Suchergebnisse

Societal spheres in the light of history A division of society into statecraft, economy, and civil society is found in Plato's Republic. Its theoretical base is the differentiated and sometimes contradictory norms for these spheres. The mainstream of European structuration is traced from the 'two swords' - state and church - that structured western European society in the Middle Ages to the six societal spheres (or cardinal institutions) of society - the economy, government, science, religion, ethics, and art - that are visible today. Each maintain a large measure of independence (Weber's Eigengesetzlichkeit). Each is dependent on a special type of freedom: civic liberties, free trade, academic freedom, religious toleration, the right to follow one's conscience, artistic license. The paper pauses in this differentiation process at special junctures: the English revolution, the emergence of the Latin American and North American societies, the evolution of modem society as an underpinning of democracy, the emergence of the European Union, and the post-Communist Central and Eastern Europe. ; Sociologisk Forsknings digitala arkiv

This document summarises the outcome of a training workshop, "Inter-active and dynamic approaches on forest and land-use planning", that was organised in Vietnam and Lao PDR during April 1999. The workshop was arranged by researchers from SLU, Umea in co­ operation with Sida and it's CCB Programme, the National Board of Forestry and concerned government institutions in Lao PDR-the National Programme for Shifting Cultivation Stabilisation, Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry and in Vietnam-the Forest Inventory and Planning Institute, Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development. The main purposes of this paper are • To review and conclude the outcome of the workshop to all those who have participated or been concerned with it. • To summarise an evaluation of the somewhat unique arrangement, with participants from different sectors, administrative levels, gender and countries. • To present "the APM approach" on land use planning, which was put forward, tested and discussed during the workshop. The input to the working paper originates from participants, resource persons and instructors who took part in the workshop. The editing has been made by Mats Sandewall.

The ways of organizing political problem solving in society are not static. A pluralistic dynamic society requires a continious reconsideration and adaption of its political in­stitutions, i.e. political institutionalization. Institutiona­lization demands prior organizing activities among actors for political aims. Organizing activities can be seen both inter­nally, externally or between existing organisations and in­stitutions . The degree of institutionalization reflects the organizing activities' survival capacity. The higher the degree of in­stitutionalization the more likely it is that the organizing activity will become a formally based organisation or institu­tion, or will change the dominating values of organisations or institutions. The degree of institutionalization is discussed using the concepts of adaptability, complexity, autonomy and flexibility. The thesis represents a problem-oriented implementation approach where individuals' joint ways of organizing problem- solving are the basis for analysis of both policy-realization and political institutionalization. Policy is defined as ideas and the ways of creating institutional arrangements in order to realize them. A "policy-problem", defined as the empirical question answered by examining the process of institutionali­zation, is used to study the policy-processes in the field of occupational safety and health. The ways in which individuals collectively organize in order to create a good working environment are studied using the concept of implementation structures. These are defined as phenomenological administrative units of analysis, i.e. groups of individuals empirically judged to take part in solving the policy problem. ; digitalisering@umu

