varovaisempi. Kollektiivinen työmoraali näkyy edustajien tekemistä päätöksistä ja siitä, miten eduskunta tulkitsee, toteuttaa ja uudistaa instituutiota itseään koskevaa lainsäädäntöä. Yhtenä trendinä ilmenee eduskuntatyöhön kohdistuvien kontrollinormien lieventäminen, toisena demokratian vaatima mutta käytännössä paikoin näennäiseksi jäävä avoimuus. Eduskunnan sisäisten sääntömuutosten yhtenä funktiona voi olla jopa tarkoitus antaa suojaa kansalaiskontrollia vastaan. Poissaoloja on ollut eduskunnan alkuvuosista lähtien. Kaikki edustajat eivät saavu ajoissa valtiopäiville eivätkä kaikki osallistu äänestyksiin, vaikka ilmoittautuvat läsnäoleviksi. Salista poistumisen yhtenä syynä voi olla halu välttyä poliittiselta kannanotolta. Suuria poissaoloja ovat aiheuttaneet yöistunnot, maanantaipäivät, istuntokausien loppumiskiireet ja välikysymysten ministerivastaukset. Runsaita henkilöpoissaoloja ovat aiheuttaneet sairaus, virka- ja ministerintehtävät, 1990-luvun alussa myös loikkaukset ja ristiriidat puoleen kanssa. Aineiston valiokuntakokouksista päätösvaltaisena oli alkanut noin 70 % ja loppunut noin 65 %. Suurin vajaavaltaisuuden aiheuttaja oli asiantuntijakuuleminen. Ratkaiseva hallituksen esityksen toinen käsittely oli tehty päätösvaltaisesti, mutta muuten asioita oli viety eteenpäin vajaavaltaisena. Jos päätösvalta-vaatimus olisi ollut ehdoton, asia olisi voinut jumiutua valiokuntaan ja hidastaa eduskuntatyötä. Poikkeuksena päätösvaltaongelmiin oli toimintatavoiltaan erilainen, edustajia ministeristöön nostava valtiovarainvaliokunta. Eduskunnassa on hiljaisia puurtajia eli lainsäädäntötyön tekijöitä, mutta myös poissaolijoita. Poissaolijat jakautuvat puolueensa hyväksi työtä tekeviin poliitikkoihin ja edustajiin, joiden poissaoloihin löytyy ehkä selitys mutta ei puolustusta. Hiljaisen puurtajan työpanos jää usein näkymättä, ja julkinen kuva muodostuu tunnetuista poliitikoista. Ajan mittaan hiljainen puurtaja voi kuitenkin tulla palkituksi arvostetulla eduskunta- tai ministeritehtävällä. Eduskunnassa on korkeaa kollektiivista ja korkeaa yksilöllistä työmoraalia, mutta myös päinvastaisia ilmentymiä. Työmoraalilla ei ole keskimäärää, sillä on kasvot. Poliittiseen eliittiin kuuluu henkilöitä, jotka käyttäytyvät epäeettisesti jos heitä ei valvota - mutta niin heitä kuuluu kaikkialle yhteiskuntaan, äänestäjiinkin. Yleistää ei pidä; jokaista on kohdeltava omana henkilönään. 1980-luvun alkupuolella keskimääräinen poissaolo täysistunnon nimenhuudosta oli noin 20 henkilöä (10 %). Vuonna 1989 työjärjestykseen lisättiin mahdollisuus ilmoittautua läsnäolevaksi nimenhuudon jälkeen. Samana vuonna keskimääräinen poissaolo oli jo 31 henkilöä (15 %). Valtiopäiviin 1994 vaikutti mm. liittyminen Euroopan unioniin, ja silloin nimenhuudosta oli poissa keskimäärin 36 henkilöä (18 %). Sama 36 henkilöä toistui vuonna 1997, jolloin yhtenä syynä olivat äitiyslomat. Vuonna 1998 eduskunta muutti tilastonsa julkisiksi ja syksyn poissaolot lähtivät jyrkkään laskuun. Vuoden keskimääräinen poissaolo nimenhuudosta oli 29 edustajaa (14 %). ; The purpose of the research was to examine the operation of the political elite in the Finnish Parliament.The study is based on both quantitative and qualitative data, and the research methods used are derived from jurisprudence and the social sciences. The statistical data of plenary sessions were collected from 18 parliaments in years 1970-1998, and the data of parliamentary committees from the legislative period of 1991-1994. In all, the data consisted of 6,078 recorded minutes and 520,869 registrations of attendance and non-attendance. The qualitative data consisted of historical surveys of parliament's early years and of surveys of lobbying parliamentary committees. The most important statutes in the normative examination were Parliament Act, the Finnish Constitution and the Parliamentary Order of the Day. The actual work of a parliament member is no longer based on the position of trust. The position has now a more professional character, and the representative has in a way become a professional politician. In fact, the term "office of trust" might most appropriately describe an elected representative's work at present. Even today representatives are paid a "reward" for their services. The use of the term "subsistence" could better refer to the total sum of a monthly income and various other benefits. Subsistence, it also could imply that the representatives contribute their work for the use of the state, of the party and the people. Parliamentary regulations still need a fundamental restructuring. More widely it should be discussed the usefulness of interpellation, the quorum of plenary sessions, the system of deputy members and