Suchergebnisse

: Higher Education, no doubt, has been universally acclaimed as the bedrock for national development and effective Leadership as the drivers of academic excellence in the Institutions of higher learning in Nigeria. Qualitative teaching and learning remains the engine room that derives good governance and propels leadership positions. Leadership, however, cannot exist without Readership. The two are relatively interwoven. Leadership and readership has over the years become critical issues in organizational theory and practice. Thus, leadership and readership need to be taken up as a cause to be promoted in pursuit of academic excellence in the Institutions of higher learning in Nigeria. Reading is a great investment in one's personal development and, by extension, in achieving desired academic excellence. In this research, concrete effort is made to clarify the key concept of Leadership and Readership as drivers of academic excellence in the Institutions of higher learning in Nigeria, especially in the Polytechnic System. The research equally investigates both internal and external factors militating against academic excellence in Nigeria citadel of learning and finally makes recommendations, among which is training and retraining of employees, discouragements of unnecessary political interferences in appointments into academic leadership positions, Staff recruitments, admission of undergraduate students and effective monitoring policy of civil service rules.

The security situation in Papua has recently escalated and tends to heat up. Responding to the escalation and violence that occurred in Papua, ensure that the government has categorized the Papuan Armed Criminal Group and all organizations and people who are members of it, and who support the movement, as terrorists. The increasing security situation in the Papua region is an urgency for the need for a comprehensive approach between the TNI, Polri, Satkowil, Regional Government, Ministry and Institutions to synergize in order to reduce the Papua conflict. The theory used in analyzing this problem is the theory of optimization, synergy, counter insurgency, the concept of terrorism, and the concept of national defense. The method that the researcher uses is a qualitative method with a phenomenological approach, based on the researcher's experience while on duty in Papua. The results of this study indicate that synergies between institutions / ministries have been carried out in the form of dialogue, a soft power approach within the OMSP framework, as well as empowerment of local communities by synergizing with local governments. However, with the ongoing conflict and several escalations that occur, this shows that the synergy is still not optimal enough.

Accountability is the responsibility of the obligation to account for the success or failure in carrying out the organization's mission in achieving the goals and targets that have been set through a media of accountability periodically. As a follow up in eradicating the practice of Collusion of Corruption and Nepotism as mandated by Law Number 28 of 1999, in the context of further improving the implementation of a more efficient, effective, clean and responsible government. Government Policy through Presidential Instruction No. 7 of 1999 issued regulations regarding the Accountability of Government Agencies' Performance so that good governance was created. The purpose of this study is to find out: (1) Implementation of Performance Accountability System of Government Agencies in the Regional Civil Service Agency of Musi Banyuasin Regency (2) Implementation of good governance in the Regional Civil Service Agency of Musi Banyuasin Regency (3) How much influence the implementation of Government Institution Performance Accountability System the application of good governance in the Regional Personnel Agency of Musi Banyuasin Regency. The method used in this research is analytical descriptive with survey approach. Whereas to analyze the data obtained used the moment Product Correlation Coefficient Analysis, Determinant Coefficient Test and Hypothesis Test using the Significance Test (t Test). The results obtained are: (1) Implementation of the Accountability System of Government Agencies' Performance in the Regional Civil Service Agency of Musi Banyuasin Regency, including very good classification. (2) the application of Good Governance in the Regional Civil Service Agency of Musi Banyuasin Regency is included in the very good classification. (3) The implementation of the Government Agency Performance Accountability System has a significant effect on the implementation of Good Governance in the Regional Personnel Agency office in Musi Banyuasin.

Die Autoren dieses Bandes beschäftigen sich mit Geschichte, Politik und Europäischer Integration derjenigen Staaten, die einst dem Wahrschauer Pakt angehörten. In den Beiträgen, die auf einem Kolloquium der Fakultät für Europastudien der Universität Klausenburg basieren, wird insbesondere das Verhältnis zu Deutschland und der EU aufgegriffen

Post-Soeharto Indonesia, known as the era of reform and democracy, has not been able to inhibit corrupt behaviour by state officials at the central and local government levels, in legislative and executive institutions, or in the judiciary as a judicial institution. This article discusses and analyses the corruption process carried out by state officials, especially those occupying legislative, executive, and special judicial institutions at the central government level in interacting with each other and with outside institutions. The public's hope that ongoing democracy will be able to limit political corruption in Indonesia is only an illusion, considering the democracy model that developed in Indonesia post-Soeharto led to a patronage democracy, namely the interaction of power between state institutions which is based on mutually beneficial considerations. Another consideration is that the institution that administers justice which serves as law enforcement agency is involved in corrupt practices.

Bangladesh is performing better in the growth of GDP and experiencing remarkable progress in development indicators such as poverty alleviation, maternal mortality, infant mortality and enrollment in primary education. However, despite the restoration parliamentary democracy in 1990s, political governance is decaying in the country. The present study, taking dynamics of Bangladeshi politics into consideration, seeks to explore the interplay between business and politics and its impact on governance with supplementary evidence from public transportation sector as case example. Among others, the principal question of the paper is how business interest creates crisis in governance? It reveals that business elites are involved in all decision-making process in the government institutions and they make pro-business policy undermining people's interest that leads to a confrontation between government institution and business elites which ultimately generates crisis in governance in almost all other section of the nation like transportation sector.