The study examines the European coverage in four leading Nordic newspapers during two periods in 1993 and in 1996. During the first period, three countries were negotiating for membership in the European Union. During the second period, work on a new European Constitution was ongoing, to be negotiated by the Intergovernmental Conference at the end of the period. Two of the applicant countries, Finland and Sweden, were then members of the union since Jan 1, 1995. Voters in the third country, Norway, opted to stay outside the union. Norway is, however closely linked to the union by the previous EEA agreement. Finally, the fourth country, Denmark, had limited its longstanding membership in four important areas. Results of the main study in 1993 indicate a great difference in the degree of Europeanness of the coverage of European affairs, as indicated by the share of European issues, sources, players, institutions etc. The Danish paper, the Politiken, was on all counts genuinely European in its coverage. This could, to begin with, be understood in terms of a relational context - Denmark was a member of the European Community, the other countries were not. In 1996, as could be expected, the Norwegian paper, the Aftenposten, reduced its coverage of European affairs to about half the previous volume, the Finnish and Swedish papers, the Hufvudstadsbladet and the Dagens Nyheter, increased their volumes to new highs. The Danish paper maintained its previously comparatively high volume of European coverage, and was still distinctly more European in its outlook on transnational politics. This could be understood in terms of a new Maturity proposition - it may take a long time for the national media to come to terms with a new political environment. The study also puts forward the proposition that Danish political culture requires a different coverage of European affairs, and also requires an opportunity to discuss and evaluate European politics. On a theoretical level, the study supports the idea that national experience, historical and relational contexts influence media content. National agendas powerfully determine the orientation of transnational political communication . Three in-depth studies by and large confirm results from the content analysis. A separate exercise inspired by Grounded Theory gives rise to three theoretical concepts that seem to be fundamental dimensions of European political communication: Legitimacy (media coverage contributes to status conferral and encourages deliberation of cooperation as an idea), Participation (media coverage as expressions of intrinsical and instrumental motives for joining and taking responsibility towards European cooperation), and Mondialization/Universalism (media coverage of Europe's efforts in the global arena) ; digitalisering@umu

Ovim se radom željelo istaknuti nekoliko vrlo bitnih momenata i iskustava stečenih u napadnoj operaciji brigade HV. Rezultati postignuti na zbrinjavanju ranjenika pokazali su da se tom problemu pristupilo vrlo ozbiljno i profesionalno, u čemu se ne smije zanemariti nijedan segment, od pripreme za izvođenje operacije do evidentiranja svih ranjenika, ozlijeđenih, mrtvih i nestalih. Poseban značaj ima pravilno i racionalno angažiranje organa postrojbi sanitetske službe iz formacijskog sastava postrojbe i umješno dopunjavanje sa službama i ustanovama s teritorije gdje se operacija izvodi. U sličnim operacijama posebno je izražena uloga načelnika sanitetske službe, koji svojom odlukom o rasporedu i angažiranju sanitetskih organa u postrojbi, presudno utječe na brzinu, kvalitetu i djelotvornost u zbrinjavanju ranjenika, pri čemu se treba obvezatno rukovoditi načelom da se većina najkvalitetnijih sredstava, veči broj organa sanitetskih postrojbi treba naći na glavnom pravcu napada brigade. Ova dragocjena iskustva stečena u borbi za neovisnost i slobodu, plaćena životima mladih Hrvata, trebaju biti primjer za buduće bitke i borbe ne samo naše brigade već i svih drugih brigada i ostalih postrojbi HV. ; In this paper we wanted to point out some essential items and experiences gained in an attack of the brigade of the Croatian Army. The results obtained in the care for wounded showed that this problem was dealt with very seriously and professionally. No one segment should be neglected from the preparations for an operation to the recording of all wounded, dead and missing. Particularly significant is the correct and rational engagement of the ambulance corps of the corresponding military unit and skillful cooperation with services and institutions on the territory where an action takes place. In such operations the role of the chief medical officer is very important. He influences by his decisions the distribution and engagement of the ambulance corps in the unit on speed, quality and efficacy of the care for the injured. In any case it should be adhered to the principle that the best equipment and the greatest number of members of the ambulance corps should be located at the place where the main attack is being carried out. These valuable experiences acquired in the struggle for independence and freedom and paid by lives of young Croats should be a model for future battles and struggles not only of our brigade, but also of all the other brigades and other units of the Croatian Army.