the system of hearing outside experts at the committee work. The power of the Speakers could be reduced by limiting the office years of the Speaker (and Deputy Speakers). In a parliament, collective morale is moulded by the principle of majority and seniority. Members with fewer years of service have to accept the decisions taken by the more experienced colleagues. Therefore, the collective morale mainly reflects the senior representative's perceptions of right and wrong. A professional politician, depending on political background and party, lost readily genuine contact with the everyday life of voters. Therefore the meaning of the word "right" can be obscured. For example, in committee work they should be more careful with lobbyism in future, when parliament pass a law for representative's corruption. The collective work morale of parliament manifests in the decisions taken. It is also visible in how the members interpret, implement and reform legislation concerning parliament institution. One trend seems to be moderating the norms used in controlling parliamentary work. Another trend is the requirement of openness, demanded by democracy, which, however, often remains quite superficial. It actually seems some times that the internal reforms of parliamentary regulations have been made to protect parliament against its control by citizens. Absences have always been there and they have been discussed since early days of parliament. All the representatives do not turn up in time when parliament begins its work, and some representatives leave the main auditorium as soon as the roll call is over. One reason for an early departure may be try to avoid taking political stand. In the years examined major non-attendance have been caused by night sessions, Monday sessions, ending of term of parliamentary sessions and interpellations debates during Cabinet minister's respond. As to individual representatives non-attendance have been increased by illness, ministerial and official duties or official journeys. In the early 1990s some non-attendance were caused by representatives who went over to another party or had conflicts with their own party. In research material some 70% of committee meetings had started with the presence of a quorum, but when they were adjourned the quorum had dropped to 65%. Hearing outside experts was the major reason for non-quorum meetings. In the decisive second reading of a government proposal there was always the presence of a quorum. If the demand for a quorum had been applied faithfully in all cases, the matter under discussion would probably have delayed the work of parliament as a whole. In this respect, the state financial committee was an exception, because it operates different and helps parliament members in their political career by promoting them to ministerial positions. In parliament work some of the members can be clearly identified as the quiet hard workers. On the other hand, the degree of non-attendance can be high. The conscientious representatives who attend meetings actively are "legislators", while the absent could be divided into "professional politicians" working for their own party or representatives whose absence can be explained but not really defended. The input of a single, hard- working representative often remains invisible. The public image of parliament is primarily created by the well-known professional politicians. A quiet hard-working can, however, in the long run be rewarded with visible parliamentary or ministerial duties. High collective and individual work morale is still to be seen in parliament, but just the opposite may also manifest itself. Morale is something that cannot be expressed in terms of an average, since morale has a face. There will always be members of the political elite who, if uncontrolled, will act unethically. But the same holds true for the rest of society, including the voters. Therefore we should avoid making generalisations and, instead, we should regard each member of parliament as an individual person with his or her own human characteristics. As the early 1980s the average number of absentees in the roll call of plenary sessions was 20 members (10%). In 1989, after an order reform, it became possible to register as present even after the roll call of plenary sessions. In that year 31 members on average (15%) were absent during the roll call. In 1994, when Finland was negotiating its membership in the European Union, on average 36 members (18%) were absent during the roll call. In 1997 the same 36 was caused by a large number of maternity leaves. In 1998 when parliamentary statistics were made public, the average number of absentees was 29 members (14%).