Suchergebnisse

Prisotnost institucionalne paranoje je lahko za institucijo resen problem. Nezaupanje, dvomi in strahovi med člani lahko pripeljejo do manjše zavzetosti, motiviranosti, uspešnosti in tudi do odhoda zaposlenih, našteto posledično vpliva na samo delovanje institucije. Zato je pomembno, da se ob zaznanih znakih prisotnosti omenjene problematike pravočasno ukrepa. Z magistrskim delom smo želeli seznaniti s sprožilci institucionalne paranoje ter z njenimi učinki in posledicami. Raziskovalni del je bil opravljen s pomočjo anketnega vprašalnika, na podlagi katerega smo pridobili rezultate raziskave. Pri tem so sodelovali zaposleni iz izbranih institucij, natančneje so to Upravne enote, Centri za socialno delo, zdravstveni domovi in Pošta Slovenije. Cilj raziskave je bil ugotoviti prisotnost institucionalne paranoje, vidik podrejenih in nadrejenih glede sprožilcev institucionalne paranoje, njen vpliv na zavzetost zaposlenih v izbranih institucijah in namero zapuščanja institucije. Rezultati analize raziskave kažejo v večini, da ta ni prisotna. Vendar ne smemo zanemariti določenega števila zaposlenih, ki so nasprotnega mnenja. Ugotavljamo, da so se pri zaposlenih z vlogo nadrejenega in podrejenega, ko so odgovarjali z vidika podrejenega, povprečne ocene odgovorov ujemale z odgovori podrejenih. Ko zaposleni z obema vlogama odgovarjajo z vidika nadrejenih, se njihova mnenja ujemajo z mnenji nadrejenih. Lahko predvidevamo, da so se anketiranci z obema vlogama v instituciji resnično vživeli v tisto vlogo, ki je bila v navodilih zahtevana od njih. S preučevanjem problematike institucionalne paranoje smo želeli prispevati določen prispevek, ker je izraz razmeroma neznan, saj o obravnavani problematiki ni veliko zapisanega. Prav tako pričakujemo, da bodo ugotovitve pripomogle k višji stopnji informiranosti o sami problematiki tako znotraj izbranih institucij kot pri strokovni javnosti. ; The presence of institutional paranoia can be a serious problem for an institution. Distrust, doubts and fears among members can lead to less commitment, motivation, and success and even to the employees leaving their jobs, which in turn affects the functioning of the institution. Therefore, it is important to take timely action when signs of the presence of the mentioned problem are detected. In the master's thesis, the triggers of institutional paranoia and its effects and consequences are presented. The research part was performed with the help of a questionnaire, on the basis of which we obtained the results of the research. Employees from selected institutions took part in this research (administrative units, social services, health centres and Pošta Slovenije (the Post of Slovenia)). The aim of the research was to determine the presence of institutional paranoia, the aspect of subordinates and superiors regarding the triggers of institutional paranoia, its impact on employee engagement in selected institutions and the intention to leave the institution. Mostly, the results of the analysis of the research show that it is not present. However, we must not neglect a certain number of employees who disagree. We find that in employees with the role of superior and subordinate, when answering from the point of view of the subordinate, the average ratings of the answers were emphasized by the answers of the subordinates. When employees with both roles answer from the perspective of superiors, their opinions are emphasized by the opinions of superiors. We can assume that the respondents with both roles in the institution really got used to the role that was required of them in the instructions. By studying the issue of institutional paranoia, we wanted to make a certain contribution because the term is relatively unknown, as there is not much written about the issue. We also expect that the findings will contribute to a higher level of information about the issue itself, both within selected institutions and among the professional public.

