The article presents the history of the military higher education system, which is connected to the shaping of the Polish statehood as well as its present state. The structure of this type of education system was dependent on the e ectiveness of socio-economic, political and military activities of public authorities. However, it is only the November Uprising which is generally associated with the revolt of the o cers from the O cer Cadets School [Szkoła Podchorazych] in Warsaw. The changes which occur within the military education system on account of its adjustment to the requirements of the Act "Law on higher education" of 27 June 2005 are very positive. They accommodate military higher education institutions to the public system of higher education, they in uence the development and the quality of education in these institutions, they obliged them to implement the regulations arising from the National Quali cations Framework and to observe all the procedures arising from the legislations which are enacted in the domain of higher education by the competent public authorities.
The book contains a thorough analysis of the European Union institutional system as a specific, sui generis international organisation, in the context of its legitimization (its validity and legitimacy). The book is mainly theoretical. Primarily, the author aims at presenting a reliable depiction of the EU institutional system legitimization through the prism of the theoretical output concerning legitimization of the political power, including and accentuating the indicated specificity of the EU as a distinct international organisation. Secondly, he took into consideration the changes introduced into the legal foundations of the EU functioning, pursuant to the Lisbon Treaty – the latest treaty reforming the structures of the Union. In the context of the main theme of the present study, these changes are important not only in terms of the EU institutions themselves, i.e. their competences and reciprocal relations, but also with regard to the fundamental change of the legal character of the EU, and the alterations introduced into the individual Union politics. Thirdly, the author attempts to present the problem of the EU institutional system legitimization in the special circumstances, i.e. in the situation of the most profound economic crisis that the EU members have faced since the beginning of the integration process. The EU is regarded as a specific structure, being neither a state nor a typical international organisation. Such an approach was the starting point for the main premise of the present book – the idea that the thesis about the deficiency of democracy in the EU, formulated in the literature on the subject and in the public debate, is a certain simplification, and the characteristic features of the EU and its institutions, which provoked the formulation of such a thesis, should be considered in a broader context, such as the problem of the EU institutional system legitimization and, alternatively, the deficiency of that legitimization. For the direct democratic legitimization is only one of many sources of legitimacy of the EU institutional system and of the Union as a specific international organisation in general – an extremely important source, perhaps the most important, yet not the only one. Thus, the legitimization of the EU and its institutions should be analysed in a broader perspective, which also includes other sources of legitimization – as it is done in case of every political power which, striving for its legitimization to be as strong as possible, attempts to derive it from the largest number of sources. According to the author of the book, to base the EU institutional system legitimization only on the grounds of the direct democratic legitimization characteristic of a democratic state, would be tantamount to a certain disruption of the right order. It would rather be a symptom of too advanced an integration on the "institutional" level in comparison to the extent of the "material" integration. Until the EU is a structure sui generis, in which case it is a combination of features characteristic of an intergovernmental, international organisation, a supranational organisation or a state, the nature of legitimization of this structure should also be specific. The most important role should be played by the democratic legitimization, which should be completed with other sources, owing to which the functioning of the EU institutional system, and the whole EU, could be recognised as legally valid. Apart from the main thesis also other theses and hypotheses are posed in the book. The first chapter is a certain theoretical introduction and a basis to the deliberations presented in the further parts of this study. In the first subsection, with reference to the literature on the subject, the problem of legitimization (legitimacy) of the political power, i.e. the concept, classifications and sources of legitimization (legitimacy) of the political power, have been synthetically depicted. In another part of chapter one, the author attempts to relate the problem of legitimization to the EU as a specific international organisation and to formulate his own definition of legitimization deficiency with regard to EU institutional system. Bearing in mind that the problem of legitimization deficiency in the EU (EC) has not been discussed on a larger scale until certain stage of development of integration process was reached, in 1.3. subsection, the author raises some questions concerning: the sufficiency of legitimization of the integration process during the first few decades after the Second World War, the grounds for that legitimization and the reasons why, at a certain stage of the EU (EC) development the legitimization of the Union's institutional system started to be considered insufficient, which was manifested in the opinions acknowledging the democracy and legitimization deficiency. The first chapter ends with a passage devoted to the importance of the EU institutional system legitimization, whereas the significance of legitimization to the political power and political institutions in general, consitutes its reference point. The second chapter (subsections 2.3.