Raspravljajući o porijeklu hrvatske nacije, autor u prvom dijelu odbacuje tvrdnju da se ona razvijala kao tzv. "jezična nacija". Također osporava gledište da je u tome bitnu ulogu imalo jugoslavenstvo. Zatim pokazuje da je hrvatska nacija nastala u procesu međusobnih interakcija socijalnih i povijesnih vrijednosti, koje su napokon odredile njezinu individualnost spram svake druge zajednice na cjelokupnom prostoru Srednje i Jugoistočne Europe. Sve je to autor dokazao u drugom dijelu rasprave, gdje analizira hrvatski nacionalno-politički program, koji je nastao za revolucije 1848/49. godine. U njemu su hrvatski liberali i demokrati jasno odredili individualnost hrvatske nacije i hrvatske države (ujedinjene Trojedne Kraljevine Hrvatske), i to kao jedinstvene, samostalne i autonomne moderne države u sklopu konfederalnog političkoga i društvenog sustava Srednje Europe (austrijske konfederacije). ; In the present paper the author deals with the origin and development of Croatian nation, and creation of the modern Croatian state (Tripartite Kingdom of Croatia) in the first half of the 19th century, especially during the 1848/49 revolution, at several levels: idea about nation, ideology, political and social programmes, political actions, institutions, and political community. If considered from the point of view of new socio-political processes, when transformation of a people into a modern national-political community takes place, we can see that Slavic peoples in the middle and south-eastern Europe formed multinational states, but followed some quite clear courses: formation of individual ethnic and national communities within a plural social system. Being aware of these historical processes, at the time of formation of their own national communities, these Slavic peoples (according to the level of their social and political organizations), especially in 1848, asked for a change of traditional societies and reorganization of the existing empires, not only by the language national principle, but also by the principle of sovereignty, policy of federalism and confederalism and the principles of international law and international agreement. All this should have made possible formation of essentially new political communities: individual national states within equal and democratic multinational communities, but within a new middle-class society. However, considered from the point of view of formation of the identity and individuality of Croatian nation, which is the subject of this paper, it is indisputable that Croatian national political programme and programme of confederalism as well as legal principles compatible with them (like natural and national laws, Croatian historical and constitutional laws, international law and international agreements), which were the values Croatian politicians based their national policy on since 1848, had the essential influence on the explicit quality of Croatian national-political individuality, and thus, looking historically, on the integration of Croatian nation and creation of Croatian political and state community (the united State of Croatia). The subject and vey complex structure of that political programme had an impact onto clear definition of Croatian national-political community (the united Tripartite Kingdom of Croatia) in relation to other political communities in such a multinational state as it was the Habsburg Monarchy. And that state, in their eyes should have been formed (within the new middle-class society, and a democratic and parliamentary system) on confederal basis, by means of international agreements between quite equal ethnic/national states: within the middle European Austrian confederation. In any case, Croatian nation (if we consider its national integrative processes in terms of events, in terms of idea and ideology and/or in terms of ethnic identity) was not formed nor developed as solely the so-called "language nation", as historiography would like it. For, neither is ethnos (not even ethnic community, or people, or nation, or ethnic identity) only a language-cultural category, nor the Croatian politicians and reformers took only language and culture to determine Croatian people and nation. On the contrary, Croatian nation was formed in the process of interactions of social and historical values which defined its individuality in relation to any other community on the whole area of middle and south-eastern Europe. Also, Croatian nation was not formed only as a natural community (determined by natural conditions of work and society and genealogic structure, i. e. determined by undefined Slavic union and/or undefined Slavic ethnic identity), but, in the course of processes of modernization, it was formed first of all as a historical community, based on group institutions of its own historical community. In other words, Croatian nation was formed on its own cultural, political, state and public-law traditions. It is quite clear that in this process neither Slavism, nor Illyrism, nor Yugoslavism had any role more important that the secondary one, not even for the definition of any particular ethnic identity. Illyrism and Yugoslavism had declarative ideological meaning, expressed through the idea of still non-existing community. On the contrary, Croatianism (as a national principle, as a community and as a legal, state and political system) was an expression of existence of Croatian community as reality. Thus, if we want to discuss the integration of Croatian nation and formation of Croatian political community, i. e. the united State of Croatia, we should realize that these processes were influenced by numerous values and structures, especially spiritual-cultural, political, economic, legal and social. However, the importance of political system and all its substructures – political action, political organization of the community, political programme and formation of a modern national state — should also be noted. Formation of Croatian political and state community, which was clearly stated in the Croatian national and political programme of 1848/49, assumed: 1) associating the segments of Croatian people into one political people, within one integral Croatian political community; 2) uniting of all Croatian provinces into one united Croatian state (Tripartite Kingdom of Croatia, Dreieiniges Koenigreich Kroatien). And these were the most important determinants which led to the political homogeneity and formation of Croatian nation and Croatian modern state.

