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Cheung Kin Hang. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2006. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 76-97). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Chapter Chapter 1: --- Introduction ; Divergent meanings of trust and institution --- p.1 ; Research questions --- p.1 ; Structure of thesis --- p.3 ; Chapter Chapter 2: --- Trust and Bounded Rationality ; Meaning and the four key elements of trust --- p.5 ; Plausible loss due to lack of certainty --- p.7 ; Positive expectation by a trusting party --- p.8 ; Relevance to human interaction --- p.9 ; Intentionality --- p.10 ; Trust and Rationality --- p.13 ; Herbert Simon's bounded rationality --- p.13 ; "Bounded rationality, use of authority, and trust" --- p.18 ; Chapter Chapter 3: --- Theory of Institution ; Institutionalisms in Politics and Exchange of Insights --- p.23 ; Understanding of North's Works --- p.25 ; North's understanding of human rationality and economic performance --- p.25 ; "Core idea, major traits of institution and its relationship with actors" --- p.30 ; Learning and Accumulation of Experiences --- p.38 ; Plasticity of human brain --- p.44 ; Path dependence and change of institution --- p.47 ; Chapter Chapter 4: --- Trust and Institution ; Divergent understandings of relationship of trust and institution --- p.54 ; At the neural level: institutionalized experience and neural systems for trust --- p.57 ; At interpersonal and organizational level: reciprocal trust and impacts of empowerment --- p.62 ; At organizational and macro-social level: deprivation experience and social violence --- p.68 ; Chapter Chapter 5: --- Conclusion --- p.73 ; References --- p.76

作為一種新型扶貧手段,小額信貸產業在過去三十年中於發展中國家迅速興起。從業者常常聲稱小額信貸機構能夠為貧窮農民提供金融機會,而這些弱勢群體過去往往被排除在傳統金融機構之外;與此同時,不同於以往的扶貧手段,小額信貸機構被認為能夠在財務上達到平衡乃至盈利。這種雙重目標的前景吸引了許多發展中國家的興趣,因此,小額信貸產業作為解決貧困問題的一種嘗試而在國際舞台上獲得了迅猛的發展。 ; 由於中國獨特的社會和政治環境,小額信貸機構的發展有其特殊的軌跡。本研究以深入訪談和參與式觀察為主要研究方法,通過為期三個月的田野調查,對中國西部與北部的兩個非政府小額信貸組織進行了深入考察。研究發現,小額信貸組織正面臨無法同時達成雙重目標的困境;基於觀察與資料分析,本文提出,中國農村社區信任結構的轉型是小額信貸組織面臨多重問題的主要原因。隨著市場經濟的發展與城市化的加速,在日漸瓦解的熟人社會中,小額信貸機構的社會目標被其財務目標所壓制,導致原有的扶貧、婦女賦權等目標難以達成,更形成了目標替代的組織現象。 ; 為深入探討小額信貸產業中目標替代的現象,本文從組織目標的合法性與可測量性兩個角度提出假設,指出當邊緣目標具有強烈的合法性和直觀的可測量性,便可能取代相對難以觀測的核心目標。最後,本文指出,為保證小額信貸組織不偏離原有的社會目標,需要設計一種新型的、獨立的測量工具,用以跟踪記錄小額信貸組織的社會影響,並將其作為判斷組織表現的核心因素。 ; Known as an innovative tool for poverty alleviation, microfinance has been widely spread in developing countries in the past few decades. It is commonly claimed that microfinance institutions (MFIs) can provide financial opportunities to those who are unable to obtain loans from the formal system, while at the same time maintain their institutional sustainability. This promise has attracted the interest of developing countries with large population in poverty, leading to a remarkable emergence of microfinance industry on the global stage. ; Because of the special social and political environment, the development of MFIs in China has its unique trajectory. Based on interviews and participant observation, this three-month research focuses on two non-governmental MFIs in Western China and Northern China, revealing a plight of infeasible dual objectives and proposing an explanation from the angle of transformed trust structure. In a collapsing acquaintance community, the social objectives are suppressed by the demands of self-sustainability, thus violating the original intention of poverty alleviation and women empowerment, and leading to a phenomenon of goal displacement. ; To further discuss the logic behind the goal displacement phenomenon in microfinance industry, two propositions are suggested from the angles of legitimacy and measurability of organizational goals. The findings indicate that to ensure the ...