–2.8.) presents a synthesis of the evolution of the EU (EC) institutional system in the context of its legitimization, from the moment of the EC founding treaties ratification, till the time the changes pursuant to the Lisbon Treaty were introduced. The author focused here mainly on the competences of the particular EC (EU) institutions and their reciprocal relations, which should make it possible to observe two main tendencies in the dynamics of changes taking place in this field, and present its specificity and distinctiveness in comparison to the systems of democratic states. At the beginning of this chapter, a thesis has been formulated (simultaneously, becoming an extension of the attempt to determine why, at a certain stage of the integration process, the issue of democracy/legitimization deficiency started to be discussed – a question that was raised in the first chapter), which states that the legitimization of the EU institutional system will be sufficient, if the law regulations and political practice of their functioning are convergent with the level of advancement of the integration process in various spheres of social life; in other words, the "institutional" integration should correspond with the "material" integration (that is the Union politics). To that end, the author made an attempt to present, in a synthetized form, the development of the "material" integration (subsection 2.1.), which he completed with an analogical endeavour to illustrate the evolution of the EU (EC) institutional system in the context of its legitimization (subsection 2.9). For in accordance with the increasingly common approach, the EU institutions are treated as a system, the concept and principles of which have been presented in 2.2. subsection. In the third chapter, the author presents the EU institutional system in its current form, that is with the changes introduced under the Lisbon Treaty. Here, the selected aspects regarding competences and functioning of the particular EU institutions have been depicted, as well as the relations between them in the context of legitimization. Additionally, three selected problems regarding the EU institutional system have been raised, which are especially important in the context of its legitimization (the relation between the EU institutional system and the institutions of the EU member states, the question of transparency in the functioning of the EU institutions, as well as the Union budgets in the consecutive years). In the last subsection (3.9.) the specific features of the EU institutional system, significant in the context of its legitimization, have been identified. The fourth chapter is devoted to the functioning of the EU institutional system in the perspective of four basic sources of its legitimization, i.e. indirect and technocratic, direct and democratic, utilitarian, and one consisting of "values". The chapter ends with a conclusion outlining the specificity of the EU and its institutional system with regard to the sources of its legitimization, which is especially important in the context of the book's main thesis. The fifth chapter concerns the problem of legitimization of the EU institutions in the context of the economic crisis, which the EU member states struggle with since around the year 2008. The sixth chapter, in turn, regards the so called subjective (empirical, social) dimension of the EU institutions' legitimization, that is, the way this problem is perceived by the citizens of the EU member states. It has been based on the results of opinion polls conducted for the use of Eurobarometer, from among which these questions and answers were selected, which could be applied to illustrate the way the EU citizens perceive the Union institutions in the context of their legitimization. The closing remarks include the most important conclusions drawn from the conducted analyses and the potential reforms and modifications of the EU institutional system, which may allow for the reinforcement of its legitimization, primarily in its democratic aspect. The bibliography contains a list of sources which were cited and referred to in the book.
The aim of this article is to analyze the efficiency of the three currently working on the Polish side bilateral textbook commissions (Polish-German, Polish-Lithuanian and Polish-Ukrainian). Its added value lies, firstly, in rarely undertaken in the literature comparative research – the author's ambitions go beyond simple description of several different textbook committees. Secondly, in the formulation of concrete conclusions, which to some extent can be applied in practice. The used research method was studying the documents. Using the technique of critical analysis of the content the author revealed similarities and differences in the functioning of the three institutions in terms of: the history of creation; tasks, procedures and organization of their work; discussed topics and appearing controversies; the effects of undertaken actions. On that basis, she formulated the conviction that a decisive impact on the effectiveness of the mentioned institutions have the following factors: ambitions and chosen by commissions course of action, the framework of states' educational policies, the political support of the governments, wide debate on commissions' findings, attitudes of the societies on the both sides of the border and objective factors like: time, stage of nation-building process and partners' financial capacities.
Ghettoisation after the fall of the totalitarian system is having a "chance" to become one way still for the marginalisation and blocking the reconstruction process of healthy relations in the local communities. Of sources of theoretical considerations above ghettoisation it is possible to seek in deliberations E. Fromm concerning authoritarian character, inquiry M. Foucault in relation to idea initiated in seventeenth-century France of "great closing" and of E. Goffman's sociological examinations of the total institutions concerning the specificity of functioning. Ghettoisation as the new dimension totalisation is becoming part of reality of Polish cities gradually, irrespective of it, whether closed communities /gated communities/ are coming into existence discretionary of their future participants, or in relation to any form of the compulsion putting researchers before the need to develop effective frames teoretical and methodological allowing for their optimum analysing.
