Suchergebnisse

Vrijeme kada nisu postojali odnosi između politike i sporta, bilo da se radi o svakodnevnoj praksi ili znanstvenoistraživačkim pristupima povezanosti tih dvaju pojmova, ako ga je ikada i bilo, svakako je odavno iza nas. Usprkos tome danas se čini da se, osobito u znanstvenoistraživačkom radu na području nekadašnjih sportskih socijalističkih velesila, tim odnosima ne posvećuje odgovarajuća pozornost i da se oni često a priori negiraju i smatraju nevažnima. Zbog toga je glavni cilj ovoga članka potaknuti raspravu o važnosti i smislu istraživanja odnosa između politike i sporta gledano iz dvije perspektive – s obzirom na iskustva znanstvenika iz cijeloga svijeta te s obzirom na dosad provedena istraživanja znanstvenika iz bivše Jugoslavije. Stoga smo u ovome članku najprije teoretski odredili kontekst odnosa politike i sporta, a zatim smo analizom postojeće svjetske literature i radova znanstvenika s prostora bivše Jugoslavije analizirali međusobnu povezanost sporta i politike. Na temelju dobivenih rezultata, koji potvrđuju stalnu i čvrstu povezanost, ali ujedno i suviše apstraktno i paušalno razumijevanje odnosa sporta i politike, nudimo politološki relevantnu tipologiju odnosa između politike i sporta. Smatramo da razlike između odnosa politike kao borbe za vlast, institucionalne strukture te koncepta javnointeresnog djelovanja i sporta presudno utječu na buduća obilježja odnosa sporta i politike. ; Times when relations between politics and sports did not exist – be it in everyday practices or within scientific research – is definitely long gone, if they ever even existed. Nevertheless, it seems today that, especially within scientific research, these relations do not receive appropriate attention in the territories of former socialist sports superpowers, being a priori denied and considered as unimportant. That is why the key motive of this article is to initiate a discussion about the relevance of knowledge and research of the relations between politics and sport from two perspectives – the existing world-wide political science research experiences gained so far and already conducted researches in the territory of former Yugoslavia. In doing so, we first theoretically define the context of sports and politics, and then with the use of the literature review method analyse their mutual connectivity in the world and, more narrowly, within the work of the scientific community in the region of former Yugoslavia. Based on the gained conclusions which confirm a tight and constant, but also often abstract and flat-rate understood interplay between both analysed phenomena, a special typology for their in-depth and political-science-focused study is delivered. It is believed that distinctions between political, polity and policy approaches to sport decisively influence the mode of their future interplay.

Hans J. Morgenthau, utemeljitelj realističke teorije međunarodne politike četrdesetih godina 20. stoljeća, donedavno se smatrao pozitivističkim teoretičarom "tvrde" politike moći u međunarodnoj politici. No sve veći akademski interes za njegovo djelo posljednjih godina pokazao je kako je riječ o kompleksnom misliocu koji je ponajprije teoretičar politike. U ovome rada autor prikazuje Morgenthauovu političku teoriju i njezine temeljne pojmove u trima razdobljima njihova razvoja: do Drugoga svjetskog rata, od kraja rata do šezdesetih godina i poslije šezdesetih. Posebno se osvrćući na glavne studije iz svakoga od tih razdoblja, autor nastoji dokazati da je svrha Morgenthauove teorije međunarodne politike bio pokušaj da se politika i političko konstituiraju kao odgovor na duboku društvenu i političku krizu modernog Zapada. Njegova realistička teorija međunarodne politike nije samo akademski pothvat nego i svojevrstan politički projekt. ; Hans J. Morgenthau, who founded realist theory of international politics in the 1940s, has until recently been considered a positivist theorist of crude power politics in international relations. However, in recent years, with rising academic interest for his works, Morgenthau has been seen as a complex thinker and primarily a political theorist. This article aims to show Morgenthau's political theory and its fundamental concepts that run through the three periods of his writing: up to the Second World War, during the post-war period, and in the 1960s. With a special overview of the pivotal studies from each of the above periods, this article will show that the purpose of Morgenthau's theory of international politics is an attempt at constructing politics and the political as an answer to the deep social and political crisis of the modern West. His realist theory of international politics is not just an academic endeavor but also a political project of sorts.