中國自一九七八年以來一直致力於法制現代化建設,但至今仍未能建立一個具有高度凝聚力和獨立性的法律共同體,國家與法律職業之間的關係依然緊張。職業主義並沒有隨著過去三十年的法律發展而成為改革的核心。在這種背景下,非職業化法律服務制度在中國的發展無疑值得進一步的關注與研究。 ; 本文將分析國家在職業化與非職業化機制中所扮演的角色。在全面評估非職業化法律服務發展概況的基礎上,分析的焦點將放在基層法律工作者和非政府組織雇員這兩類重要的非職業化服務團體上。本文也將通過實證研究與比較研究的方法對這兩種類型的非專業人士進行深入的探討。 ; 本文通過以上視角得出若干重要的啟示。第一, 非職業化法律制度的發展主要服務於國家控制的目標。第二,非職業化法律服務團體的生存與發展必須建立在滿足特定國家機構利益的前提上。第三,在本文所觀察的樣本中,非政府組織雇員比基層法律工作者更有效率。總體而言,國家在職業化和非職業化機制的形成與運作中都發揮了決定性的作用。 ; Since 1978 China has been committed to modernizing its legal system, yet a cohesive and independent community of legal personnel is far from established and the tension between the state and the legal community remains high. Despite three decades of legal development, China has not truly made professionalism central to its reform agenda. Among many others, one noteworthy but understudied aspect is the widespread use of non-lawyers in the legal services system. ; This dissertation aims to examine the role of the state in the making of professional and non-professional mechanisms in China. In addition to a holistic evaluation of non-professional legal services, the dissertation includes empirical studies and comparative analyses of the two most important groups of non-lawyers the government-sponsored basic-level legal workers and the non-lawyer staff of non-governmental organizations. ; These perspectives reveal a number of important facts. First, the development of non-professional legal institutions mainly serves the purpose of state control. Second, non-professional groups are able to survive only by satisfying the bureaucratic interests of specific state agencies. Third, the staff of non-governmental organizations observed in this study appeared to perform more effectively than basic-level legal workers. Overall, the dissertation argues that the state dictates the formation and operation of both professional and non-professional mechanisms in China. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Pan, ...

The Manchus established the Qing dynasty that ruled China for 267 years. There are many reasons for their long-term governance, one of which is believed to be the establishment of a well-structured bureaucratic system with high administrative efficiency. Emperor Yongzheng introduced a major reform of the southwest border administrative structure, which laid a solid foundation for the centralization of politics and enhanced regional stability for subsequent monarchs. This dissertation investigates the role that the Green Standard Army played in the bureaucratization of the tribal headman institution in Yunnan during the reign of Yongzheng and its continuing importance in enhancing regional stability and prosperity thereafter. The dissertation comprises six chapters. Chapter One is an introduction in which the objectives of the study are explained and the research literature on the topic is reviewed. Chapter Two consists of detailed elaboration on the origins and development of the tribal headman system, Yongzheng's changing attitude towards the bureaucratization policy and the reasons for its final implementation. Chapter Three examines the historical importance of the Green Standard Army in terms of the early-Qing military and politics. Special attention is paid to the Army's role in suppressing the Revolt of the Three Feudatories. Chapter Four cites several examples to show that the Army functioned effectively as a government agency during the process of bureaucratization, although its importance gradually declined. Chapter Five outlines the natural geographical conditions of the Yunnan region and explains the extent to which the bureaucratization policy influenced regional development. Chapter Six concludes the dissertation. ; published_or_final_version ; Chinese Historical Studies ; Master ; Master of Arts