If there was a referendum in Mozambique today, an overwhelming majority of the people would vote against their government having anything to do with the current model of democracy. They know all too well that there has definitely been a considerable welfare reduction to them as a result of the way this thing called "Representative Democracy" has been being played out in their country during the past decade. There is no doubt that the overwhelming majority of the Mozambican people if not, most African governments would prefer to see fundamental changes in their countries' relations with this Western model of democracy. There is a virtual consensus among the general public, vocally expressed in the local media, as well as among officials, who naturally prefer putting forth their views in more private settings, that the relationship between citizen and the democratic institutions has been detrimental to the country, that far from helping it to become politically and economically viable, these institutions have been capitalising on, exacerbating and perpetuating Mozambique's crisis. The research was based on participant observation, and it also involved a bibliographic review of relevant documents in the area of political participation, philosophy and other documents such as the 2004 Constitution of the Republic of Mozambique, Mozambican legislation, reports and research already published by other organizations.

Political propaganda is one of the most significant tools in psychological warfare since it influences and manages public opinion. Political propaganda of all kinds and its shady forms manifested itself in the speeches of American administrations and electoral campaigns following the events of September 11, 2001, particularly in the speeches of President George W. Bush, the son thirsty for war, and the speeches of others who followed him, through which Afghanistan, Iraq, and Iran were targeted with false information. By the American institutions and government agencies themselves, the main goal of all of this is to maintain geostrategic control over the oil of Iran and other oil countries, and the ability to control global oil prices and available quantities and to ensure that oil reaches the allies of the United States of America, and to prevent it from competitors with the aim of weakening their geostrategic influence.

Tanzania in embarking the decentralization by devolution policy (D by D) as a mechanism of facilitating quick development process through the involvement of people from grass root levels has been carried out through the inter-government relations between the central government and the local government authorities (LGAs). Throughout its implementation there had been a supportive structural set up, including a constitutional mandate for local governments. Also, there has been an increased recognition of LGAs by central and sector ministries as partners rather than subordinate structures. However, the lack of a clear and effective institutional framework to govern the implementation of D by D and the lack of a shared understanding of D by D across ministries and other governmental institutions has made led to structural confusion between the Central government and the Local Government Authorities. Thus, this paper explores the undertakings of the inter-government relations between the central government and the local government authorities (LGAs) in order to forge a way forward for a inclusive and responsive governance in the country.

Post-Independence federal arrangement of the Nigerian state has suffered undue torture of tinkering, especially during the prolonged military rule. It's coming into power had resulted in the emergence of unitary federalism with the attendant fall-out of over-concentration of powers and resources at the centre, thereby rendering other component units of the federation, a mere appendage in inter-governmental relations. The current agitation for restructuring that is the re-ordering of relationships, distribution of power and resources within the components of the federation, by a wide-spectrum of ethnic nationalities across the geopolitical zones, is a reaction to the current arrangement of the Nigerian federation. This paper using Deils Wrights' models as a framework of analysis with data generated through secondary sources, examines federal-Local and State-Local relates which is receiving scant attention compared to federal-state relations in the current agitation. Findings revealed that Local Governments has been at the mercy of the other two levels of government in fiscal, political and administrative relations. This has rendered the institution mostly ineffective in their functional responsibilities. It is therefore concluded that any reform agenda that will improve the standard of governance in Nigeria, should pay particular attention to this inclusive authority model of inter-governmental relations. Therefore the need arises for constitutional reforms for devolution of power and financial resources to local government for an effective local governance system that ultimately translates to national development.

Election remains the most peaceful means of instituting and institutionalizing democratic government. Liberal democratic theorists argue on the primacy of election as an essential element of democracy. Since the commencement of the Fourth Republic, Nigeria had conducted six successive elections to deepen democratic rule. However, election postponement is fast becoming a recurring decimal in the political landscape. Taken 2019 General election as a unit of analysis, this paper examined the implication of election postponement on the future of democracy in Nigeria. Data were generated from secondary sources, including Textbooks, Journals and Internet, to provide information on the concept of Democracy and 2019 elections. These were subjected to descriptive and content analysis. 2019 Election postponement had cost Nigeria political, economic and social fortunes. It had undermined the integrity of the electoral process resulting in voter apathy. Nigeria lost billions of naira as a result of shutdown of businesses. It resulted in additional financial burden in the conduct of the election. The paper recommends that Nigeria's Electoral Management body needs to be re-engineered to be able to cope with responsibility of conducting election on schedule. Private institutions should be strategically employed to engage in election logistics such as handling of sensitive materials and on-time delivery of these materials. Also, there is need to give a thoughtful consideration to electronic voting, that should take care of the logistics problem of conducting election in Nigeria.

This article discusses election governance based on public participation with qualitative research methods, the approach used in case studies in West Nusa Tenggara (NTB) Province, the region is one of thirty-four province in Indonesia. Governance is an approach that is considered relevant, because election governance is its manifestation. The results show that the Regional of General Election Commission of NTB as the authority of election organizers succeeded in building a model of election governance based on public participation through three strategies, namely the movement to protect suffrage, family-based voter education, and voter education based on educational institutions. These three models are designed through three approaches, namely multi-stakeholder partnership, convergence, safety and public health of disaster areas. The methods of implementation include; short videos about elections, consistent use of mass media and continuous election classes. The impact of the public participation-based election governance model in NTB is that the number of public participation in 2019 Elections increased to 82 percent compared to 2014 Election of 77.32 percent where the model has not been implemented. The obstacles faced in building participatory-based election governance are two, namely; the issue of legitimacy provided by the Electoral Law and has not been made the education of voters as core business of General Commission Election, while voter education is an effective instrument in developing public participation. The solution is necessary to change article 3 and article 15 (Presiden Republik Indonesia, 2017) on the elections to include participation as the principle of organizing elections. In addition, voter education should be the core business from the national to the regions.