In regions troubled by ethnic based conflict violence often erupts abruptly and severely. Peacemakers, then, follow unconditional paths to prevent conflict escalation. The article analyzes the ways in which post-conflict constitutional designs shape the state structure through constitutional amendments. Peace agreements as bases for constitutional reform, the article claims, have reformatory but also obstructive implications. Seeing the Ohrid Framework Agreement as a case study, the paper analyzes its implications on the development of the political system in Macedonia. On one side OFA serves as a criterion for the Macedonian Euro-Atlantic integration and a driving force for the creation of a functioning multicultural society. On the other side, the procedural and substantive flaws of the agreement undermine its absorbability in the society. In procedural sense, OFA hindered its own implementation through the used terminology and the drafting process. In substantial sense, agreement's goals and provisions reached beyond the purpose of peace agreements and underestimated the complexity of the conflicting issues at stake. ; In regions troubled by ethnic based conflict violence often erupts abruptly and severely. Peacemakers, then, follow unconditional paths to prevent conflict escalation. The article analyzes the ways in which post-conflict constitutional designs shape the state structure through constitutional amendments. Peace agreements as bases for constitutional reform, the article claims, have reformatory but also obstructive implications. Seeing the Ohrid Framework Agreement as a case study, the paper analyzes its implications on the development of the political system in Macedonia. On one side OFA serves as a criterion for the Macedonian Euro-Atlantic integration and a driving force for the creation of a functioning multicultural society. On the other side, the procedural and substantive flaws of the agreement undermine its absorbability in the society. In procedural sense, OFA hindered its own implementation through the used terminology and the drafting process. In substantial sense, agreement's goals and provisions reached beyond the purpose of peace agreements and underestimated the complexity of the conflicting issues at stake.

Tema ovoga rada je politički interes kod studenata, odnosno kako i u kojoj mjeri studenti iskazuju interes za politiku i za političko djelovanje u bosanskohercegovačkom društvu. U tu svrhu provedeno je anketno istraživanje "Studenti i politika" u siječnju i veljači 2019. godine na uzorku od 371 studenta Sveučilišta u Mostaru i Univerziteta Džemal Bijedić u Mostaru. Dobiveni kvantitativni podaci prikazani su frekvencijama i postocima u domeni deskriptivnih statističkih postupaka i primjenom hi-kvadrat testa. Istraživanje je provedeno u okviru teorijskog pristupa Almonda i Verbe, pomoću tri dimenzije: odnos prema politici i to kao interes ljudi za politiku i informacije o političkim aktivnostima; zatim stavovi kojima izražavaju podršku različitim modelima demokratskoga političkog poretka; i, na kraju, vrednovanje političkih postignuća kao povjerenje ispitanika u institucije. Kvantitativnom analizom dobivenih rezultata navedenog istraživanja utvrđeno je kako studenti prate trend niskog interesa za politiku mladih u BiH, ali imaju i poseban demokratski potencijal.‎ ; The topic of this article is the political interest of students, ie how and to what‎ extent students express interest in politics, in political activity in Bosnian and‎ Herzegovinian society. For this purpose, a survey "Students and Politics" was‎ conducted in January and February 2019 on a sample of 371 students from the‎ University of Mostar and University of Džemal Bijedić in Mostar. The obtained‎ quantitative data are presented by frequencies and percentages in the domain‎ of descriptive statistical procedures and the application of the chi-square test.‎ Research was conducted within the theoretical approach of Almond and Verba expressed through three dimensions of attitudes towards politics, specifically‎ as people's interest in politics and information about political activities;‎ then as attitudes expressing support for different models of democratic political‎ order; and finally as valuing political achievements as respondents' trust in‎ institutions. The results achived from this research showed that students follow‎ low intrest in the politics of young people in BiH, but also have a special‎ democratic potential