The study attempts an analysis of the relationship between the concepts of state and nation sovereignty. The thesis has been proposed that state sovereignty could be regarded as a derivation of nation sovereignty. While attempting to approve of the proposed thesis, the authors describe the relationship between both institutions by referring to their origins. In the light of concepts of sovereignty, the relationship between state and international law is presented from a philosophical perspective. Approving the proposed thesis, the authors conclude that regardless of whether state sovereignty derives from nation sovereignty or not, the two concepts refer to different backgrounds which can be seen both in their origins and contemporary realities. ; The study attempts an analysis of the relationship between the concepts of state and nation sovereignty. The thesis has been proposed that state sovereignty could be regarded as a derivation of nation sovereignty. While attempting to approve of the proposed thesis, the authors describe the relationship between both institutions by referring to their origins. In the light of concepts of sovereignty, the relationship between state and international law is presented from a philosophical perspective. Approving the proposed thesis, the authors conclude that regardless of whether state sovereignty derives from nation sovereignty or not, the two concepts refer to different backgrounds which can be seen both in their origins and contemporary realities. ; The study attempts an analysis of the relationship between the concepts of state and nation sovereignty. The thesis has been proposed that state sovereignty could be regarded as a derivation of nation sovereignty. While attempting to approve of the proposed thesis, the authors describe the relationship between both institutions by referring to their origins. In the light of concepts of sovereignty, the relationship between state and international law is presented from a philosophical perspective. Approving the proposed thesis, the authors conclude that regardless of whether state sovereignty derives from nation sovereignty or not, the two concepts refer to different backgrounds which can be seen both in their origins and contemporary realities.
The aim of this paper is an analysis of development-induced displacement as a global social problem, diverse category of internal displacement and challenge for the international institutions and public international law. The problem in strongly linked with the reflection on the mechanisms of legal protection of particularly vulnerable communities and minorities. The paper complements the studies on empowerment of indigenous communities and more sustanaible development growth conducted on the basis of development studies.
Official Development Aid as an idea is an implement of assistance, a kind of redistribution of the global income on the governmental level. Nevertheless, it is also a source of influence and as a result peculiarly understood imperialism. The opposition between political vision and reality is the factor which backs up this thesis. Political plans and prospects of the EU aid policy, such as "The European Consensus of Development" or "The EU and Africa: Towards a Strategic Partnership", are concerned about supporting good governance and providing fair conditions of international trade. On the other hand, introducing this policy often, more or less, increases dependency of poor economies on the rich. It is also not eradicated from the European Union policy, for example in the case of the European Development Bank. However, EU development aid, coming to 49 billions euro, could be named munificent when compared to the United States. U.S. Official Development Aid amounts to only 0,19% of GDP, when the obligations confirmed by the government in a few declarations, among which is the Millennium Declaration of the United Nations, are about 0,7% of GDP. Secondly it is commonly shaped as an interrelated aid, which augment dependency of the recipient country. International institutions established in Bretton Woods, like International Monetary Fund and World Bank Group, have also a huge impact on the way of development of poor countries. There are a lot of groups of interest whose opinions are clear – above-mentioned institutions are the U.S. instruments of imperialism. It is caused by American predominance in these institutions and the line of policy which it supports. In the XXI century imperial aspirations are also present in recently developing countries – like China or Brazil. Changing roles in the system of international relations are now coming, creating a diffusion between clubs of rich North and poor, developing South. Leaders of development from developing countries are trying to build a strong position in relations with recipients of ODA. It is easier for them than for the West, mostly because of the lack of bad, colonial past relations. Their imperialism is not linked with history whatsoever, making their role of foreign relations easier to build up. Despite these cases of using development assistance in order to build up an imperium, there are a lot of non-governmental institutions whose perception of aid is beyond politics and burdens of imperialism. Best example of that is Grameen Bank – an institution founded by M. yunus, a Noble Prize winner. Its way of helping people is mainly intended to being unprofitable. There are a lot of ideas about how to describe development aid – more like a charity or kind of imperialism. Some aspects of business are desirable in ODA, partly because of increasing efficiency. It is economically proved that the return of capital in any way of benefit will strengthen willingness to providing aid. On the other hand, people are naturally liable to help and perform activities which do not give them any interest or gain. What is most interesting – nowadays developing countries are strengthening and they are evaluating theirs powers as equal partners of the rich, developed world. It comprises change in the system of international relations. Moreover United Nations should find a way of enforcing obligations of donors – like 0,7 percent of GDP for ODA to 2015. If the line of politics is steady, similar to current line, this goal will not be reached, so ODA will be more seen as a way of imperialism than help. In general, there are a lot of aspects of development which indicate that ODA is an implement of imperialism. On the other hand – some kind of interest improves the willingness of donors to provide aid. Besides that question – imperial or not – development aid is still increasing the number of people whose conditions of living are better because of ODA.