为什么中国地方人大的发展会存在一定程度的地方差异?本文以市级人大为例,分析了经济现代化与人大发展之间的关系。通过对全国性数据的定量分析,本文发现:首先,一个地方的经济发展水平越高,当地市级人大的立法权、监督权和代表功能的发展水平越高。第二,一个地方的第二、第三产业生产总值所占的比重越高,当地的市级人大越有可能在立法和代表方面发挥重要的作用。 ; 本文还利用丰富的定性资料和统计数据分析了其中的因果机制,发现随着经济现代化水平的不断提高,市级人大有更强的动力行使立法权、监督权和发挥代表功能,以应对经济现代化所带来的各种挑战;此外,经济现代化给市级人大的发展带来了更多的财政资源和人力资源,因此也就提升了市级人大的能力。因而经济现代化能够对人大的发展起到促进的作用。 ; 可以说,中国市级人大的发展是政治制度调适的一种表现形式,一方面,尽管市级人大已经逐渐摆"橡皮图章"的尴尬地位,但党对人大的领导仍然得到有效的维持;另一方面,人大的发展调整了人大与"一府两院"、人大与民众之间的关系,加强了制度化的横向分权和自下而上的问责:这可以在一定程度上减少官员违法滥权的现象,改善政府的施政绩效,提高政府的回应性,缓和社会矛盾,也就促进了社会的稳定,提高了政权的政绩合法性,因而有助于中共政权更好地适应经济现代化所带来的外部环境的变化。 ; 本文的发现表明,一方面,正如许多研究所揭示的,经济现代化的过程可能会造成社会的不稳定,并且给威权政体的生存带来威胁;然而另一方面,经济现代化又会促进威权政体中的政治制度进行调适,从而在一定程度上有利于促进社会的稳定和威权统治的延续。 ; 然而,需要指出的是,这种政治制度的调适具有一些难以克服的局限性,随着经济现代化水平的继续提高,政治制度调适的需求可能会进一步增加,但调适的空间可能会逐渐缩小,在这种情况下,威权统治者能否继续通过政治制度的调适来保持威权体制的生命力,则仍然是未知之数。 ; Why does regional variation exist in the development of Local People's Congresses in China? Taking Municipal People's Congresses (MPC) as cases, this research explores the relationship between economic modernization and the development of People's Congresses (PC). Based on quantitative analysis on national data, it reveals that, firstly, the higher the level of economic development, the higher the levels of MPCs' development in legislation, supervision and representation; secondly, the larger the proportion of the gross product of secondary and tertiary industries in GDP, the higher the development levels of MPCs' legislation and representation. ; This research also analyzes abundant qualitative and quantitative data to reveal the causal mechanism and finds that, firstly, as the modernization of economics, MPCs have stronger motivations to promote their legislation, supervision and representation for dealing with the challenges brought by economic modernization; secondly, economic modernization also increases the finanicial and human resources owned by MPCs, which is beneficial to the development of their capacities. Thus economic modernization can make contributions to PCs' development. ; The dissertation argues ...

本文通过研究自改革开放以来计划生育政策在广东省潮汕地区的执行情况,尝试回答一个理论问题,即在一个威权政体中,是什么因素削弱了国家对社会的控制能力,从而民间形成了对刚性国家政策的有效对抗,导致国家的一些政策指令无法在基层得到落实。上世纪八十年代,计划生育政策作为一项"基本国策"在中国大多数地区都得到了严格的执行,并基本完成预定的政策目标。然而,该政策在潮汕地区却遭遇到极大的阻力,无论是城镇还是农村都出现了普遍的严重的超生现象。 ; 作者在对该地区进行了实地调研后,有三个主要发现:第一,随着改革开放政策的实行而迅速复兴的宗族文化对于潮汕地区的生育观念和生育行为的影响非常强烈。"多子多福","重男轻女"仍被绝大多数人视为理所应当,"儿孙满堂"更是许多农村人的追求。因此,虽然大部分的干部和群众经过计划生育的宣传都能理解该政策的必要性,但是由于生儿育女事关个人家庭和宗族的"兴衰",所以明知抵触法规但仍会寻求各种可能的办法偷生。第二,在强大的传统文化作用下,基层政府、干部和群众形成了依赖利益和人情而建立起来的"乡规民约",县镇村的干部群众都在这种民间自订的非正式制度下默契地规范约束自己的行为并且互动合作,因此上级的政策到了基层就遇到了无形的有弹性的成体系的抵抗,换言之,人们找到了实现"上有政策,下有对策"的软性抗争方式。第三,在这种强大的利益人情网络的软性对抗之下,上级的政府已经失去了对于基层计划生育的控制。一则他们没有足够的资源和能力去落实对下级的监管,二则上级官员自身也处在一定的利益关系网络中。因此,整体而言,市级乃至更上级政府在计生工作中也只能采取折中的策略,最后"容忍"了基层欺上瞒下的行为。因此,作者认为在潮汕地区县级以下的农村基层,依靠影响力极强的宗族文化而形成的"乡规民约",作为一种软性非正式制度弱化了国家正式的行政体制,形成了一种对计划生育政策不成文的,富有弹性的,自成体系的非暴力抵抗,以及"上有政策,下有对策"的折中局面,使得计划生育政策在这一地区发挥了十分有限的作用。 ; This study focuses on "Family Planning Program" ever since the "Opening-up Policy" in Teochew area, Guangdong. By doing so, it aims at answering one theoretical question: within an authoritarian regime, what sorts of factors can impair the state's control over society, leading to effective resistance against the state's rigid policies and ineffective implement of those policies at grass-roots level. In the 1980s, the "Family Planning Program", as a fundamental national policy, was strictly implemented in most parts of China, accomplishing its policy goals. However, this policy encountered enormous resistance in Teochew area, Guangdong. "Extra kids" have been widely observed in rural areas. ; By carrying out on-site field research, the author has three main findings: ; First, clan culture, reviving rapidly after the "Opening-up Policy", has been exerting significant impact over birth concepts and birth behaviors in Teochew area. Such thoughts as "the more sons, the more blessings" and "sons are better than daughters" are taken for granted. Having lots of children and grandchildren is considered the best luck possible. Therefore, even though most cadres and citizens understand ...