Hamstring sindrom mišića stražnje kože natkoljenice obično nastaje u trkača na kratke staze, skakača u vis i rvača. Od SO vojnika Hrvatske vojske koji su liječeni u Poliklinici za reumatske bolesti, fizikalne medicine i rehabilitacije u Zagrebu koji su imali simptomatologiju bolova u kralježnici, odabrali smo lO vojnika s simptomima različitim od klasične lumbois hijalgije, uzrokovane neobičnim uzrocima. Cilj rada bio je utvrditi točnu dijagnozu u slučajevima netipične lumbois hijalgije. Metode rada su bile: detaljna anarnne1.a ozljede tj. simptomi, funkcionalni testovi za lumbosakralnu kralježnicu i kineziološki testovi 1.a sindrome prenaprezanja. Anamnestič ki su podaci pokazali siijedeće: 6 od lO vojnika su ozlijeđeni na bojištu (dvojica prilikom preskakanja rovova a četvorica prilikom iskakanja iz vojnog transportera) a 4 su se ozljedila prilikom terenske obuke Qedan prilikom skakanja u vis, dvojica prilikom skoka u dalj, a jedan prilikom trčanja). Na početku liječenja oba Wellov i Wallaeov test bili su pozitivni u lO bolesnika, a "test otirača" je bio pozitivan u 8 bolesnika. Na kraju liječenja u 80% slučajeva testovi su bili negativni a u 20% djelomično pozitivni. Zaključujemo da u slučajevima atipične lurnhoishijalgije uzrokovane ozljedama pozornost se valja obratiti na druge entitete kao što je hamstring sindrom. Navedenu dijagnozu potvrdili smo uporabom odmdenih kinezioloških testova, vježbama istezanja kao i testovima jačanja hamstring mišića . ; The llamstings Syndrome (a syndrome of overstanding the muscles on the back side of the thigh) usually appears in sprinters, high jumpers and hurdlers. Out of fifty Croatian soldiers, treated in the Polyclinic Institution for l{heumalic Diseases, Physical Medicine ami Rehabilitation in Zagreb who showed the sympornatology of the spi ne pain syndrome, we selected ten soldiers who showed syrnpt.oms diffe rent from classic lurnboishialgia caused by extraordinary exertion. Our objective was lo set the exact diagnosis in cases of atypicallumboishialgia. The methods were: a detailed anam11esis of the injury i.e. the symptoms, functional tests of the lumbosacral spi ne and kinesiologicaltests for the overstraining syndrome. The anamnestic examination showed the following facts: six out of ten soldiers were i nj ured on the baulefied (two while leaping over trenches and fo ur while jumping out of a military transporter), and four were i nj ured on the driling-grounds one of them was inj ured while high-j umping, two while long jumping, and one while running. At the beginning of the treatment, both the Well test and the Wallace test were positive in ten subjects, and the "doormat test" was positive in eight subjects. Upon the end of the treatment in 80 o/o of the cases tests were negative, and in 20% only partially positive. We can conclude that in cases of aty pical lumboishialgia caused by injuries we should pay attention to the other entities as well, such as the l lamstrings Syndrome. The above diagnosis was confinned by the use of <:ertain kinesiological tests, stretehing exercises as well as the exercises for s trengthening the hamstrings muscles.

This study in contemporary history describes the transformation of the public sphere in Sweden during the period 1969-1999, and analyses the role of information technology and politics in the process. The overall aim of the study is to explain how, and why, the public sphere in Jürgen Habermas sense has deteriorated during a period of rapid technological and political change, when increasing attention has been given to information technology as a new tool for improving democracy and empowering citizens. Theoretical inspiration is drawn from two perspectives within the modern history of technology and sociology of technology; the LTS (Large Technical Systems) and STS (Science, Technology and Society) approaches, as well as from the regime theory concept within political science. This multidisciplinary framework provides the theoretical basis for the study, including terms as socio-technical systems, system builder, technification, interpretative flexibility, stabilization, closing and regime change. In addition, the analysis draws upon previous research in economic history, where focus often has been on the important role of institutions. The term path dependence is central in this tradition. The starting point for the study is the process of a mutual legitimization between citizens and political actors that traditionally has taken place within the public sphere. In return for citizens support and trust, political actors have granted format rights to the public space. Two aspects of this interdependence are addressed: Freedom of speech and citizen's access to public information, and their access to arenas where an exchange of political ideas and opinions is taking place. In the study, the former is a question of the legal system and the limits to freedom of speech in new medias such as the Internet, while the latter concerns citizen's technical means and possibilities to connect to electronic networks. Research interest is concentrated on the formal political system, focusing both actors and structural factors such as technological development, media convergence, ideological change and international integration in the transformation process. Four case studies of institutional changes during formative moments, within what is defined as the legal and the technical infrastructures, are conducted and represent the empirical base of the thesis. The case studies are centered on Swedish governmental commissions, on the government itself and on proceedings in the parliament, and concerns formation and transformation of computer law, as well as the deregulation and privatization of the technical infrastructure. In the latter process Televerket (Swedish Telecom) has been an influential promoter of competition and institutional separation between tele- and data communications, representing a major regime change in favour of market relations in the technical infrastructure. In the area of computer law, the Swedish regime dominated by SCB (Statistics Sweden) was incorporated into a joint European data protection regime, resulting in limitations of freedom of speech on the Internet. These regime changes have also transformed the role of the state, constituting a "net watchers state". Another important finding is that promotion of democracy and improvement of access to the public sphere, never was on the agenda in the political transformation processes studied, although a parallel discourse on democracy and information technology existed throughout the period studied.