The development of regional cooperation in Southeastern Europe is very low in comparison with other European regions. The changes occurring in the attitudes of the international community (through increased sensitivity & familiarity with the situation in the field & the new democratic advances of Croatia) are now creating favorable conditions for the development of regional cooperation. This region can be strengthened through international efforts, including the international community's presence, since with its economic, political & even police/military resources it has enough instruments to support these developments. Southeastern Europe is expected to commence its transformation of the relationships by developing different forms of useful cooperation that should lead to increased security & a more peaceful coexistence. In this context, by means of regional cooperation, it should be possible to integrate this area into the Euro-Atlantic region as a whole. Adapted from the source document.

Nakon uvoda autor obrađuje četiri teme: 1. osnutak, svrha i oblik pastoralno- informativnoga lista Crkva na kamenu, 2. četiri dosadašnja razdoblja lista Crkva na kamenu (komunističko razdoblje, razdoblje demokratskih izbora, Domovinskoga rata te poraća), 3. sadržajna strana Crkve na kamenu i 4. komunikacijski stav prema čitateljima i stav čitatelja prema Crkvi na kamenu. U zaključku se ističe kako je ovaj list od 1980. godine, kada ga je osnovao mostarsko-duvanjski biskup i apostolski upravitelj trebinjsko-mrkanski mons. Pavao Žanić, pa do sada odigrao veliku vjersku, povijesnu i kulturološku ulogu u Crkvi i društvu te da mu je trajna zadaća prinos boljitku života ljudi u društvenim i kršćanskim zajednicama na temelju Dekaloga, evanđeoskih i crkvenih zasada. ; After the introductory part the author analyzes four topics: 1. establishment, purpose and form of pastoral-informative newspaper Crkva na kamenu (Church on the rock), 2. four past periods of the newspaper Crkva na kamenu (communistic period, period of democratic elections, Croatian War of Independence and after-war period), 3. content side of the newspaper, 4. communication attitude to readers and readers' attitude to Crkva na kamenu. The conclusion points out that this newspaper since 1980, when it was founded by the bishop of Mostar-Duvno and Apostolic Administrator of Trebinje-Mrkan Mons. Pavao Žanić, till now has played a great religious, historical and cultural role in the Church and society and that its permanent task is contributing to the benefit of people in social and Christian communities on the basis of Decalogue, evangelical and Church foundations.

Europe is a contingent product of its institutions rather than a political project. Although the announced goal was simplification & rationalization of its institutional system, the opposite occurred: the system has become even more complex. The author looks into the process dynamics & implementation results of the Lisbon Treaty (effective 1 December 2009), showing that the traditional European compromise leads to outcomes that none of the actors really wanted, & that no one is satisfied with. The European Union is an arena of institutional coercions & games, the rules of which are occasionally readjusted. This occasional readjustment accounts for the survival of the system, which is a priori unstable, for each unsatisfied partner thinks & hopes that redefinition might provide him with an opportunity to gain a better position. The process is especially visible in negotiations regarding the Lisbon Treaty, above all in the institutional innovation which is the function of the new president (of the European Council). The conclusive interpretation of the Lisbon Treaty will depend on the outcome of the bureaucratic struggle right until 2011, & prior to a new definition of the rules, undoubtedly no later than 2014. The new EU system testifies primarily to the fundamental trait of European integration, which strongly favoured from the outset a repeated rethinking of its form (its institutions) in the light of considerations regarding its goals (its policies). Adapted from the source document.

The cleavages at the EU level can be defined by means of two dimensions: the first dimension is the left-right conflict & the second is the national-supranational conflict. Between the left & the supranational dimension there are political actors who advocate the policy of regulated capitalism while along the right-national dimension there are the partisans of the neoliberal approach. While the first think that the strengthening of the EU institutions is justified (the supranational level) & they champion the legislation that emphasizes the social-democratic dimension, the neoliberals promote the deregulation of economic activities at the EU level & the strengthening of the roles of national governments. Ideologically, the sympathizers of the regulated capitalism are represented by social-democratic & socialist parties, while the neoliberal model enjoyers the support of a wide array of populist, Christian-democrat, liberal & conservative political parties. Since the 1988 reform, the EU regional policy has been increasingly seen as a vehicle of the supporters of the regulated capitalism. At the same time, the regional policy facilitates a number of interactions based on the cooperation of the supranational, national & regional bodies. Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.