Collection : Collection de documents inédits sur l'histoire de France. Première série, Histoire politique ; Collection : Collection de documents inédits sur l'histoire de France ; Appartient à l'ensemble documentaire : ChArdenn1 ; Avec mode texte

Collection : Collection de documents inédits sur l'histoire de France. Première série, Histoire politique ; Collection : Collection de documents inédits sur l'histoire de France ; Appartient à l'ensemble documentaire : ChArdenn1 ; Avec mode texte

Collection : Collection de documents inédits sur l'histoire de France. Première série, Histoire politique ; Collection : Collection de documents inédits sur l'histoire de France ; Appartient à l'ensemble documentaire : ChArdenn1 ; Avec mode texte

Collection : Collection de documents inédits sur l'histoire de France. Première série, Histoire politique ; Collection : Collection de documents inédits sur l'histoire de France ; Appartient à l'ensemble documentaire : ChArdenn1 ; Avec mode texte

Spremembe v mednarodni skupnosti po koncu hladne vojne so mednarodne institucije, ki delujejo na področju zagotavljanja miru in varnosti, postavile pred nove izzive, ki so izpostavili pomanjkljivost obstoječh norm, mehanizmov in konceptualnega aparata za naslavljanje novih varnostnih groženj. Mednarodne institucije se težko spopadajo z modernimi varnostnimi grožnjami, med katere spadajo tudi etnični konflikti, hkrati pa je proces prepoznavanja varnostnih groženj kompleksen. Magistrska naloga skozi študijo primera delovanja Varnostnega sveta in Organizacije za varnost in sodelovanje v Evropi v ukrajinskem konfliktu preučuje, kako pojmovanje varnosti mednarodnih institucij vpliva na upravljanje (etničnih) konfliktov. Naloga pokaže, da sodobno pojmovanje varnosti presega dojemanje države kot edinega relevatnega referenčnega objekta varnosti in da je varnost intersubjektivna kategorija, ki odpira vprašanje glede procesa prepoznavanja (novih) varnostnih groženj. Posledično pojmovanje varnosti vpliva na diskurz in delovanje akterjev. Na primeru Varnostnega sveta tako vidimo, da se države članice zavedajo pomena vzpostavljene prakse delovanja, ki izhaja iz pojmovanja varnosti dotične institucije, ter njenega vpliva na odločanje v Varnostnem svetu. OVSE pa kljub prepoznavanju kršitev določenih prvin varnosti v praksi te kršitve težko naslavlja. Naloga pokaže tudi, kako specializirano znanje posameznih institucij vpliva na diskurz držav v teh institucijah ter da pojmovanje varnosti v posameznih institucijah ni statično, temveč rezultat nenehnih (re)interpretacij. ; Changes in the international community after the end of the Cold War have led international institutions working in the field of peace and security to face new challenges that have highlighted the disadvantage of existing norms, mechanisms and conceptual apparatus for addressing new security threats. International institutions are struggling to deal with modern security threats, including ethnic conflicts, while the process of identifying security threats is complex. The master's thesis examines how the concept of security of international institutions influences the management of (ethnic) conflicts through a study of the functioning of the Security Council and the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe in the Ukrainian conflict. Thesis demonstrates that modern concept surpasses the perception of the state as the only relevant referent object of security and that security is an intersubjective category that raises the issue of the process of identifying (new) security threats. As a consequence the concept of security affects the discourse and the functioning of the actors. In the case of the Security Council, we can see that Member States are aware of the importance of the established practice, which stems from the concept of security of the institution, and its impact on decision-making in the Security Council. Despite the recognition of violations of certain elements of security in practice, the OSCE has difficulty addressing this violation. The thesis also shows how the specialized knowledge of individual institutions influences the discourse of states in these institutions, and that the concept of security in individual institutions is not static, but the result of continuous (re)interpretations.