Cheung, Hin Wah. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2010. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 206-216). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese; appendix 2 in English and Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.i ; Abstract in Chinese (摘要) --- p.ii ; List of Figures and Tables --- p.vii ; Abbreviations Glossary --- p.ix ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- "Research Background, Significance and Question" --- p.4 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Research Structure --- p.10 ; Chapter 1.3.1 --- Research Subject and Time Period --- p.10 ; Chapter 1.3.2 --- Research Objectives --- p.11 ; Chapter 1.3.3 --- Hypotheses --- p.12 ; Chapter 1.3.4 --- Research Methodology --- p.14 ; Chapter 1.3.5 --- Limits of the Research --- p.16 ; Chapter 1.4 --- Thesis Structure --- p.17 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature Review: Theoretical Discussion --- p.24 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Introduction --- p.24 ; Chapter 2.2 --- The Concept of Religion and Politics --- p.24 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Church-State Relations --- p.30 ; Chapter 2.3.1 --- Role of Church --- p.30 ; Chapter 2.3.2 --- The Models of Church-State Relations --- p.32 ; Chapter 2.3.3 --- Types of interaction between Church and State --- p.39 ; Chapter 2.4 --- Education: A Battlefield between Church and State --- p.42 ; Chapter 2.5 --- Political Bargaining & Decision --- p.44 ; Chapter 2.6 --- Conclusion --- p.46 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- "Church-State Relations in Hong Kong: Three governments, Four religions, Different relations" --- p.49 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Introduction --- p.49 ; Chapter 3.2 --- Church-State relations in the colonial age --- p.49 ; Chapter 3.2.1 --- Catholicism and Protestant Christianity --- p.51 ; Chapter 3.2.2 --- Buddhism and Taoism --- p.55 ; Chapter 3.3 --- Church-State Relations in the transition period and after the return of sovereignty --- p.59 ; Chapter 3.3.1 --- HKSAR Government & Four Religious Bodies --- p.60 ; Chapter 3.3.2 --- Chinese Government & Four Religious Bodies --- p.69 ...

IFPRI3; CRP2; F Strengthening institutions and governance ; DSGD; PIM ; PR ; CGIAR Research Program on Policies, Institutions, and Markets (PIM)