This study starts out with the hypothesis that the integration process in Europe is connected to cross-border régionalisation, a process which supports the institutionalization of subnational cross-border cooperation - region-building. Cross-border régionalisation is characterized by the decentralisation of vertical links and enhanced opportunities for horizontal links across state borders. In addition, political integration is expected to have some impact on the cross-border institutional forms that emerge at the subnational level. Three different approaches are utilized in order to establish the empirical connection between political integration and region-building. These are: an analysis of the factors which determine the general pattern of cross-border cooperation in Europe, an analysis of the policy network related to the regional and structural policies of the European Union (EU), and case studies of cooperation in the heartland of Europe, the Regio Basiliensis along the external border of the EU, and the EUREGIO along one of the internal borders. Two institutional factors are found to have a significant impact on the number of subnational cross-border cooperations, EU-membership and centrality. Federal constitution was shown not to be significant. It is suggested that the interaction between actors at different politico- administrative levels creates network relations, which typically bring both private and public actors together. More precisely, region-building is described as the outcome of the interaction which takes place between actors. A closer examination of the emerging policy network shows that community initiatives, the Interreg-programme in particular, improve the prospects for multi­level interaction. The EU plays a crucial role in providing the incentives for cooperation by increasing resource dependency and by establishing direct ties between the European Commission and a large number of subnational actors through partnerships. It appears as if the Commission wishes to demonstrate its capacity to deal with problems relevant to individual citizens. By, in part, bypassing central governments, it seems to increase its own importance vis- à-vis member states. The modus vivendi of cross-border region-building and régionalisation is the degree to which institutional actors at different levels share the same objectives. As shown by the case studies, there is a common interest in cross-border cooperation up to the point were public statues are introduced. Interests seem to coincide as long as the structures and contents of cross-border cooperation do not ultimately challenge the authority of state institutions. Therefore, it is not surprising that it seems impossible to give cross-border regions any rights under international law. Functional cooperation, rather than regionalist manifestations of cultural or political unity across borders, constitutes the backbone of region-building. Activities transcending borders are less controversial than those that may contribute to the establishment of new borders. It is concluded that region-building is a process which is embedded in the institutionalization of a multi-level interaction pattern. More favourable multilevel relations have been achieved through the transfer of some authority to the supranational level. This is the main reason why traditional integration theory fails to explain why there is a connection between political integration and cross-border cooperation. ; digitalisering@umu

S ciljem procjene adaptacijskih sposobnosti hrvatskih izbjeglica iz Baranje u Republici Mađarskoj, autori ovog rada psihijatrijskim su intervjuom po specifično pripremljenom upitniku za ovo istraživanje procjenjivali duševno stanje 100 izbjeglica u dobi od 10 do 82 godine. Prosječna starost izbjeglica bila je 38 godina. Procjenjivanje psihičkog stanja izbjeglica učinjeno je 6 tjedana nakon njihova dolaska u logor (socijalnu ustanovu) u jednom malom mjestu (Maria Gyud) u Mađarskoj. Autori nalaze da su izbjeglice napustile svoj dom i svoju Domovinu pred zatrašujućim neprijateljima, domaćim Srbima, koje identificiraju kao teroriste i pred srpskom vlasti potpomognutom Jugoslavenskom narodnom armijom. Napuštanje svojih domova i Domovine bilo je iznenadno, ali ipak svojom voljom. Odlazak je bio praćen strahom, tjeskobom, nevjericom, očajem, ljutnjom i rijetkim paničnim ponašanjem. Na prvom je mjestu bio strah za djecu, pa strah od mučenja i sakaćenja od strane terorista, dok su strahovi blažeg intenziteta bili za vlastiti život, rodbinu i imovinu. Dominantno osjećanje za vrijeme razgovora s izbjeglicama bilo je čežnja za domom i Domovinom i briga za budućnost. Ovo osjećanje je domininantno u 61% ispitanika. Emocionalne i psihosomatske smetnje je imalo 42% ispitanika, a grupiraju se oko Bardovog »neurasteničnog sindroma«. Samo 5% izbjeglica je zatražilo konkretnu psihijatrijsku pomoć, i to onih koji su i prije izbjeglištva imali psihičkih problema. Autori zaključuju da i nakon 6 tjedana boravka hrvatske izbjeglice iz Baranje u Republiku Mađarsku imaju adaptacijskih problema, a koji se manifestiraju emocionalnim i psihosomatskim reakcijama, pa preporučuju sistematsku domovinsku stručnu i laičku psihološku pomoć i podršku. ; Psychological state of a group of 100 refugees aged 10-82 yrs (mean, 38 yrs) was assessed by a psychiatric interview vising a questionnaire designed especially for this study. The aim of the study was to evaluate the adaptative capacities of Croatian refugees from Baranya temporarily accommodated in the Republic of Hungary. The interview was conducted 6 weeks after their arrival in the camp (a social care institution) in Maria Gyud, a small town in Hungary. The refugees were found to have fled their homes and Homeland in fear from cruel enemies, i.e. local Serbs whom they identified as terorists, and the Serbian governmental authorities backed up by the Yugoslav Federal Army. The refugees had to leave their homes and Homeland suddenly, but still of their own free will. The departure from home was accompanied by fear, anxiety, disbelief, despair, anger, and panic. First of all, they feared for their children, which was followed by fear from torture and mutilation by terrorists, whereas fears for their own life, relatives and properties were less pronounced. During the interview, homesickness and concern about the future pre dominated in 61% of subjects. Emotional and psychic disturbances, clustered around Beard's »neurasthenic syndrome«, were recorded in 42% of subjects. Actual psychiatric aid was sought by 5% of the refugees, mostly by those who had had some psyhic problems before this forcible displacement. The Croatian refugees from Baranya were found to experience adaptive problems manifesting as emotional and psychosomatic reactions, even after 6 weeks of their stay in Hungary. Provision of a systematic profesional and lay psychologic assistance and support from their Homeland is advised.