Official Development Aid as an idea is an implement of assistance, a kind of redistribution of the global income on the governmental level. Nevertheless, it is also a source of influence and as a result peculiarly understood imperialism. The opposition between political vision and reality is the factor which backs up this thesis. Political plans and prospects of the EU aid policy, such as "The European Consensus of Development" or "The EU and Africa: Towards a Strategic Partnership", are concerned about supporting good governance and providing fair conditions of international trade. On the other hand, introducing this policy often, more or less, increases dependency of poor economies on the rich. It is also not eradicated from the European Union policy, for example in the case of the European Development Bank. However, EU development aid, coming to 49 billions euro, could be named munificent when compared to the United States. U.S. Official Development Aid amounts to only 0,19% of GDP, when the obligations confirmed by the government in a few declarations, among which is the Millennium Declaration of the United Nations, are about 0,7% of GDP. Secondly it is commonly shaped as an interrelated aid, which augment dependency of the recipient country. International institutions established in Bretton Woods, like International Monetary Fund and World Bank Group, have also a huge impact on the way of development of poor countries. There are a lot of groups of interest whose opinions are clear – above-mentioned institutions are the U.S. instruments of imperialism. It is caused by American predominance in these institutions and the line of policy which it supports. In the XXI century imperial aspirations are also present in recently developing countries – like China or Brazil. Changing roles in the system of international relations are now coming, creating a diffusion between clubs of rich North and poor, developing South. Leaders of development from developing countries are trying to build a strong position in relations with recipients of ODA. It is easier for them than for the West, mostly because of the lack of bad, colonial past relations. Their imperialism is not linked with history whatsoever, making their role of foreign relations easier to build up. Despite these cases of using development assistance in order to build up an imperium, there are a lot of non-governmental institutions whose perception of aid is beyond politics and burdens of imperialism. Best example of that is Grameen Bank – an institution founded by M. yunus, a Noble Prize winner. Its way of helping people is mainly intended to being unprofitable. There are a lot of ideas about how to describe development aid – more like a charity or kind of imperialism. Some aspects of business are desirable in ODA, partly because of increasing efficiency. It is economically proved that the return of capital in any way of benefit will strengthen willingness to providing aid. On the other hand, people are naturally liable to help and perform activities which do not give them any interest or gain. What is most interesting – nowadays developing countries are strengthening and they are evaluating theirs powers as equal partners of the rich, developed world. It comprises change in the system of international relations. Moreover United Nations should find a way of enforcing obligations of donors – like 0,7 percent of GDP for ODA to 2015. If the line of politics is steady, similar to current line, this goal will not be reached, so ODA will be more seen as a way of imperialism than help. In general, there are a lot of aspects of development which indicate that ODA is an implement of imperialism. On the other hand – some kind of interest improves the willingness of donors to provide aid. Besides that question – imperial or not – development aid is still increasing the number of people whose conditions of living are better because of ODA.