Leta 2005 se je v Evropski uniji govorilo o biogospodarstvu kot dolgoročni viziji, ki bo omogočila dvig konkurenčnosti, boljše izkoriščanje virov in zmanjšanje ogljičnega odtisa. Biogospodarstvo bo ena izmed ključnih usmeritev evropskih držav v bližnji in daljni prihodnosti. Smernice razvoja je začrtala tudi Evropska komisija, temu pa sledijo podporni inštrumenti, ki omogočajo vpeljavo akcijskih načrtov in strategij. Nekatere evropske države, med njimi vodilna Nemčija in Nizozemska, imajo tovrstni sistem že močno zakoreninjen v gospodarskih reformah, vse od krožnega gospodarstva, uporabe biomase, principa kaskade dodajanja vrednosti in vpeljave biorafinerij za nove produkte. Priložnosti so tako na vseh področjih, od kmetijstva, lesne in lesnopredelovalne industrije do ribištva in bioosnovane industrije. Namen raziskovalne naloge je bil preveriti dejavnike, ki vplivajo na razvoj biogospodarstva v Sloveniji. Raziskavo sem izvedel s poglobljenimi polstrukturiranimi intervjuji z več predstavniki iz industrije in raziskovalnih ustanov ter s kreatorji politik (državnih ustanov) in grozdov. Izkazalo se je, da v slovenskem prostoru nimamo strategije, namenjene prehodu v biogospodarstvo, in tako prihaja zgolj do kratkotrajnih primerov dobrih praks na tem področju. Zaradi nizkih industrijskih vlaganj, nerazvitega trga in nizke stopnje ozaveščenosti, tovrstnih produktov tudi še ni na tržišču kljub mnogim raziskavam, ki potekajo na tem področju. Potencial grozdenja pa ostaja neizkoriščen. ; Bioeconomy in the European Union was considered a long-term vision leading to increased competitiveness, better use of resources and reduction of carbon footprint already since 2005. Bioeconomy remains one of the key strategies by European countries in the immediate as well as more distant future. The European Commission developed the guidelines, which were followed by instruments enabling the implementation of action plans and strategies. In some European countries, among them Germany and the Netherland as the leading ones, such systems are already deeply rooted in their economic reforms. This includes circular economy, use of biomass, principle of added value cascade and biorefineries. There are opportunities in the field of the processing industry, different fields of biomass production and processing such as agriculture, aquaculture, forestry, food and wood processing, as well as general biobased industry. The aim of this research was to assess the bioeconomy opportunities and factors influencing bioeconomy. Our study was conducted by in-depth semi-structured interviews with several shareholders from industry, research institutions, policy makers and clusters in Slovenia. Surprisingly, we have observed, that in Slovenia, there is practically no strategy focusing on the transition towards bioeconomy, but only few short-term examples of good practice in this field. Although a number of research projects have been conducted in this sector, and considering very low availability of investments in this field, an underdeveloped market and low awareness-level, there are only few biobased products avaiable on the Slovene market. The potential of clustering has thus become been underexploited.

