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The intrusion of management as major referenceof the functioning of our societies, raises thequestion on the de-institutionalization of theinstitution and, as reflection, that of theinstitutionalization of the organization, in a dualevolutionary perspective and directed asunavoidable. The modalities of businessmanagement are placed in effect between theinstitutionalization (caused by the generalization of their practices in the "corporate purposes")and the institutional frame that surrounds them,and understood in their extension in terms ofgovernance. This ambiguity is tied to the vaguedefinition of the institution and the organizationand to their reciprocally problematic location. Thegeneral hypothesis of this text will be theorthogonality (and not the opposition) between"institution" and "organization". It will bereasoned generally from the point of differencesand not from the opposition of both terms basedon three arguments: a political argument, atheoretical argument and an epistemologicalargument. ; La intrusión de la Administración como referencia principal del funcionamiento de nuestras sociedades, plantea el interrogante sobre la desinstitucionalización de la institución y, como reflejo, aquella de la institucionalización de la organización, en una perspectiva evolucionista dual y direccionada como ineludible. Las modalidades de gestión empresarial se sitúan en efecto entre la institucionalización (causada por la generalización de sus prácticas en los «objetos sociales») y el marco institucional que las rodea, incluso en su extensión en términos de gobernanza. Esta ambigüedad está ligada a la vaga definición de la institución y de la organización y a su localización recíprocamente problemática. La hipótesis general de este texto será la ortogonalidad (y no la oposición) entre «institución» y «organización». Se razonará generalmente a partir de las diferencias y no por la oposición de los dos términos á partir de tres argumentos: un argumento político, un argumento teórico y un argumento epistemológico

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El artículo procura indagar distintos modos de abordar el discurrir del neoliberalismo, destacando cómo se anuda con las nociones de acción, tiempo e institución. En primer lugar, recupera una lectura crítica de la doxa que se organizó alrededor del curso de Foucault "El nacimiento de la biopolítica"; luego compara dos investigaciones contemporáneas sobre cómo pudo operar, y sigue operando, el neoliberalismo en América Latina; finalmente, y a la luz de nuestra cuestión medular, esbozamos una discusión teórica en torno al vínculo entre las figuras de la práctica y la de la institución a partir de la perspectiva inaugurada por Merleau-Ponty. En suma, se trata de reponer la complejidad del fenómeno cruzando los enfoques filosóficos con investigaciones de talante empírico intentando extraer sus consecuencias teóricas y política. ; The article tries to investigate different ways of approaching the course of neoliberalism, highlighting how it is knotted with the notions of action, time and institution. In the first place, it recovers a critical reading of the doxa that was organized around Foucault's course "The Birth of Biopolitics"; then he compares two contemporary investigations on how neoliberalism in Latin America could operate, and continues to operate; finally, and in light of our core issue, we outline a theoretical discussion about the link between the figures of practice and that of the institution from the perspective inaugurated by Merleau-Ponty. In short, it is a matter of replenishing the complexity of the phenomenon by crossing philosophical approaches with empirical research, trying to extract its theoretical and political consequences. ; Fil: Eiff, Leonardo Daniel. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad Nacional de General Sarmiento; Argentina

The present work aims to point out some possible tasks for the Karl-Otto Apel´s discourse ethics today. Such tasks may concentrate on the need for a theory of the institutionalization of practical discourse, as a form of socially realized practical rationality. The question that has to be answered is what frame conditions should be found in the discourse so that it can be put into practice and what political-institutional effects it can produce in the context of really existing institutions. Starting with Gehlen and Luhmann -although to a lesser extent-, Apel interprets institutions as systems of self-affirmation that, on the one hand, free the subjects from the burden of action, but, on the other hand, limit or determine the consensual-argumentative rationality of discourse. The functional coercions (Sachzwänge) of the institutions configure a field of action and a type of rationality that, according to Apel, should be under the control of institutionalized discourse as a rational public sphere (Öffentlichkeit). The relationship between the ideal normative criteria of the institutionalized practical discourse and the existing institutions must be interpreted as a non-surmountable dialectical tension or intertwining. If this interpretation is correct, the discourse ethics, as a critical theory of society, cannot be understood as an application without more ideal normative criteria to the historical reality or adaptation of that reality to ideal criteria in its vertical sense, but as a mutual horizontal correlation.

