More than one decade Serbia has been passing through the process of market reforms. Establishing of market economy institution had to allow the country one stabile economic development in the light of EU accession. That is, by the way, the same strategy of the most countries of Western Balkan. Actual economic crisis showed the other side of the result of previous changes, and of the realized growth and development. That were the consequences on macro economic and financial instability and structure of the economy. Many circumstances showed that in the Serbian real and normative economic system there were numerous controversies stopping or slowing EU accession and basic re forms process. European economic system is based on institutions. In spite of many bureaucratic obstacles of this system institutions are the main guarantee of the system surviving. The institutions in Serbia were not established in desirable way. The government, the parliament and courts are continually in conflicts, based on formalization of institutions. Regulatory bodies are very week and under pressure of parties power control, as well as corruption and institution formalizing. All those facts have negative influence on the process of EU accession and market reforms. Serbia need to accept lawful state and institution strengthening in order to catch a connection for advanced economies in reform. Most important conditions are not only better laws, but better education. .
In recent years, the violation of the principles that guarantee the respect of democratic norms and institutions has placed Serbia into the category of deficient democracies, and more recently in hybrid regimes. Since the beginning of the transition, the implementation of political and economic reforms in Serbia has been characterized by frequent shifts of periods with modest progress in the field of political and economic transformation with periods of stagnation and even backsliding in regards to the important reform segments. The indicators of political and economic reforms point to the strengthening of extractive institutions. Extractive institutions protect the economic and political interests of privileged groups to the detriment of the rest of society. This leaves fewer resources available to stimulate economic growth and job creation, with negative countereffects on the regime legitimacy and trust, which are crucial for the implementation of economic reforms. Serbia's failure to provide stronger economic growth is largely caused by extractive institutions that determine the business environment. The development of extractive institutions is indicated by the absence of a more even distribution of political power, weaknesses in the mechanisms of checks and balances, deficiencies in the sphere of the rule of law, widespread corruption, problems in the sphere of protection of property rights. The transitional developments in Serbia can be regarded as a historical heritage that adapts to the current social environment and has a great impact on institutional performance and democratic consolidation. Prolonged exposure to extractive institutions creates a cumulative effect of institutional learning, where individuals become vulnerable to political abuse, dependent on the state and unwilling to use political mechanisms of government accountability, contributing to a vicious circle of extractive political and economic institutions. Identifying the mechanisms of such accumulation, which include prolonged exposure to extractive institutions, as well as the transmission of cultural patterns from older generations who have long experience with extractive institutions, is a complex research task.
This article presents a brief and critical review of current research of political representation of women. Is the number of women in political institutions represents the indicator of development of democratic society and what influences the increase of number of women active participants in the political institutions? Different approaches to the definition and types of political representation are examined, with special emphasis on the relationship between descriptive and substantive representation. The effects of various political factors that determine the presence of women in institutions are considered - the electoral system, the internal organization of parties, selection and recruitment, intra-party rules and lobbying, party magnitude, open/closed electoral lists, voting behavior and the quota system. The results of a large number of studies in this field are compared, with particular reference to the current representation theory - the critical mass, supply and demand, political presence, strategic partnership and critical actors.
This article presents a brief and critical review of current research of political representation of women. Is the number of women in political institutions represents the indicator of development of democratic society and what influences the increase of number of women active participants in the political institutions? Different approaches to the definition and types of political representation are examined, with special emphasis on the relationship between descriptive and substantive representation. The effects of various political factors that determine the presence of women in institutions are considered - the electoral system, the internal organization of parties, selection and recruitment, intra-party rules and lobbying, party magnitude, open/closed electoral lists, voting behavior and the quota system. The results of a large number of studies in this field are compared, with particular reference to the current representation theory - the critical mass, supply and demand, political presence, strategic partnership and critical actors.