Ovaj članak proučava razvoj rumunjsko-jugoslavenskih odnosa od 1948. do 1964. godine. Istražuju se dva različita razdoblja u njihovim odnosima. Prvo je od 1948. do 1953. godine, kad je došlo do sovjetsko-jugoslavenskog i rumunjsko-jugoslavenskog sukoba koji je, zapravo, predstavljao presedan koji će postupno razoriti jedinstvo socijalističkog tabora. Za drugo razdoblje (od 1954. do 1964.) vezani su početak normalizacije i zbližavanje Bukurešta i Beograda. To je odgovaralo njihovim nacionalnim interesima i predstavljalo je protutežu politici supersila. U vanjskoj politici dviju zemalja odražavali su se ideološka neslaganja i potreba za društveno-ekonomskim razvojem, a osjećao se i snažan utjecaj i iz komunističkog bloka i izvan njega. ; This article examines the evolution of the Romanian-Yugoslav relations from 1948 to1964. The study explores two different periods in the relations of these two countries. The first period was from 1948 to 1953, when the Soviet-Yugoslav and Roman-Yugoslav conflicts occurred, practically constituting a precedent that would gradually ruin the unity of the socialist camp. The second period (1954 – 1964) corresponds with the beginning of the normalization, bringing Bucharest and Belgrade even closer and aiming to satisfy their national interests and counterbalance the policy of the superpowers. Ideological divergences and the need for socio-economic development were reflected in the character of the foreign policies of the two countries, which were under a strong influence of interventions from inside and outside the communist bloc.

U radu se, korištenjem konstruktivističkog pristupa Alexandera Wendta, analiziraju razlozi za nastanak europskih integracija s obzirom na neriješeno njemačko pitanje. Pritom se koristi model odnosa identiteta i interesa kako bi se analiziralo ponašanje Sjedinjenih Američkih Država i Sovjetskoga Saveza u razdoblju od 1945. do 1990. s obzirom na nastanak hladnoga rata, europskih integracija i rješavanje njemačkoga pitanja. Također se analizira odnos identiteta i interesa dviju njemačkih država prema njihovom budućem ujedinjenju. Polazeći od Giddensove teorije strukturacije, na koju se naslanja Wendtov konstruktivizam, prati se ponašanje države kao agenta u odnosu prema anarhiji kao strukturi međunarodnog sustava. U članku se propituje pretpostavka da je neriješeno njemačko pitanje ubrzalo, ali i uvjetovalo nastanak europskih integracija. Na kraju članka analizira se utjecaj politike detanta i njezinih posljedica na njemačko ujedinjenje. ; In this article, Alexander Wendt's constructivist approach was used in order to explain the reasons for the formation of European integrations in regard to the unresolved German Question. The model of interaction between identities and interests was used in order to analyse the behaviour of two superpowers between 1945 and 1990, in relation to the following developments: the Cold War, European integrations, and German unification. The behaviour of two German states regarding their future unification was also observed. The state was used as the basic unit of analysis. As theoretical foundation, Wendt's constructivist approach, which rests on Giddens' theory of structuration, was used in order to explain duality of structure and agency in relation to reproduction or transformation of the (international) system. The assumption that the unresolved German Question not only accelerated but also conditioned the emergence of European integrations, was put under scrutiny. It was also analysed how the emergence of the policy of detente conditioned the changes in international relations during the observed period, particularly in regard to ideational factors such as the results of the Conference on European Security and Co operation, West German Ostpolitik, and the appearance of new ideas in the former Soviet Union, as well as their role in the unification of two German states in 1990.