Demokratični deficit je že več desetletji stalnica akademskih razprav o Evropski uniji. Vsebina raziskovanj se je skozi čas bistveno spremenila, ohranja pa se temeljna misel, da se demokracija v Evropski uniji sooča z velikimi težavami. Zaupanje Evropejcev v Evropsko unijo je nizko, podobno velja tudi za občutek povezanosti z njenimi organi, zato je očitno, da so spremembe nujno potrebne. Z vsako večjo reformo pride do sprememb, ki bistveno vplivajo na razmerja moči med evropskimi institucijami in na njihov odnos do Evropejcev. Najvidnejše spremembe v zadnjih desetletjih so krepitev moči Evropskega parlamenta, ki se je razvil v vplivno institucijo, uvajanje institutov neposredne demokracije in druge reforme, ki jih je prinesla Lizbonska pogodba. Napredek pa je, žal, na drugi strani uravnotežen s pojavom mehanizmov in institutov, ki demokratična varovala zaobidejo. To so na primer ukrepi, ki so bili sprejeti kot odziv na dolžniško krizo evroobmočja in v velikem delu sploh ne spadajo med formalne pristojnosti Evropske unije. V svojem magistrskem delu sem analiziral in kritično ovrednotil procese, ki so bistveno vplivali na ključne organe Evropske unije, njihove spreminjajoče se medsebojne odnose ter predvidene učinke aktualnih reform. Pregledal sem širok izbor literature preteklih desetletji in predstavil različna teoretska izhodišča, na podlagi katerih avtorji skušajo opredeliti in analizirati demokratični deficit in z njim povezane tematike. Ključna ugotovitev mojega magistrskega mojega dela ni le, da so aktualne reforme premalo ambiciozne in demokratičnega deficita ne morejo odpraviti, ampak predvsem da demokratični deficit ni le kategorija akademskih razprav, temveč je zelo močno politično orodje in odločilno usmerja razvoj Evropske unije. Demokratični deficit je zato stalnica evropske demokracije in ne more nikoli biti povsem odpravljen, saj se ob razvoju Evropske unije vedno znova pojavlja v drugačnih oblikah, ki terjajo nove reforme in kritične analize akademikov, intelektualcev, državljanov, politikov in vseh drugih zainteresiranih strani. ; The democratic deficit has been a constant of all academic research on the European Union for the past few decades. While the scope of the research has changed considerably, the basic idea remains the same – democracy in the European Union is in serious trouble. Europeans' trust in the EU is low and the same goes for their connection with European institutions, therefore it is clear that changes are required. Every major reform alters the balance of power between European institutions and their relationship with European citizens. The most visible changes of the past decades are: the empowerment of the European parliament that has been transformed into an influential institution, the introduction of instruments of direct democracy and other reforms brought upon by the Treaty of Lisbon. Unfortunately, progress is balanced out by the emergence of various mechanisms and instruments that surpass all democratic checks and balances. For example, the measures that were adopted as a response to the European debt crisis were mostly not based on formal competencies of the EU. In my Master's thesis I analysed and critically evaluated the processes that crucially influenced the most significant European institutions, their ever-changing relationships and the anticipated effects of the current reforms. I examined a substantial body of literature from past decades and presented diverse theoretical starting points that the authors use to define and analyse the democratic deficit and related topics. The most significant finding of my Master's thesis is not only that the current reforms lack ambition and cannot eliminate the democratic deficit, but also that the democratic deficit is more than just a category of academic research and can often act as a strong political tool that decisively influences the development of the European Union. Therefore, the democratic deficit is a permanent element of European democracy and can never be fully eliminated as it always reappears in new forms that require constant reforms and critical analysis by academia, intellectuals, citizens, politicians and other stakeholders.

Vprašanje kolektivnih pravnih sredstev v Evropski uniji je v zadnjih letih zaradi pobud evropskih institucij pridobilo veliko pozornosti. V praksi se ja namreč pokazalo, da je intervencija Evropske unije na tem področju potrebna, saj se instituti kolektivne tožbe v državah članicah zelo razlikujejo. Razlikujejo se po vrsti kolektivne tožbe, ki je na voljo, aktivni legitimaciji, uporabi sistema vključitve ali izključitve, financiranja tožbe itd. Heterogenost na tem področju je problematična, saj niso vsi državljani držav članic Evropske unije deležni enake pravne zaščite v primerih množičnih oškodovanj. Različne ureditve držav članic pa imajo tudi negativni vpliv na enotni notranji trg. V nalogi sem analizirala izbrane postopke s kolektivnimi tožbami v državah članicah Evropske unije in osvetlila razlike med njimi. Ugotovila sem, da je ukrepanje organov Evropske unije potrebno, da se zagotovi ustrezno urejene in uravnotežene mehanizme, ki prispevajo k učinkoviti zaščiti in izvrševanju pravic v primerih množičnih oškodovanj. ; The issue of collective redress procedures in the European Union has received a great deal of attention in recent years due to initiatives by the European Union institutions. In practice, however, it has become clear that the European Union intervention in this area is necessary, as institutes of collective redress vary greatly from one-Member State to another. They differ in type of collective action available, legal standing, use of an opt-in or an opt-out system, financing of the action, and so on. Heterogeneity in this area is problematic, as not all citizens of the Member States of the European Union enjoy equal legal protection in cases of mass harm. Moreover, different Member States arrangements also have a negative impact on the single internal market. In this thesis, I have analysed selected collective redress procedures in the Member States of the European Union and highlighted the differences between them. I have identified the need for actions by the European Union institutions to ensure that mechanisms are properly regulated and balanced to contribute to the effective protection and enforcement of rights in cases of mass harm.