Rada Unii Europejskiej jest jedną z najważniejszych instytucji Unii Europejskiej. Ma złożoną strukturę i odgrywa kluczową rolę zarówno w stanowieniu prawa UE jak i jego wykonywaniu. Rada jest również forum, na którym państwa członkowskie mogą wyrażać i uzgadniać swoje interesy. Mimo to przyciąga mniejsze zainteresowanie ze strony badaczy niż na to zasługuje. Ostatnia monografia na temat Rady w języku angielskim ukazała się w 2006 roku. Od tego czasu prowadzono wiele badań nad różnymi aspektami działania Rady, a traktat z Lizbony wprowadził istotne dla tej instytucji zmiany. Choć w podręcznikach można znaleźć zaktualizowane rozdziały dotyczące Rady, brakuje szerszego przeglądu spraw, które powinna mieć na uwadze osoba chcąca badać tę instytucję. Niniejsza książka stara się wypełnić tę lukę, proponując szeroki choć zwięzły przegląd tematów dotyczących organizacji i działania Rady. Książka podzielona jest na pięć rozdziałów. W pierwszym rozdziale przedstawiono treść książki i omówiono metody i podejścia do badania Rady. Drugi rozdział przybliża złożoną strukturę Rady: jej liczne warstwy i aktorów instytucjonalnych, którzy je przekraczają. W trzecim rozdziale przeanalizowano rolę Rady w systemie politycznym UE, zwłaszcza jej relacje z innymi instytucjami. W czwartym rozdziale wprowadza elementy teorii negocjacji, które mają znaczenie dla Rady i podkreśla szczególne cechy podejmowania decyzji w tej instytucji. Ostatni, piąty rozdział podkreśla znaczenie czynników społecznych i personalnych dla funkcjonowania Rady – opisano w nim warunki i mechanizmy socjalizacji, która ma miejsce w Radzie. ; The Council of the European Union is one of the most important institutions of the European Union. It has a complex, multi-layered and multi-sectorial structure. It plays a crucial role in both legislative and executive policies of the Union and serves the Member States as a forum to express and negotiate their interests. However, it seems to draw less interest from the academic community than it deserves. The most recent monograph on the Council in English was published in 2006. Since then much research has been conducted on different facets of the organisation and functioning of this institution, and the Treaty of Lisbon introduced several important changes that affected the Council, especially its relationship with the European Parliament and the European Council. While there are some up-to-date introductory publications (mostly chapters in textbooks), what is lacking is a more extensive survey of the issues that should be the focus of attention to anyone wishing to study the Council. This book attempts to fill this gap, offering broad, yet concise overview of both the organisation and functioning of the Council. The book is divided into five chapters. The first chapter introduces the content of the book and surveys the methods and approaches that might be applied in the study of the Council. The second chapter takes a closer look at the Council's complex structure – its many layers and institutional actors who cross them. The third chapter analyses the role of the Council within the political system of the EU, especially its relationship with other main institutions. The fourth chapter introduces elements of negotiation theory relevant to the Council and emphasises the specific features of the decision-making process in this institution. The final, fifth chapter stresses the importance of the social and the personal for the functioning of the Council by describing the conditions and mechanisms of socialisation that takes place within the Council's structure.
Over the period of its independence, Ukraine has gone through several stages of modernization of its electoral system, moving from system of absolute and mixed majority to proportional representation. What can this signify? Either the democratic principles of the national political system are strengthening and political institutions fully function in society, or a system of state authorities has actually transformed into the rule of oligarchic parties which control the activities of the government via parliament and are sufficiently independent from the President. By virtue of the constitutional reform from late 2004, Ukraine has transformed into a parliamentary-presidential republic, where the parliament is the core of control over executive power. Therefore, it is quite significant which parties win the elections. ; Over the period of its independence, Ukraine has gone through several stages of modernization of its electoral system, moving from system of absolute and mixed majority to proportional representation. What can this signify? Either the democratic principles of the national political system are strengthening and political institutions fully function in society, or a system of state authorities has actually transformed into the rule of oligarchic parties which control the activities of the government via parliament and are sufficiently independent from the President. By virtue of the constitutional reform from late 2004, Ukraine has transformed into a parliamentary-presidential republic, where the parliament is the core of control over executive power. Therefore, it is quite significant which parties win the elections.
W październiku 2010 roku Ministerstwo Gospodarki ogłosiło zmianę polityki klastrowej w Polsce i wprowadzenie brokera klastra w postaci Specjalnych Stref Ekonomicznych jako instytucji wspierającej rozwój klasteringu w Polsce. Ministerstwo Gospodarki nie wskazało szczegółowych zadań poszczególnych agencji i roli samorządu oraz planu wdrożenia nowej polityki przedstawiając luźną koncepcje opartą o specjalne strefy ekonomiczne. Pierwszym celem niniejszej pracy jest przeanalizowanie obecnego stanu polityki klastrowej w Polsce i przedstawienie bieżących kompetencji agencji rządowych oraz samorządu regionalnego w kontekście wspierania klasteringu. Natomiast drugim celem jest postawienie pytań o rolę brokera klastra i warunki ukonstytuowania jego działalności w ramach Specjalnych Stref Ekonomicznych na gruncie prawa polskiego oraz powiązania go z innymi aktorami klastra w ramach potrójnej heliksy. ; In October 2010 The Ministry of Economy announced new concept of cluster based policy in Poland by introducing Special Economic Zones as a cluster broker as the institution supporting growth of clustering process in Poland. The Ministry of Economy did not specified goals of each agencies and self-government institutions as well as the plan of implementation of the new policy. There was only provided a concept based by Special Economic Zones. The first goal of this paper work is to analyze current cluster based policy in Poland, and to show competencies of government agencies and regional selfgovernments in the context of supporting clustering process. The second goal is to evaluate the role of a cluster broker, Polish law regulations concerning broker performed by Special Economic Zones, and its interactions with other cluster actors in the frames of triple helix.