Regionalizam nastaje kao težnja i otpor periferije prema centru države. Obilježava ga decentralizacija, unikatnost i demokratičnost. U Istri se, tijekom devedesetih godina u procesu nastajanja raznih političkih opcija na razini države, osniva Istarski demokratski sabor. U svojoj programskoj deklaraciji, između ostalog, zalaže se za višestranački sustav, regionalizam, dvojezičnost, decentralizaciju, antifašizam. Na referendumu za samostalnost Hrvatske građani Istre su imali izlaznost veću od 80%, a za samostalnost se opredijelilo oko 90% onih koji su glasovali na razini županije. Nadalje, analizom triju popisa stanovništva (1991., 2001., 2011.) dolazi se do zaključka da broj regionalno opredijeljenih korelira s naputcima Istarskog demokratskog sabora. Na popisu stanovništva iz 1991. godine čak 18,2% stanovništva se izjasnilo kao regionalci, dok se deset godina kasnije samo 4,3% tako izjašnjava. Kad se uzme u obzir i popis iz 2011. godine (ponovo se povećava broj regionalaca na 12,1%) vidi se da se radi o promjenjivoj stavci. U odnosima između vodeće regionalne opcije i vladajuće Hrvatske demokratske zajednice dogodio se niz sukoba i razmjena mišljenja od devedesetih do danas, što zapravo i ne začuđuje, budući da svaka regionalna opcija i postoji upravo iz razloga jer je nezadovoljna centralnom opcijom u svojoj državi. ; Regionalism emerges as the aspiration and resistance of the periphery towards the center of the state. It is characterized by decentralization, uniqueness and democracy. In Istria, during the 1990s, in the process of creating various political options at the state level, the Istrian Democratic Parliament was established. In its program declaration, among other things, it advocates a multi-party system, regionalism, bilingualism, decentralization, anti-fascism. In the referendum for Croatian independence, the citizens of Istria had a turnout of more than 80%, and about 90% of those who voted at the county level opted for independence. Furthermore, the analysis of the three censuses (1991, 2001, ...

Regionalizam nastaje kao težnja i otpor periferije prema centru države. Obilježava ga decentralizacija, unikatnost i demokratičnost. U Istri se, tijekom devedesetih godina u procesu nastajanja raznih političkih opcija na razini države, osniva Istarski demokratski sabor. U svojoj programskoj deklaraciji, između ostalog, zalaže se za višestranački sustav, regionalizam, dvojezičnost, decentralizaciju, antifašizam. Na referendumu za samostalnost Hrvatske građani Istre su imali izlaznost veću od 80%, a za samostalnost se opredijelilo oko 90% onih koji su glasovali na razini županije. Nadalje, analizom triju popisa stanovništva (1991., 2001., 2011.) dolazi se do zaključka da broj regionalno opredijeljenih korelira s naputcima Istarskog demokratskog sabora. Na popisu stanovništva iz 1991. godine čak 18,2% stanovništva se izjasnilo kao regionalci, dok se deset godina kasnije samo 4,3% tako izjašnjava. Kad se uzme u obzir i popis iz 2011. godine (ponovo se povećava broj regionalaca na 12,1%) vidi se da se radi o promjenjivoj stavci. U odnosima između vodeće regionalne opcije i vladajuće Hrvatske demokratske zajednice dogodio se niz sukoba i razmjena mišljenja od devedesetih do danas, što zapravo i ne začuđuje, budući da svaka regionalna opcija i postoji upravo iz razloga jer je nezadovoljna centralnom opcijom u svojoj državi. ; Regionalism emerges as the aspiration and resistance of the periphery towards the center of the state. It is characterized by decentralization, uniqueness and democracy. In Istria, during the 1990s, in the process of creating various political options at the state level, the Istrian Democratic Parliament was established. In its program declaration, among other things, it advocates a multi-party system, regionalism, bilingualism, decentralization, anti-fascism. In the referendum for Croatian independence, the citizens of Istria had a turnout of more than 80%, and about 90% of those who voted at the county level opted for independence. Furthermore, the analysis of the three censuses (1991, 2001, ...