Namen magistrskega dela je razumeti razlike med epidemiološko uspešnostjo ukrepov za zajezitev Covid-19 v različnih državah in ugotoviti nabor dejavnikov, ki pojasnijo te razlike. Zato smo razvili ogrodje za analizo uspešnosti ukrepov, ki sloni na primerjalni analizi opazovanih epidemioloških podatkov. Uporabili smo ga za enostavno primerjavo podatkov v 133 državah z vseh celin, med katerimi je 41 evropskih držav. Nadalje smo predstavili rezultate podrobne primerjave epidemioloških ukrepov v enajstih evropskih državah izbranih na osnovi različnih evropskih socialnih modelov. Našo raziskavo smo izvedli s pomočjo Spearmanove korelacijske analize nad dejavniki, ki vplivajo na epidemiološko uspešnost ukrepov (število umrlih in okuženih s Covid-19, število ukrepov, uspešnost glede na gostoto prebivalstva idr.). Za končno analizo posameznih sprejetih epidemioloških ukrepov smo nato uporabili še izračune njihovih vplivov na trende uspešnosti po zastavljeni petstopenjski lestvici. V raziskavi ugotavljamo, da pri uspešnosti vladnih epidemioloških ukrepov igra pomembno vlogo zaupanje državljanov v javne institucije. Posledično so v državah z visokim zaupanjem pogosto zelo uspešni že preventivni (epidemiološki) ukrepi. Na našem naboru podatkov ugotavljamo tudi, da epidemiološka uspešnost ni odvisna od gostote prebivalstva in števila sprejetih epidemioloških ukrepov v državi. Potrdimo lahko, da epidemiološki ukrepi niso vsi enako uspešni in da so enaki ukrepi bolj uspešni v državah z višjim zaupanjem v javne institucije. Odločevalcem je tako na voljo orodje za analizo sprejetih epidemioloških ukrepov, ki jih lahko nato enostavno primerjajo glede na predstavnike sorodnega evropskega socialnega modela. Izdelano orodje ponuja dejavnike, na katere morajo biti pozorni, da bi srednjeročno povečali zaupanje v javne institucije ter tako še izboljšali uspešnost države pri prebijanju skozi epidemijo tega ali katerega od prihodnjih virusov. Državljanom pa raziskava ponuja odgovor, kako dobro so se v epidemiji odrezali njihovi odločevalci in ali so opravičili njihovo zaupanje. ; The purpose of this Master's thesis is to understand the differences in the epidemiological success of the measures for mitigating the Covid-19 epidemics in various countries and identify factors that explain the differences. To this end, we design a framework for the analysis of the government interventions' success from epidemiological data. The analysis is based on a basic comparison of the epidemiological data from 133 countries worldwide, including 41 European countries. We also perform a more advanced, detailed comparison of data on government interventions in eleven European countries selected with resect to different European social models. Our research was conducted using Spearman's correlation analysis using the factors influencing the epidemiological success of measures (number of deceased and infected by Covid-19, number of measures, population density, etc.). For the final analysis of the individual adopted government interventions, we have used the calculations of the interventions' impact on the trends of epidemiological performance using a predefined five-level scale. The research finds that the trust of the people towards their public, governmental institutions has a very large impact on the success of the governments' interventions. Consequently, in all the countries with high trust, simple preventive measures show high rates of success. Our analysis also shows that the success of the epidemiological measures does not depend nor is connected on the density of population nor the number of interventions in a country. We can finally confirm that not all measures are equally successful and that the same measures are more successful in countries with a higher trust in public institutions. The Master thesis gives the decision-makers a tool they can use to analyze their epidemiological interventions and simply compare them with the suitable representative from the European social models. The developed tool identifies elements that must be taken into account to increase the trust of the people to the public institutions in the medium term, and hence help improve the country's performance to overcome the epidemic of this or any other new viruses that may appear in the future. To the citizens, the tool offers an answer on how well the decision-makers in their country performed and whether they have justified their trust.