Европска унија представља по много чему специфичну међународну организацију. Њено основно и препознатљиво обележје је наднационалност у креирању и спровођењу јавних политика. Настала удруживањем ресурса угља и челика брзо је прерасла у зону слободне трговине и сарадњу држава чланица у питањима као што је атомска енергије. Европска интеграција од свог почетка до данас зна искључиво за проширење чланства и повећање броја области сарадње на добровољној основи. Да ли ће међународне околности у којима се ЕУ налази данас и односи са другим међународним организацијама одбрамбеног карактера допринети већој интеграцији држава чланица ЕУ у домену одбране основна је тема овог рада. Трагање за различитим сценаријима развоја заједничке безбедносне политике ЕУ зависи пре свега од међународне институционалне и безбедносне архитектуре у Европи и свету, историјско политичких трендова у развоју европске интеграције, правног оквира ЕУ и међународног стратегијског окружења. Савремене међународне организације, посебно оне са преовлађујућим обележјима наднационалности (у конкретном случају ЕУ) имају тенденцију да у области одбране и безбедности комбинују наднационална обележја са међувладиним у покушају да што ефективније искористе структуру организације за остваривање њених циљева и интереса, али без већег преноса надлежности са држава чланица на саму организацију. ; The European Union represents in many ways a specific international organization. Its basic and recognizable feature is that of supranational policy and decision making. It was created by pooling the resources of coal and steel which had quickly developed into a free trade zone and ever closer Union in many policy areas. European integration from its inception to the present days was all about expanding membership and increasing the number of areas of cooperation. Namely widening and deepening of the EU was on the agenda. Will the current international circumstances and relations with other international defense organizations contribute to deepening integration in the field of defense is to be researched in this work. Search for different scenarios in the development of EU Common Security and Defense policy depends primarily on the international institutional and security architecture in Europe and the world, the historical political trends in the development of European integration, the EU legal framework and international strategic environment. Contemporary international organizations, especially those with the prevailing supranational characteristics (in this case the EU) tend to combine intergovernmental and supranational approach in the area of defense and security in an effort to more effectively utilize the structure of the organization for the realization of its goals and interests, but without significant transfer of powers from Member States on the organization itself. The main goals and interests of the EU integration in the field of defense and security are to (1) ensure durable and everlasting peace among member states, (2) to address common security challenges, risks and threats autonomously or in cooperation with other States and/or international organizations, (3) pool and share resources leading to more effective achievement of military economic interests, mainly through the development and transfer of military technology and equipment. In addition to the mentioned goals and interests, (4) particular interests of the Member States would be to improve their own political, economic and military performance. EU Integration in the field of defense, may rest in the future on (1) the current state of integration (status quo), (2) progress in areas that are not conflicting with the individual interests of key actors in the European arena (3) the deepening of integration leading to progressive framing of common defense policy with an ultimate goal to establish common defense. (4) The fourth model is possible and has been seen in the other EU policy areas.