When the European Union member states' attitude to Kosovo is not uniform, the EU's prestige and influence on the international arena deteriorates. As far as the issue of Abkhazia and South Ossetia is concerned, the EU's activities show that mere expressions of interest in the matter and providing 'apolitical' financial aid does not contribute to solving this thorny international problem, and undermines the international position of the European Union unless it is coupled with clear and precise political aims, the operations of institutions with a strong mandate or a process of active negotiation. Once more, member states show that the concept of the Common Foreign and Security Policy, supported among others by the European Neighborhood Policy, does not have firm foundations. ; When the European Union member states' attitude to Kosovo is not uniform, the EU's prestige and influence on the international arena deteriorates. As far as the issue of Abkhazia and South Ossetia is concerned, the EU's activities show that mere expressions of interest in the matter and providing 'apolitical' financial aid does not contribute to solving this thorny international problem, and undermines the international position of the European Union unless it is coupled with clear and precise political aims, the operations of institutions with a strong mandate or a process of active negotiation. Once more, member states show that the concept of the Common Foreign and Security Policy, supported among others by the European Neighborhood Policy, does not have firm foundations.
"The author intends to present legal socialization - the concept of the sociology of law - which describes attitudes to norms, law and law enforcement institutions. For law to be effective, any individual in a given community needs to internalize a number of values and attitudes. The attitude to law will influence its application; its effectiveness will depend on the perspective adopted by the legal norm addressees who could either accept binding regulations or ignore them. An adequate legal policy helps construe legal norms in a manner to prevent costs of interventions which need to be taken when law is not convergent with social expectations." (author's abstract)
In the period when 'our natural political environment' was provided by controlled 'socialist democracy' we tended to look to Europe for a model of democratic perfection. As the doctrine of human rights and the institutions guarding it became increasingly common, this conviction was yet augmented. Such a high opinion of European political practice was undoubtedly affected by the defeat of Nazism, which was commonly interpreted as a victory for democracy. The feeling of European democratic identity was further confirmed several decades later, when Communism collapsed. Thus the process of progressive European integration, which commenced soon after the end ofWorldWar II, and intensified after 1989, seemed to testify to Europe's unanimously democratic nature. Yet a more considerate insight into the unification processes raises numerous doubts as to whether we are really facing the construction of European structures following the principles of liberal democracy. ; In the period when 'our natural political environment' was provided by controlled 'socialist democracy' we tended to look to Europe for a model of democratic perfection. As the doctrine of human rights and the institutions guarding it became increasingly common, this conviction was yet augmented. Such a high opinion of European political practice was undoubtedly affected by the defeat of Nazism, which was commonly interpreted as a victory for democracy. The feeling of European democratic identity was further confirmed several decades later, when Communism collapsed. Thus the process of progressive European integration, which commenced soon after the end ofWorldWar II, and intensified after 1989, seemed to testify to Europe's unanimously democratic nature. Yet a more considerate insight into the unification processes raises numerous doubts as to whether we are really facing the construction of European structures following the principles of liberal democracy.
This publication was created as part of the Human Capital "PIP: The Future of professional Education - local partnership to increase the adaptability of vocational teachers" program at the request of the Regional Labour Office in Bialystok, in the framework of Measure 8.1 Development of employees and enterprises in the region, sub-measure 8.1.3 Strengthening the partnership for local adaptation, co-financed by the European Union under the European Social Fund. The aim of the project is to develop the end of June 2015 collaboration solutions of local institutions and companies for the modernization of enterprises and vocational schools in the Podlaskie region in terms of forms of work organization, forms of performing work, work-life balance and adaptability of professional teachers threatened with unemployment.