This thesis consists of three empirical case studies, originally published as MERGE- papers ('Papers on transcultural studies' published at MERGE, Centre for Studies on Migration, Ethnic Relations and Globalisation at the Department of Sociology, University of Umeå), brought together and framed by a lengthier introduction. The empirical studies examine Swedish refugee reception activities, including the experiences of refugees themselves, with a focus on organisational and inter-organisational matters, and, in this context, the suitability as well as problems, mechanisms and issues, of implementation. According to Swedish policy aims since the mid-70s, immigrants are guaranteed equality, freedom of choice and partnership in relation to social, political and cultural rights. Based upon this background, an ambitious institutionalisation of refugee reception and integration policy was initiated in 1985, implicating the setting up of a new reception system involving almost every Swedish municipality. However, this political reform came to meet with fundamental problems, such as the absence of clear political goals and a remarkably low priority in the work of local political bodies. As a consequence, the ability and the ambitions of civil servants to apply an integrated approach to the reception process, and to foster growing co-operation among relevant local institutions to improve services and opportunities for integration, have not materialised as intended. These deficiencies of local integration policies appear to be connected with implementation problems, issues and obstacles, such as a lack of developed inter-organisational co-ordination mechanisms, lack of a clear division of labour and responsibility among concerned parties, economic obstruction etc. In addition to this, the resources that local refugee receptions have had at their disposal have been a high degree varying and unstable, with the consequence that the reception's organisation, e.g. as immigrant bureaus, has been subjected to constant remoulding. Continuous initiatives for restructuring the reception procedures seem seldom have been well suited, and in addition to this, there has been a lack of opportunities for influence by the refugees themselves concerning conditions of reception and inroads into integration. The conclusion is, somewhat paradoxical, that many of the refugee reception's political-administrative problems are fabricated by and within the refugee reception system and immigrant policy itself. In the thesis, a general background for necessary improvements of the service for refugees is outlined, making possible a lot of reformistic suggestions. While the thesis lays bare the problems with refugee reception, its policy and implementation, it also acknowledges important positive achievements of Swedish refugee reception and its political-administrative ambitions and framework. The reason that the effects of these positive efforts and achievements haven't materialised in successful integration to a higher degree, is also due to 'external' factors, like exclusion from the labour market, social exclusion through segregation, marginalisation and discrimination, processes of racialisation etc. These kinds of ramifying 'external' factors can only to a limited extent be influenced by local actors alone. The conclusion is that a successful integration cannot be achieved solely through measures within the practical institutional setting of the local refugee reception system itself, but must be underpinned and enforced by a more generalised inclusionary or anti-exclusionary politics, a generally more decided political will and over-all more purposeful measures securing a higher degree of suited implementation. ; digitalisering@umu