Prispevek v luči slovenskega predsedovanja Svetu EU v prvi polovici leta 2008 predstavi institucijo Svet EU in organizacijske, posredniške, politične in nacionalne vloge, ki jih uresničuje predsedujoča država. Obravnavan je slovenski gozdno-politični okvir, ki vpliva na usmeritev za posamezno vlogo inpredstavljena teza, da sta za Slovenijo najpomembnejši organizacijska in nacionalna vloga. V okviru nacionalne vloge je pomembno pridobiti nove ideje za vsebino gozdne politike in znanja o procesu njenega oblikovanja na domači ravni in ravni Unije. ; In the light of the Slovenian presidency of the EU Council in the first half of the year 2008, the contribution presents the Council of the European Union (the EU Council) as an institution and the organizational, mediatory, political and national roles performed by the presiding state. The framework of the Slovenian forest policy is discussed, which influences the policy regarding each individual role, and the thesis presented by which the most important roles for Slovenia are the organizational and national role. Within the national role it is important to acquire new ideas regarding forest policyas well as the skills and knowledge regarding the drafting of forest policy on the level of the state and the EU.

Ko slišimo za pojem korupcija, takoj pomislimo na zlorabo javne službe za doseganje lastnih koristi. Posamezniki in podjetja podkupujejo administrativne uslužbence, da le-ti uredijo zadeve, ki morajo biti rešene. Gre torej za izsiljevanje rent od gospodarskih udeležencev in posledično od ekonomije same izključno za zasebne koristi politikov in uradnikov. Tovrsten pristop k obravnavanju pojava je v zadnjih letih začrtal popolnoma novo smer analiziranja in merjenja korupcije. Korupcija se predstavi v popolnoma novi podobi, v kateri posamezniki, skupine oziroma podjetja vplivajo na formulacijo zakonov, ali celo spreobračajo že oblikovana pravila igre, da bi si s tem zagotovili pomembne ugodnosti. Korupcija je in vedno bo obstajala v svetu, edina razlika je v tem, da se z razvojem družb spreminja, prevzema bolj prefinjene oblike, zaradi katerih jo je težje odkrivati in preprečevati. Vse bolj razsežne in destruktivne posledice, ki jih ima korupcija na gospodarsko rast in družbeno stabilnost, nujno zahtevajo praktične strategije omejevanja korupcije. Problem korupcije se ne omejuje na določeno regijo, kajti z njenimi grožnjami se ubadajo tako razvite države kot tudi države v razvoju in tranzitne države. V postsocialističnih državah so sočasni procesi razvijanja tržne ekonomije, oblikovanja novih političnih in socialnih institucij ter prerazporejanje družbene lastnine ustvarili rodna tla za pojav korupcije. Zaradi kompleksnosti fenomena in predvsem zaradi vse večjega zavedanja, da vzroki za prevzem države presegajo golo neučinkovitost in šibkost državne uprave, je potrebno za razumevanje in odpravljanje state capture razsvetliti problem širših strukturalnih povezav, kot so interna organizacija političnega sistema, odnosi in zveze med ključnimi državnimi institucijami, interakcije med podjetji in državo ter povezave med državo in civilno družbo. ; When we think about corruption, an image quickly comes to mind of abuse of public office for private gains. Individuals and firms are bribing bureaucrats to »get things done«. Behind this view lies an understanding of the state extracting rents from the economy for the exclusive benefit of politicians and bureaucrats. Such an aprroach has had a powerful impact on the way corruption has been analyzed and measured in recent years. Corruption has taken on a new image – that of individuals, groups, or firms manipulating policy formation and even shaping the emerging rules of the game to their own, very substantional advantage. Corruption has always existed across the world and it will never disappear, the difference is that has become more sophisticated and thus more difficult and costly to detect. With the increasing recognition across the globe of the damaging effects of corruption on economic growth and social stability, the demand for practical strategies to reduce corruption has grown dramatically. The problem is not confined to any particular region, and developed, developing and transition countries alike are confronting these challenges. In postcommunist states the simultaneous processes of developing a market economy, designing new political and social institutions and redistributing social assets have created fertile ground for corruption. With regard to complexity of phenomena and with increasing recognition that the roots of state capture extend far beyond weaknesses in the capacity of government, we need to be aware of factors underlying the persistence of corruption that is broader structural relationships, including the internal organization of the political system, relationships among core state institutions, the interactions between the state and firms, and the relationship between the sate and civil society.