The subject of this dissertation is the mutual relationship between institutions and economic growth and development. The analysis focuses especially on this relationship during the privatization process in Serbia, as well as the influence of institutional quality on the process of privatization. Accordingly, the theoretical framework of this thesis represents institutional economics, which as a theoretical concept, points out the role and importance of institutions for economic growth and development of each country. The institutions create the "rules of the game", that represent the normative framework of given economy, as well as the mechanisms that affect its efficiency. According to this theoretical concept, economic analysis can not be reduced to an examination of the market and market relations, but must also include the institutions that regulate the market and allow its efficient functioning. The dissertation first discusses the theoretical bases of institutional economics and provide the basic elements of its genesis (old institutionalism and new institutional economics). On this basis, the basic concepts of institutional economics are defined and their methodological meaning for the purposes of the analysis are determined in this dissertation. That is why it is specifically discussed the role of rules and contracts and property rights and transaction costs, particularly in terms of economic efficiency. Using the above basic concepts of institutional economics is analyzed and the fundamental question of this dissertation - the influence of institutional quality on the privatization process and its effects in Serbia, and consequently its economic growth and development. Different outcome of institutional reforms and attitude towards them is in transition countries resulted in different levels of their economic development and to a large extent determined by the character of the economic system and the quality of its institutions. Uneven development in these countries is due to the different institutional capacities, conditioned by the political and economic determinants. Developed countries in transition had the better of the institution, which has allowed them to implement the overall reform faster and more efficiently. On the other hand, the less developed countries find themselves in front of urgent institutional reforms that did not have adequate economic base, resulting in the potential for economic growth was much slower. There were no adequate and quality institutions. Determine what kind of economic and institutional environment did the process of privatization in Serbia is an important element of this dissertation. ; Predmet istraživanja ovog rada je međusobni odnos institucija i privrednog rasta i razvoja. Analiza se posebno fokusira na ovaj odnos tokom procesa privatizacije u Srbiji, kao i na uticaj kvaliteta institucija na sam proces privatizacije. U skladu sa tim, teorijski okvir ove disertacije predstavlja institucionalna ekonomija, koja kao teorijski koncept, u prvi plan ističe ulogu i značaj institucija za privredni rast i razvoj svake zemlje. Institucije kreiraju "pravila igre", odnosno predstavljaju normativni okvir date ekonomije, kao i mehanizme koji utiču na njenu efikasnost. Prema ovom teorijskom konceptu, ekonomska analiza se ne može svesti samo na ispitivanje tržišta i tržišnih odnosa, već mora obuhvatiti i institucije koje uređuju tržište i omogućavaju njegovo efikasno funkcionisanje. U radu se najprije razmatraju teorijske osnove institucionalne ekonomije i daju osnovni elementi njene geneze (stari institucionalizam i nova institucionalna ekonomija). Na toj osnovi se definišu osnovni pojmovi institucionalne ekonomije i određuje njihov metodološki smisao za potrebe analize koja se vrši u ovom radu. Tako se posebno razmatra uloga pravila i ugovora, te svojinska prava i transakcioni troškovi, prvenstveno sa aspekta ekonomske efikasnosti. Primjenom navedenih osnovnih pojmova institucionalne ekonomije analizira se i osnovno pitanje ovog rada – uticaj kvaliteta institucija na proces privatizacije i njegove efekte u Srbiji, a posledično i na njen privredni rast i razvoj. Različit ishod institucionalnih reformi i odnos prema njima je u zemljama u tranziciji rezultirao različitim nivoom njihovog ekonomskog razvoja i u značajnoj mjeri je odredio karakter ekonomskog sistema i kvalitet njegovih institucija. Nejednak razvoj u tim zemljama je posledica različitih institucionalnih kapaciteta, uslovljenih političkim i ekonomskim determinantama. Razvijenije zemlje u tranziciji su imale i kvalitetnije institucije, što im je omogućilo da sveukupne reforme sprovedu brže i efikasnije. Sa druge strane, manje razvijenije zemlje su se našle pred neodložnim institucionalnim reformama za koje nisu imale odgovarajuću ekonomsku podlogu, usled čega je njihov ekonomski razvoj bio znatno sporiji. Nisu postojale adekvatne i kvalitetne institucije. Utvrditi u kakvom ekonomskom i institucionalnom okruženju je tekao proces privatizacije u Srbiji predstavlja važan element ovog rada.