自1989 年以来,中国独立电影在国家电影体制的管控之下,已经发展二十余年。随着数字摄影、非线性编辑、互联网应用等技术的不断提升,今天的独立电影与以往相比,拍摄成本更低、制作方式更便捷、影像质量更高、传播手段多样化;但其创作力和艺术水准并没有大幅提升,反而呈现停滞,甚至下降趋势。究其原因,当然包括官方压制、国内电影市场冲击、海外影展关注度降低等多方面外界因素的影响,但中国独立电影内部环境和中国独立电影人自身所存在的问题则往往被人们忽略掉了。本研究正是通过对中国独立电影二十余年历史的梳理,力图描述其内部生态环境的变化,提出中国独立电影在原有国家电影体制之外建构了一个新的体制--"亚体制",并分析"亚体制"对于当前独立电影创作和独立电影评论的影响。 ; 国家电影体制对中国独立电影的管控由来已久,尤其表现在对其传播、发行、放映的控制上。在此情况下,"前DV 时代(1989-2000 年)的独立电影人经历了从体制中逃离、与体制合作、回归体制的路线。而同时,一些民间电影放映社团逐渐搭建起了自己的独立电影放映管道,并培养了一批帮助独立作者进行影片推广的"中间人"。在"后DV 时代"(2000 至今),各地放映社团发展壮大,开始举办独立电影节,"中间人"也由此获得了更多的权力和威信,变为具有较强话语权的"关键人。就这样,以民间放映社团为单位,独立电影节为支柱,"关键人"为核心,独立电影基金、学校、资料馆、公司为分支的独立电影"亚体制"框架基本形成。本研究主要通过人物采访、田野考察、影像文本分析等方法,结合布迪厄(Pierre Bourdieu)"场域"的相关理论分析这一"亚体制"的结构关系、经济链条和体制化表象。 ; 经过论证,本研究认为在独立电影"亚体制"的场域中,"关键人"通过积累文化资本、经济资本和社会资本的方式来获得权力,并在此基础之上建立其评价体系,形成"非主流"中的主流标准。如果这种状况得不到改善,"阶级"、"霸权"、"垄断"等问题将会愈演愈烈,独立电影界也会重蹈原有体制的覆辙,其内部会逐渐丧失"独立性",最终导致抑制独立电影多元化发展的结果。 ; Since 1989, the independent film in China, under the control of national cinema institution, has already had a history of more than 20-year development. With the continuous improvement of technology in the fields of photography, editing and internet application, today's Chinese independent film has lower producing cost, quicker production methods, higher image quality, and more diversified transmission methods. However, instead of a substantial improvement, the creativity and theartistic criteria of the films tend to stagnate and even have a tendency to decline, for which the main reasons might be government control, the impact of the domestic film market, the reduced attention of abroad film festivals and other external factors, but we cannot ignore the internal problems in the ecosystems of the independent film and the filmmaker themselves. This study, through sorting the over-20-year development history of independent films in China, strives to describe the changes of the internal ecological environment and put forward institutionalization of the independent film outside the national institution. ; The national cinema institution has a ...

prepared by Chu Yan-kit. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1999. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 125-145). ; Abstract also in Chinese. ; Acknowledgments --- p.iii-iv ; List of Tables and Figures --- p.vii-ix ; List of Abbreviations --- p.x ; Abstract --- p.xi-xiv ; Chapter Chapter One: --- Introduction --- p.1-39 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Scope and Purpose --- p.1-2 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Literature Review --- p.3-18 ; Chapter 1.2.1 --- Public Budgeting Researches in Hong Kong --- p.3-4 ; Chapter 1.2.2 --- On-Hand Budgeting Theories --- p.5-12 ; Chapter 1.2.3 --- Neo-Institutional Approach --- p.13-18 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Conceptualization --- p.19-27 ; Chapter 1.3.1 --- Premises of the Explanatory Model --- p.19 ; Chapter 1.3.2 --- Rationale of the Model --- p.20-27 ; Chapter 1.4 --- Operationalization --- p.28-36 ; Chapter 1.4.1 --- Working Definitions --- p.28-29 ; Chapter 1.4.2 --- Operationalization of the Research --- p.29-32 ; Chapter 1.4.3 --- Indicators and Hypotheses --- p.32-34 ; Chapter 1.4.4 --- Methodology --- p.35-36 ; Chapter 1.5 --- Organization of the Research --- p.37 ; Notes --- p.38-39 ; Chapter Chapter Two: --- The Background --- p.40-69 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Characteristics of the Colonial Public Finance System & Marco-Economic Context for the Public Finance System --- p.40-47 ; Chapter 2.1.1 --- Revenue Aspect of the Public Finance System --- p.40-41 ; Chapter 2.1.2 --- Expenditure Aspect of the Public Finance System 42- --- p.47 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Macro Economic Context for the Two Institutional Levels from the 1970s to the 1990s --- p.48-53 ; Chapter 2.2.1 --- Financially Non-Stringent & Stringent Periods for the First Level Institutions --- p.48-50 ; Chapter 2.2.2 --- Non-Hostile & Hostile Periods for the Second Level Institutions --- p.51-53 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Composition and Characteristics of the Actors in the Two Institutional Levels --- p.54-59 ; Chapter 2.3.1 --- Actors in the First Level Institutions and the Second Level Institutions --- p.54 ; Chapter ...