Cepljenje otrok je v Sloveniji po zakonu obvezno in starši nimajo možnosti za svobodno odločitev glede tega. Področje obveznega cepljenja po teoriji Foucaulta spada v biopolitično oblast s primesmi disciplinarne oblasti. Ta vrsta oblasti ima nadzor nad vsemi biološkimi procesi, kot so razploditev, rodnost in smrtnost, nivo zdravja, trajanje življenja, dolgoživost, hkrati pa vrši tudi nadzor nad vsemi pogoji, ki na te procese vplivajo. Gre za celoten sistem intervencij in urejevalnih kontrol, biopolitika populacije. To je oblast vzpodbujanja, usmerjanja, reguliranja in nadzora, preko katere se upravlja telesa in življenja. Šole, vojašnice, zapori, psihiatrične institucije so se razvili kot instrumenti regulacije populacije, prav tako pa med te instrumente spadata javno zdravstvo in obvezno cepljenje, ki omogočata podvrženje teles in nadzor populacije. Obvezno cepljenje je v zahodnem delu Evrope večinoma prostovoljno, medtem ko v Sloveniji in državah južne in vzhodne evrope vlada obvezno cepljenje. V primeru neupoštevanja zakona o obveznem cepljenju so starši v prekršku, zaradi česar je zagrožena denarna globa. ; In Slovenia immunisation of children is mandatory by law and parents do not have the freedom to make the decisions regarding it. In Foucault's theory compulsory immunisaton falls under the biopolitical power with elements of the disciplinary authority. This type of authority has power over all human biological processes, such as procreation, fertility and mortality, level of health, length of life, and longevity, while at the same time posessing the power of control over all the conditions, that influence these processes. This is a complete system of interventions and regulatory controls, the biopolitics of the population. This is the authority of encouragement, guidance, regulation and control, through which bodies and lives are managed. Schools, barracks, prisons, psychiatric institutions have been developed as instruments of population regulation as well as public healthcare and mandatory vaccinations, which enable subjection of bodies and population control. In western European coutries vaccination is mostly voluntary, while in Slovenia and other southern and eastern European countries immunisation is mandatory. Failure to comply with the law is a misdemeanor with the threat of a monetary fine.