U razdoblju od 1944 do 1947. KPJ je imala rukovodeću ulogu u novom državnom aparatu, ali je postojalo i višestranačje. Dilema da li ovakav stranački pluralizam ili jednostranački sistem brzo i relativno lako je riješena u korist KPJ. U tom razdoblju stranački sistem u Jugoslaviji se najviše približio boljševičkom. Sukob sa Staljinom prisilio je rukovodstvo da potraži novi identitet jugoslavenskog društva, različit od birokratskog sovjetskog sistema, ali uz zadržavanje diskontinuiteta sa zapadnim tipom građanskih demokratskih društava. Tražio se tzv. treći put društvenog razvoja na terenu samoupravnog socijalizma. KPJ je donjela odluku o vlastitoj preobrazbi u SKJ, ali se nije bitno izmijenila niti vlastitom ulogom niti organizacijskom strukturom. Polovicom 1950. lansirana je teza o odumiranju države, ali nerazvijenoj društvenoj praksi i dogmatskom teorijskom nasljeđu korespondirale su i nerazvijene teorijske rapsrave o bitnim problemima odumiranja države. Nakon kratkotrajnih inicijalnih rezultata smanjivanja uloge i funkcije države, nastupaju duga razdoblja jačanja države. Država je ostala sila iznad institucionalnih oblika samoupravljanja. Ustavom 1974. oktroiran je tzv. integralni sistem socijalističkog samoupravljanja. U takvom sistemu, ali i zbog njega, razgara se duboka i dugotrajna društvena kriza. Usprkos čestim promjenama politički sistem reproducirao je stare birokratske insitutcije koje su onemogućavale provođenje dubljih društvenih promjena. Dominacija politike nad ekonomijom nije dozvoljavala da se faktički radi na deetatizaciji i debirokratizaciji političkog sistema. Prelaz na razvijeni model parlamentarne demokracije bio je neophodan, ali je vrlo dramatičan. ; In the period from 1944 to 1947 the KPJ (Communist Party of Yugoslavia) played the leading role in the new government, but the multi-party system also existed The dilemma of choosing between such party pluralism and the one-party system was quickly and relatively easily resolved in favour of the KPJ. In this period the party system in Yugoslavia had come closest to the Bolshevist system. The conflict with Stalin compelled the leadership to search for a new identity of the Yugoslav society, different from the bureaucratic Soviet system, but retaining the discontinuity with the Western type civil democratic societies. What was sought after was the so-called third road of social development on the pounds of self-managing socialism. The KPJ decided to transform itself into the SKJ (League of Communists of Yugoslavia), but in essence it neither changed its role nor organizational structure. In the mid-fifties the withering away of the state concept was launched, but the undeveloped social practice and dogmatic theoretical legacy was also accompanied by undeveloped theoretical debates about the crucial problems concerning the dying away of the state. After short-lived initial results in reducing the role and function of the state, came long periods in which the state strengthened its power. The state remained a force above the institutional forms of self-management. With the 1974 Constitution the so-called integral system of socialist self-management was octroyed In such a system, but also due to it, a deep and long lasting social crisis had flamed up. In spite of frequent changes, the political system reproduced old bureaucratic institutions which prevented deeper social changes from taking place. The domination of politics over economy did not permit work to be done on the deetatization and debureaucratization of the political system The transition to the developed model of parliamentary democracy was indispensable but it has been very dramatic.