학위논문 (석사)-- 서울대학교 대학원 : 정치학과, 2012. 2. 권형기. ; 본 연구는 발전국가 이후 한국 자본주의 제도 변화 과정에서 나타난 국가 성격 전환에 관한 연구이다. 구체적인 사례로 하도급 제도를 대상으로 세계화 과정에서 국가 성격의 변화를 경험적으로 밝히고 이의 이론적 성격을 규명하고자 한다. 발전국가의 변천에 관한 기존의 연구는 주로 시장국가 혹은 최소주의적 규제국가라는 단일한 국가 모델로 수렴할 것인가라는 테제를 중심으로 접근해 왔다. 세계화론자들은 자본의 이동이 자유로워지고 자본을 유치하기 위한 경쟁이 치열해지면서 발전국가가 변화하는 세계경제에 부적합하기 때문에 단일한 규제국가 모델로 수렴할 것이라 예측한다. 반면, 신제도주의자들은 각 국가마다 착종된 제도와 문화가 다르기 때문에 "발전국가 이후" 규제국가로의 전환은 발전국가의 개입주의적 성격이 유지되는 경로의존적 제도 변화를 겪게 된다고 주장한다. 발전 경로가 다양할 수 있다는 점에서 제도주의의 입장에 동의하지만 한국의 국가성격 전환에 대한 기존 연구는 발전국가의 유산에만 천착하여 새롭게 재편되는 국가의 역할에 주목하지 못하고 있다. 본 연구에서는 개입주의의 유산을 통해 발전국가의 연속성을 찾는 기존 연구의 문제제기를 벗어나, 시장자유화라는 세계화의 일반적 추세에 따라 한국의 국가 성격 역시 규제국가로의 수렴 과정에 있다는 명제 하에서 한국의 규제국가가 갖는 다양성의 동학을 살피고자 했다. 한국의 발전 모델이 규제국가로 전환된 것은 사실이나 신자유주의적 국가가 상정하는 최소주의적 국가로 변화한 것은 아니다. 오히려 시장질서의 유지를 위한 협치적 개입주의라는 독특한 규제국가 모델을 형성하고 있다. 본 연구는 기존의 국가전환론이 지나치게 정태적인 분석 방법을 사용하여 비교균형론에 머무르는 한계를 지적하고 협치적 규제국가로의 전환을 이해하기 위해 행위자 중심의 이념, 사고, 담론의 정치적 과정을 분석하였다. 한국의 산업화 시기 형성된 발전연합은 공정거래법과 하도급법과 같은 경쟁법의 제도화를 억제했다. 80년대 신자유주의 관료의 등장과 정치엘리트의 정책 기조 전환이 맞물리면서 현재의 하도급 제도의 기원이 형성될 수 있었다. 이후 하도급법의 확대 및 강화를 통해 신자유주의적 규제국가가 아닌 질서 자유주의를 기반으로 하는 규제국가 모델로 재편되는 모습을 보여주었다. 이렇듯 한국의 규제국가가 '최소주의적'인 국가는 아니었지만 불충분한 제도화로 인해 자본의 양극화 문제를 충분히 해소하는 데에는 부족했다. 규제국가의 한계를 인식한 정부는 규제보다 사회적 규범을 통한 문제 해결을 선호했기 때문에 하도급법 강화에 저항적이었다. 이로 인해 중소기업의 불만을 조직하여 대변하는 정치세력의 연동제 도입 노력은 실패로 돌아가고 대신 점진적 개혁이 이뤄졌다. 자본의 패권에 대한 인식과 규제 국가의 능력에 대한 의심에도 불구하고 정부는 탈규제와 시장 방임으로 나아가지는 않았다. 오히려 사회적 규범을 형성하기 위한 사회적 조정을 시도하는 적극적 협치주의를 추구했다. 동반성장위원회는 공정거래위원회와 달리 사회적 합의 기구라는 제도적 조건과 적극적인 정치적 의지로 인해 이익공유제, 업종 적합성 등 중소기업의 불만을 반영한 다양한 대안들을 제시하여 대기업 측을 압박할 수 있었다. 전경련은 집단행동을 통해 이익공유제에 대한 항의를 전달했지만 법제화에 대한 두려움으로 동반위에서의 이탈보다는 강력하게 반대해 온 납품단가 연동제를 수용했다. 결론적으로 한국의 국가 성격은 발전주의 시기 이후 규제국가로의 수렴을 겪었다고 볼 수 있지만 이는 신자유주의 이념에 의한 것이 아니라 질서자유주의에 입각한 규제국가로의 전환이었다. 그러나 규제국가의 딜레마로 인해 강성규제국가보다는 협치적 규제국가라는 타협적 제도화가 이뤄지고 있다. 연성 규범 형성을 위한 협치적 개입주의는 사회적 조정을 통한 제도 변화의 급진성을 가져올 수 있는 새로운 가능성을 보여주지만 강제력의 부재라는 한계 역시 내포하고 있다. ; This study examines how the form of the Korean developmental state has changed in the process of economic liberalization. More specifically, the study analyzes the transformation of the Korean state empirically and theoretically investigating the changes in the subcontracting institutions under the globalization. The main question of the previous research on the tranformation of the developmental state is whether the state develops into one national model, 'minimalist state'. Capital mobility and the competition for capital make the interventionist states insufficiently competitive. Neoliberals predict the convergence of the national diversity under globalization. Institutionalists, on the other hand, insist that although the interventionist state has developed into a regulatory state, the direction of transformation is determined by path dependence. However, the literature on the transformation of the Korean state has paid little attention to the newly constructed role of the state. Unlike the previous literature, this research examines the dynamic process of the transformation of the Korean regulatory state. It is true that although the Korean state has changed from developmental model to regulatory state, it is distinct from minimalist model based on neo-liberal ideology. Rather, a new regulatory model has been formed. State intervention occurs not as a form of transformed developmental intervention, but as a form of governance. In order to understand this transformation, this study analyzes the political process based on the discursive institutionalism. The growth coalition blocked the introduction of the competition law in the era of industrialization. The newly empowered neoliberal bureaucrats and the turn of the policy stance under the new junta regime made it possible to enact the competition law. Since 1980s, the subcontracting law has been gradually reinforced. After enacting the law, the Korean state has developed into the regulatory state based on the ordo-liberalism, not on the neoliberalism. However, it is insufficient for the change to close the widening gap between big businesses and small businesses. The government prefers constructing the governance to strengthening the law in order to resolve the problem. Facing the government's resist, political parties' efforts to rapidly change the law failed. Although the government concerned about the