The present work aims to point out some possible tasks for the Karl-Otto Apel´s discourse ethics today. Such tasks may concentrate on the need for a theory of the institutionalization of practical discourse, as a form of socially realized practical rationality. The question that has to be answered is what frame conditions should be found in the discourse so that it can be put into practice and what political-institutional effects it can produce in the context of really existing institutions. Starting with Gehlen and Luhmann -although to a lesser extent-, Apel interprets institutions as systems of self-affirmation that, on the one hand, free the subjects from the burden of action, but, on the other hand, limit or determine the consensual-argumentative rationality of discourse. The functional coercions (Sachzwänge) of the institutions configure a field of action and a type of rationality that, according to Apel, should be under the control of institutionalized discourse as a rational public sphere (Öffentlichkeit). The relationship between the ideal normative criteria of the institutionalized practical discourse and the existing institutions must be interpreted as a non-surmountable dialectical tension or intertwining. If this interpretation is correct, the discourse ethics, as a critical theory of society, cannot be understood as an application without more ideal normative criteria to the historical reality or adaptation of that reality to ideal criteria in its vertical sense, but as a mutual horizontal correlation.

ABSTRACT The present study aims to identify the importance of Islamic micro-financing schemes among the financial institutions and also determine the knowledge and attitudes of the respondents towards Shari'ah based financial products. A mixed-method approach, including quantitative and qualitative designs, has been employed by recruiting 255 and 15 respondents, respectively. The results showed no significant differences between respondents' knowledge and access to Shari'a-compliant finance. Similarly, there were no significant differences between respondents depending on their length of stay in the UK, ethnicity, and employment status. Moreover, this required financial support and empowerment from the government and related institutions.

This paper investigates the causal impact of non-state armed groups on local institutions during the armed conflict in Colombia, and tests competing theoretical mechanisms that may shape such effect. Our identification strategy is based on the construction of contiguous-pairs of rural communities that share common socio-economic characteristics but differ in armed group presence. The results show that the presence of armed groups is associated with increases in overall participation in local organizations, with a particularly strong effect on political organizations. This strengthening of local institutions during wartime appears to be driven by coercion exercised by armed groups that capture local organizations for strategic war purposes, rather than a reflection of a vibrant civil society

Resumen: En ciertos discursos retóricos se suele contraponer lo institucional, como garantía de buena organización y estabilidad en los gobiernos, respecto de la importancia política de los liderazgos personales. El propósito que anima esta nota editorial es poner de resalto que no se trata de conceptos contrapuestos, sino correlativos y necesitados mutuamente. La decisión política fundamental que organizó constitucionalmente nuestra convivencia adoptó la fórmula "representativa, republicana y federal" (art. 1º de la CN). Esta definición nos remite al muy esencial concepto clásico latino de la "cosa pública" –res publica–, cuya característica consiste en que la comunidad ha de organizarse y gobernarse por el conjunto de los ciudadanos iguales en capacidad y dignidad para expresarse sobre las cuestiones comunes. Ninguna forma de gobierno es pura, todas tienen elementos mixtos, con preponderancia de unos u otros, según hayan sido modeladas por la historia, las costumbres y las leyes. Las hubo con preponderancia aristocrática, al modo de las Ciudades Estado de Italia o las polis griegas, o asamblearias, en modelos revolucionarios como el francés o el soviético, luego de la caducidad del antiguo régimen monárquico.

Participation becomes a fundamental process to build a project of asociety in dignity and peace. Hence the importance of analyzing the process of instituted and instituted political participation, in light of its dynamics and implications in terms of political culture. The above in order to highlight the need to strengthen institutional participation, and generate popular power with the possibility of having an impact on the public agenda, and the generation of structural changes in societies. ; La participación deviene como un proceso fundamental para construir un proyecto de sociedad digna y en paz. De allí la importancia de analizar el proceso de participación política instituida e instituyente, a la luz de sus dinámicas e implicaciones en términos de cultura política. Lo anterior, de cara a resaltar la necesidad de fortalecer la participación instituyente y de generar poder popular, con la posibilidad de incidencia en la agenda pública y en la generación de cambios estructurales en las sociedades.