本文主要針對清代杭州城一棟性質在天后宮與天主堂之間多次轉化的宗教建築,探討其對清代杭州城社會生活與公共空間的影響。 ; 除緒論、結論外,全文共包括四章。緒論介紹論文結構,並簡單梳理近來中國城市史研究的進展和相關議題。另外,在緒論中特別提到了韓書瑞(SusanNaquin)關於廟宇與明清北京城市歷史與生活的專著。此書透過宗教建築的變遷和作為城市公共場所的功能來看其對城市歷史的反映以及對城市生活的影響,對本文的研究視角和取徑產生了重要的指導作用。 ; 第一章介紹清代杭州城內政治、經濟與宗教文化等不同區位的形成以及城市管理概況,以說明數座天后宮在杭州城內原本坐落的不同位置以及其後的主要變化。第二章以明末清初到雍正八年之間天主教在杭州的發展歷史為線索,介紹杭州天主堂的建立以及之後因為禁教而改做武林門天后宮的背景,藉以分梳政府宗教政策以及地方宗教管理實務之間的複雜互動。第三章探究武林門天后宮在雍正八年以後的發展,並特別著重討論官員、文人與紳商家族的各種互動關係。第四章討論由鴉片戰爭到太平天國軍隊撤離杭州的道光、咸豐、同治期間,武林門天后宮如何又在戰爭與外交局勢變動過程中而再回天后宮改為天主堂的歷史。結論強調:基於宗教建築不斷變化其性質、功能、以及在城市公共生活中扮演的不同角色,人們可以從中了解國家的對內與對外政策以及地方行政管理如何實際影響著城市的面貌,而變化的城市面貌,又將影響城市的歷史與公共生活。 ; This thesis examines the urban history of Qing dynasty Hangzhou by closely analyzing the religious architecture of one Tianhou temple and one Catholic Church. This examination summarizes the evolution of these features and offers some thoughts on the influence that those changes made to social life and public spaces in Hangzhou. ; Apart from the introduction and conclusion, this thesis consists of four chapters. The introduction briefly reviews works Chinese urban history by scholars from Hong Kong, Taiwan, Mainland China and abroad. It then surveys the types of historical material used in the project. In particular, it reviews the contributions in Susan Naquin's work on Beijing'stemples in Ming and Qing China as a major source of inspiration for the perspective taken in this work, as it draws upon Naquin's perspective on religious architecture as a part of a city's public space in order to combine an analysis on social life and urban history. ; The first chapter discusses the history of Hangzhou's administration and its political, economic, cultural and religious development in the Qing Dynasty. It then outlines the history of the locations and major changes to the Tianhou temples dedicated to the goddess Mazu throughout the city. ; The second chapter begins at the end of Ming Dynasty and ends in 1730. Over this period of time, Catholicism became more popular in Hangzhou, and people built a glamorous Catholic ...

Duan, Haiyan. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 79-83). ; Abstracts also in Chinese. ; LIST OF FIGURES --- p.vi ; LIST OF TABLES --- p.vii ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Research Question --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Approach and Methods --- p.4 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Structure of the Thesis --- p.7 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature Review --- p.8 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Provision of Public Goods as a Governmental Function --- p.8 ; Chapter 2.2 --- The Design and Practice of Fiscal Transfer --- p.11 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- China´ةs Fiscal Institution --- p.20 ; Chapter 3.1 --- "The Drop of "Two Ratios"", and 1994 Fiscal Reform" --- p.20 ; Chapter 3.2 --- Post-1994 System and the Intergovernmental Fiscal Relation --- p.23 ; Chapter 3.3 --- The Finance of Public Goods Provision --- p.37 ; Chapter 3.4 --- Fiscal Institution below Province --- p.45 ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- The Impact of Fiscal Transfer on Public Goods Provision: Cross-county Analysis of Shanxi --- p.52 ; Chapter 4.1 --- The Equalization Effect of Fiscal Transfer --- p.54 ; Chapter 4.2 --- The Impact of Fiscal Transfer on County Governments´ة Preference of Expenditure --- p.58 ; Chapter Chapter 5 --- Conclusion --- p.75 ; REFRENCES --- p.79