capital mobility, it did not seek de-regulation and laissez-faire policy. Rather, the government tried to form a social norm using the governance. Unlike Fair Trade Commission, the Commission on Shared Growth for largecorporations and Small and medium Enterprises exerted pressure on the big business by proposing alternative plans including profit sharing and lists for SMB business items. Although the Federation of Korean Industries took collective action against the profit sharing plan to adjust the cost of subcontracting to the changes in raw material prices, it had to accept the plan which the FKI had strongly opposed. In conclusion, the Korean state developed into the regulatory state after the "developmental state". However, it does not mean that the role of the state becomes minimal as the neo-liberalsts argue. Nor does it that the state create a new role dependent on the developmental legacy. Using a new-formed governance, the Korean state tried to change the subcontracting institutions. ; Master
This study examined the influence of the separation of prescribing and dispensing roles(SPD) policy implemented in Korea in July 2000, especially on the change in the net profit of medical institutions. Using the data set from the Korea's National Health Insurance and the previous research, this study elicited the following main results. First, tertiary care institutions was estimated to lose about 631 billion won after the SPD policy. Second, general hospitals and hospitals gained about 557 billion and 564 billion won, respectively. Third, it is shown that clinics also gained 389-659 billion won. Finally, however, the change in net profit of medical institutions after the SPD policy largely depends on different estimation models. Moreover, it also varies from the assumptions on the price differential of a reimbursable drug which worked as cross-subsidy to insufficient physician's fee before the SPD policy. Despite such limitations as lack of data outside of the National Health Insurance's coverage, this study differs from others. This is the first research to explore the effect of the SPD policy on different types of medical institutions and to attempt to purely focus on the SPD policy. In this study, we can draw the policy implication that preparing for a policy change, the government should set up the policy evaluation system to collect the concerned data and develop the methodologies in advance to the policy implementation. ; open
Cilj ovog članka je višestruk. U prvom delu se diskutuje o konceptu regulatornih agencija, koje spadaju u grupu nemajoritarnih institucija (non-majoritarian institutions; u daljem tekstu NMI): kada i zašto nastaju, koja je njihova uloga, i sa kojim problemima se suočavaju. Potom se analiziraju regulatorna tela u Srbiji. Fokus je na sledećem aspektu - nezavisnosti ovih institucija: pojašnjavamo različite vidove nezavisnosti i ukazujemo na konceptualne nejasnoće. Zatim računamo tzv. formalnu (de jure) nezavisnost regulatornih i kontrolnih tela u Srbiji koristeći se Đilardijevim indeksom (Gillardi 2002, 873-893). Rezultati pokazuju da regulatorna tela u Srbiji poseduju visok nivo formalne nezavisnosti. S obzirom na to da je ona samo preduslov za tzv. faktičku (bihejvioralnu) nezavisnost, neophodan je oprez prilikom donošenja ocene o statusu regulatornih institucija u Srbiji. Da bi se konceptualizovao i izmerio bihejvioralni aspekt nezavisnosti, neophodni su dalji radovi koji će se susresti s većim metodološkim ograničenjima. ; The article discusses the concept of regulatory agencies: when and why they arise, what is their role, and what kind of challenges they face. Analyzing a group of regulatory agencies in Serbia, the article measures their de-jure independence using Gillardi's index. The conclusion is that, viewed through the lenses of formal institutional design, Serbian regulatory agencies exhibit a high degree of independence. However, this might be further mediated by insufficient or hindered enforcement. Therefore, in order to account for a full picture of the agencies' institutional life, in the first place their de-facto independence, one needs to reflect on what some theories of Europeanization drew attention to – to what extent have the regulatory agencies resorted to their formally granted powers and mechanisms in practice. Such an exploration of enforcement would be a step further in accounting for the genuine agencies' level of independence.