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The objective of the study was to identify the design patterns and distinctive features of the institution of complicity in a crime in certain criminal laws. The methodology was based on the use of legislative interpretation operations and techniques such as the hermeneutics of criminal texts, which allows to identify the structural, constructive, and substantive features of the rules on complicity in a crime. The scientific novelty of the work lies in the textological approach of the criminal-legal regulations of the institution of complicity. This approach allows to interpret the standards in a comparative aspect, taking into account the deep level of their construction. Among the results obtained are:(1) the inclusion of complicity rules in other criminal law institutions is an unjustified design technique; (2) the absence of a complex of titles in the institution of complicity reduces the level of quality of this institution; (3) the presence of definitive rules in the institution of complicity significantly increases its quality; (4) the differentiation of accomplices in crime should not be excessive and arbitrary; (5) the rules on attempted complicity in a crime increase the preventive potential of criminal law.

Lo institucional es una manifestación del poder. La tesis de H. Arendt a este respecto tenía una segunda parte: las instituciones decaen e incluso se petrifican en cuanto el poder vivo, del pueblo, deja de sostenerlas. La reciente situación de crisis, en la esfera política nacional e internacional, puede tener su origen en la pérdida de apoyo al poder que se materializa en sistemas institucionales. Sin embargo, su erosión dependerá de varios factores, no sólo del "poder vivo", como lo denominaba H. Arendt. Esos procesos de desintitucionalización son complejos y, por ello, el análisis tendría que considerar: (1) el papel integrador de las instituciones, ya que articulan las expectativas reciprocas de los agentes, (2) las instituciones como sistemas de reglas que definen derechos y obligaciones, (3) el papel de las "reglas constitutivas". De manera general, conviene tener en cuenta la normatividad de estos sistemas públicos de reglas, con poder deóntico ; Institutions are a manifestation of power. According to H. Arendt, a second aspect has to be considered; institutions could decay and even petrify when the living power, the people´s power, doesn't uphold them. The recent crisis in the national and the international political sphere, could derive from insufficient backing of power in institutional systems. However, their erosion would depend on several factors, not only of the "living power", as H. Arendt stated. Deinstitutionalization processes are complex phenomena and, consequently, they require several levels of analysis: (1) institutions perform integration functions, articulating reciprocal expectations of agents, (2) as systems of rules, institutions define rights and duties (3) the role of "constitutive rules". In general, the normativity or deontic power of public systems of rules has to be taken into account

Institutions are a manifestation of power. According to H. Arendt, a second aspect has to be considered; institutions could decay and even petrify when the living power, the people´s power, doesn't uphold them. The recent crisis in the national and the international political sphere, could derive from insufficient backing of power in institutional systems. However, their erosion would depend on several factors, not only of the "living power", as H. Arendt stated. Deinstitutionalization processes are complex phenomena and, consequently, they require several levels of analysis: (1) institutions perform integration functions, articulating reciprocal expectations of agents, (2) as systems of rules, institutions define rights and duties (3) the role of "constitutive rules". In general, the normativity or deontic power of public systems of rules has to be taken into account. ; Lo institucional es una manifestación del poder. La tesis de H. Arendt a este respecto tenía una segunda parte: las instituciones decaen e incluso se petrifican en cuanto el poder vivo, del pueblo, deja de sostenerlas. La reciente situación de crisis, en la esfera política nacional e internacional, puede tener su origen en la pérdida de apoyo al poder que se materializa en sistemas institucionales. Sin embargo, su erosión dependerá de varios factores, no sólo del "poder vivo", como lo denominaba H. Arendt. Esos procesos de desintitucionalización son complejos y, por ello, el análisis tendría que considerar: (1) el papel integrador de las instituciones, ya que articulan las expectativas reciprocas de los agentes, (2) las instituciones como sistemas de reglas que definen derechos y obligaciones, (3) el papel de las "reglas constitutivas". De manera general, conviene tener en cuenta la normatividad de estos sistemas públicos de reglas, con poder deóntico.