The transition of the global financial governance system is a history of the rise and fall of the Western advanced countries in the post-war international political and economic system. Since the end of the Second World War, the International Monetary Foundation and the World Bank have always taken the dominant role in the field of global financial governance. However, after the beginning of the global financial crisis in 2008, many drawbacks have become apparent concerning these two significant institutions, such as the lack of representatives, the slow and ineffective response to the crisis, etc. Following a strong appeal from the developing countries (with the emerging powers as their representatives), the global financial governance system has experienced several rounds of reforms which have yet to yield acceptable results. Therefore, it is highly necessary to create a new institution which can play a complementary role in the existing financial governance system rather than overthrow it. Complying with the tide of history, the official establishment of the BRICS Bank can be of great significance to the reform of current global financial governance systems such as diversifying the global financial governance bodies, representing the interests of developing countries in a better way, enhancing the status and improving the importance of emerging economies in the international political and economic order. Admittedly, the BRICS Bank also faces great challenges and limits such as the lack of a core leadership and the absence of a unified currency, etc.

企業對他們所處的環境以致更大社會環境的影響越來越引人注目,然而這一問題在學術界的研究依然有限。本論文研究企業政治活動,並嘗試豐富對企業政治活動決策及其影響的理解。 ; 在第一個研究當中,應用制度理論,我提出企業的創新會對企業的政治活動有增強作用。制度不僅是降低不確定性的系統,同樣也是被行為人權力所決定的結構,反映著行為人的利益。創新改變了利益及權力:創新者的利益被改變而權力得到增強。過去的制度不一定能反映了現在的利益和權力,所以創新帶來的改變可能會刺激企業嘗試對制度實施影響(在本文的研究中即企業政治活動),從而創立新的制度來加強或鞏固企業自身的利益。在另一方面,向新制度的轉變意味著放棄在舊制度下的既得利益。所以,我也提出假設:企業在技術網路中的地位會負面調節創新和企業政治活動之間的關係。 ; 第二個研究考察外國企業的政治活動。企業政治活動可能降低"外國劣勢"和外企遇到的制度矛盾。而且企業處於不同國家商務網路連接的節點上。這樣的位置使他們擁有更多的關於制度的瞭解,更少地被約束於本地制度,使他們更有能力進行制度創新。我提出這兩方面的影響會刺激外企在企業政治活動方面比本地企業更積極。 ; 企業選擇進行政治活動,一個自然而然的問題就是:這樣的活動對企業有沒有作用?第三個研究關於這一話題。關於企業政治活動對企業績效的影響,已有文獻中有著不同的解讀和發現。本文將企業政治活動看作是一個在非市場環境中的戰略:它的影響目標是沒有市場交易不產生收益的非市場環境,所以它並不能直接帶來利潤。然而企業政治活動可能為企業的市場行為創造優良環境,使企業能從市場戰略中獲得更多的利潤。所以,本文從交互作用的方面考察企業政治活動對於企業績效的影響,提出企業政治活動將加強創新和合併對企業績效的正面影響。 ; The influence that firms exert on their environment is relatively under-researched. In this thesis, I study a typical and perhaps the most recognized effort of firms to influence the environment – corporate political activity (CPA), trying to provide insights on the knowledge of CPA choice and its effectiveness. ; In the first essay, applying institutional perspective, I suggest that a firm's innovation is positively related to its engagement in CPA. Institutions are not only the systems that prevent uncertainty, but also the structures decided by the bargaining power of actors and which reflect the interests of the actors. Innovation changes interest and power - the foundations behind institutions, therefore, may encourage institutional work for new institutions - in this study CPA for public policies. On the other hand, changing to new institutions would imply dropping the vested interest in old institutions. So, the greater the vested interest of a firm in old institutions, the less likely it is that it will engage in CPA after innovation. Thus, I also hypothesize that a firm's centrality in the technology network will negatively moderate the relationship between its innovation and involvement in political activities. ; The second essay investigates how being foreign may ...

The Lancet Countdown is an international collaboration established to provide an independent, global monitoring system dedicated to tracking the emerging health profile of the changing climate. The 2020 report presents 43 indicators across five sections: climate change impacts, exposures, and vulnerabilities; adaptation, planning, and resilience for health; mitigation actions and health co-benefits; economics and finance; and public and political engagement. This report represents the findings and consensus of the 35 leading academic institutions and UN agencies that make up The Lancet Countdown, and draws on the expertise of climate scientists, geographers, engineers, experts in energy, food, and transport, economists, social, and political scientists, data scientists, public health professionals, and doctors.