In this dissertation, the Swedish transport aid constitutes a case study with the aim of empirically testing the presence of institutional path dependency. In New Institutional Economics the concept institutional path dependency is used for analyzing why institutions that do not promote growth are developed even when better solutions are available. In this study, institutional path dependency is defined in the following way: institutional path dependency is when new institutional conditions develop in a way that maintains an economic and social practice within the sector of the economy that the institutional condition regulates. The transport aid was introduced in 1971 and is a part of Swedish regional policy. The transport aid is allocated to certain goods-producing companies in northern Sweden in order to subsidize their cost of transportation. The aim was that these companies would strengthen their ability to compete in markets in southern Sweden and abroad. In order to perform a test of the existence of path dependency, three criteria for path dependence were defined. The first of these criteria is that new institutional conditions arise with a maintained practice within the regulated sector. The second criterion for path dependency is that the institutional condition subsists when there are other alternatives which are better and well-known from the point of view of public economy. A third criterion for path dependency is that an institutional condition is given a new legitimacy when interest groups state new motives for it. The study has shown that a practice from the previous traffic policy has lived on in the institutional condition of the transport aid, through a continued subsidization of the cost of transportation similar to a historical tradition in early railway policy (for example in the Norrland tariff). A relatively large part of the transport aid has in practice been subsidizing transports of relatively unprocessed goods, which was a reason for the criticism that the transport aid received in previous studies. A practice from earlier traffic policy, which entailed leveled costs of transportation, has been difficult to combine in practice with goals from regional policy that have emphasized growth and industrial development. This indicates a path dependent development of the transport aid, since it's practice seems to be related to another "path" than main stream regional policy. Since the transport aid was continuously criticized in parliamentary reports and debates for conserving the economic structure in the support area and for distorting the competition on the transport market, there was probably a certain pressure to change the transport aid or replace it with other measures that were more neutral with regard to competition. This pressure of change was brought to a head in the parliamentary resolution from 1990, when the Government suggested radical changes in the design and organization of the transport aid. The Government bill was however rejected by Parliament, and the transport aid continued in the same form as before. Therefore, the transport aid has not followed changes in regional policy at large, neither with regard to organization nor formal goals, in spite of the fact that both the Government and the officials in the Transport Council (the administrative organization) have urged on an adjustment of the transport aid to fit the general direction of the regional policy at large. If the general direction of the regional policy in the 80s and 90s reflects a more growth oriented economic policy, then the transport aid has resisted institutional change, in spite of the fact that better and more well-known alternatives have existed with regard to promoting growth. The second criterion for institutional path dependency may therefore be considered fulfilled. Interest groups have on several occasions expanded the base for legitimacy of the transport aid by presenting new arguments to support it. One example of expanded legitimacy is that the transport aid was directed towards small and medium-sized companies in the 1980s. Such arguments were not presented when the transport aid was introduced in 1970, but was later emphasized by members of the Center Party and the Social Democratic Party. An interesting aspect of this institutional change is that the new motives also were characterized by ideological preferences for equality, since the transport aid with the help of this change would be able to support small firms in their competition with large firms in the same sector. This supports the assertion that the legitimacy of the transport aid has been derived from informal ideological preferences for equality rather than ideological preferences for growth, though the formal goals for the transport aid have been growth related. The conclusion is consequently that interest groups over time have managed to establish a stronger ideological legitimacy for the transport aid. All three criteria for institutional path dependency can therefore be considered fulfilled in the case of the transport aid. ; digitalisering@umu