Skrajno desne ideje so v evropskem prostoru prisotne že stoletja. Včasih zaradi določenih situacij pridejo na plano, v kratkem pa potem tudi izginejo. Evropska unija, ki se je izgradila na pogorišču skrajnih idej in sistemov, se je ponovno srečala s težko situacijo. V letu 2008 je staro celino zajela svetovna finančna kriza, ki je do temeljev pretresla dotedanjo uspešno evropsko integracijo in pri tem obudila skrajne ideje. Finančni krizi je po nekaj letih sledila migrantska, ki je že tako težko situacijo naredila še težjo. V določenih državah so se začele prebujati skrajne populistične in nacionalistične ideje, ki so krivca za nastalo situacijo iskale znotraj Evropske unije, v njenih institucijah in migrantih, ki so zaradi različnih razlogov prihajali v varno Evropo. Vzpon skrajno desnih strank je imel v posameznih državah različne motive, zakaj je stranka prišla na oblast oz. je imela v državi velik pomen. Vprašanje, ki se pojavlja ob trenutni situaciji v Evropski uniji, je, kako bodo skrajne ideje vplivale na nadaljnjo integracijo oz. dezintegracijo Evropske unije. ; Far-right ideas have been present in the European area for centuries. Certain situations cause them to emerge every now and then, before they disappear again not long after. The European Union, which was built on the ruins of radical ideas and political systems, is once again facing this menacing threat. In 2008, the old continent was hit by the global financial crisis, which shook the so far very successful European integration to its core and began to awake certain extremist notions. After a few years, the financial crisis was followed by the migrant crisis, which had since only exacerbated the situation. Populist and nationalist ideas, which were starting to resurge in some European countries, were looking for a scapegoat for the new state of affairs in the European Union and within the walls of its institutions and migrants, who were arriving into safe Europe for various reasons, made for a perfect target. The rise of far-right political parties had different motives in individual countries, regardless whether a particular party seized power or simply grew in prominence. The question that the European Union is facing at the moment is how these extremist ideas will influence further integration or disintegration of Europe.

Magistrsko delo analizira delovanje male države, ko je ta na čelu Organizacije za varnost in sodelovanje v Evropi (OVSE), v okviru enega od glavnih področij delovanja institucije – upravljanja in preprečevanja konfliktov. Analizira, kako lahko mala država s pametno uporabo svoje mehke moči deluje kot agent preventivne diplomacije in s katerimi ovirami se pri tem srečuje. Magistrsko delo kot študijo primera obravnava krizo v Kirgiziji leta 2005, ki sovpada s predsedovanjem Slovenije OVSE. Delo pokaže, da ima mala država ravno zaradi svojih specifičnih lastnosti primerjalne prednosti pri delovanju v okviru preventivne diplomacije, saj jo druge države pogosto dojemajo kot razmeroma nepristranskega akterja, ki se v reševanje krize ne vpleta aktivno zato, da bi zasledoval (ozko definirane) nacionalne interese, kar je pogost očitek velikim državam. Prav tako se pokaže, da je zaslomba, ki jo mali državi daje institucija (v našem primeru OVSE), lahko ključnega pomena, saj se mali državi pod okriljem institucije s tem krepi legitimnost. Analiza delovanja Slovenije v primeru krize v Kirgiziji še pokaže, da je ena od glavnih nalog male države kot predsedujoče mednarodni instituciji skupnostno delovanje, ki mora upoštevati pravila odločevalskega procesa, obenem pa ravno skupnostno delovanje prinaša mali državi možnost, da se v mednarodnem okolju izkaže kot zanesljiv partner in deluje kot most med različnimi interesi. S tem krepi svoj mednarodni ugled in posledično svojo mehko moč. ; The thesis analyses activities of small states (focusing on Slovenia) during their Chairmanship of Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), in the field of conflict management and conflict prevention as one of the main areas of the OSCE. It analyses how a small country can put its soft power to smart use and act as an agent of preventive diplomacy and what the main obstacles for its activities are. The thesis deals with a case-study of the Kyrgyz revolution in 2005, which coincided with Slovenia's Charimanship of the OSCE. The thesis shows that a small country's specific characteristics bring comparative advantages in preventive diplomacy, because small countries do not engage actively in crisis resolution in pursuit of their (narrowly defined) national interests as it is often associated with big states. It also shows that organizational backing (in our case the OSCE's) is vital for small states, because it provides legitimacy. With the analysis of Slovenia's Chairmanship, the thesis shows that one of the main tasks for a small country, chairing an international institution, is a community action with an emphasis on the decision-making process. A successful community action brings about opportunities for a small country to prove itself in an international environment and to act as a bridge builder between different interests. With this, the small country can strengthen its international reputation and its soft power.