Suchergebnisse

Planning and other territorial policies within Europe are more and more dependant upon its relations with the rest of the world. The growing international flows (migrants, trade, investments, polluting agents) interact with the European territories; moreover, the vision the Europeans have of their place in the world, has a strong impact on the EU's policies. Many political decisions apparently related to purely "internal affairs", are in fact based on a wider conception of the world. Three dominant representations of Europe in the world are currently available: (i) the "continent" view, which describes territories in the traditional – but still active – shape of continents or civilisation areas; (ii) the "centre-periphery" view, which stresses the dissymmetry of the North-South relations; (iii) the "archipelago" view, based on the networking organisation of space, which highlights the remote connections of territories. Each of these views provides partial evidence of reality. They are not really contradictory, but they have to be distinguished because their territorial impacts are quite different, and because they give rise to different European territorial policies. (1) The "continent" view of Europe entails several assets: Central and Eastern European member states would benefit from subsidies and western private foreign direct investments; Trans-European Networks would be implemented at a large European scale, which would be favourable to all the European territory; the German territory would become the genuine centre of Europe. On the other hand, this view drives to territorial shortcomings: a "Nimby" interpretation of the European Neighbourhood Policy would have negative impacts on the peripheral parts of the EU's space; obstructing population exchanges with the neighbourhood would hamper the European economy and territory as a whole, and increase its ageing. (2) The "centre-periphery" view would quite deeply change the European geography due to a greater Euro-Mediterranean economic integration, despite ...

Planning and other territorial policies within Europe are more and more dependant upon its relations with the rest of the world. The growing international flows (migrants, trade, investments, polluting agents) interact with the European territories; moreover, the vision the Europeans have of their place in the world, has a strong impact on the EU's policies. Many political decisions apparently related to purely "internal affairs", are in fact based on a wider conception of the world. Three dominant representations of Europe in the world are currently available: (i) the "continent" view, which describes territories in the traditional – but still active – shape of continents or civilisation areas; (ii) the "centre-periphery" view, which stresses the dissymmetry of the North-South relations; (iii) the "archipelago" view, based on the networking organisation of space, which highlights the remote connections of territories. Each of these views provides partial evidence of reality. They are not really contradictory, but they have to be distinguished because their territorial impacts are quite different, and because they give rise to different European territorial policies. (1) The "continent" view of Europe entails several assets: Central and Eastern European member states would benefit from subsidies and western private foreign direct investments; Trans-European Networks would be implemented at a large European scale, which would be favourable to all the European territory; the German territory would become the genuine centre of Europe. On the other hand, this view drives to territorial shortcomings: a "Nimby" interpretation of the European Neighbourhood Policy would have negative impacts on the peripheral parts of the EU's space; obstructing population exchanges with the neighbourhood would hamper the European economy and territory as a whole, and increase its ageing. (2) The "centre-periphery" view would quite deeply change the European geography due to a greater Euro-Mediterranean economic integration, despite ...

Planning and other territorial policies within Europe are more and more dependant upon its relations with the rest of the world. The growing international flows (migrants, trade, investments, polluting agents) interact with the European territories; moreover, the vision the Europeans have of their place in the world, has a strong impact on the EU's policies. Many political decisions apparently related to purely "internal affairs", are in fact based on a wider conception of the world. Three dominant representations of Europe in the world are currently available: (i) the "continent" view, which describes territories in the traditional – but still active – shape of continents or civilisation areas; (ii) the "centre-periphery" view, which stresses the dissymmetry of the North-South relations; (iii) the "archipelago" view, based on the networking organisation of space, which highlights the remote connections of territories. Each of these views provides partial evidence of reality. They are not really contradictory, but they have to be distinguished because their territorial impacts are quite different, and because they give rise to different European territorial policies. (1) The "continent" view of Europe entails several assets: Central and Eastern European member states would benefit from subsidies and western private foreign direct investments; Trans-European Networks would be implemented at a large European scale, which would be favourable to all the European territory; the German territory would become the genuine centre of Europe. On the other hand, this view drives to territorial shortcomings: a "Nimby" interpretation of the European Neighbourhood Policy would have negative impacts on the peripheral parts of the EU's space; obstructing population exchanges with the neighbourhood would hamper the European economy and territory as a whole, and increase its ageing. (2) The "centre-periphery" view would quite deeply change the European geography due to a greater Euro-Mediterranean economic integration, despite ...

Planning and other territorial policies within Europe are more and more dependant upon its relations with the rest of the world. The growing international flows (migrants, trade, investments, polluting agents) interact with the European territories; moreover, the vision the Europeans have of their place in the world, has a strong impact on the EU's policies. Many political decisions apparently related to purely "internal affairs", are in fact based on a wider conception of the world. Three dominant representations of Europe in the world are currently available: (i) the "continent" view, which describes territories in the traditional – but still active – shape of continents or civilisation areas; (ii) the "centre-periphery" view, which stresses the dissymmetry of the North-South relations; (iii) the "archipelago" view, based on the networking organisation of space, which highlights the remote connections of territories. Each of these views provides partial evidence of reality. They are not really contradictory, but they have to be distinguished because their territorial impacts are quite different, and because they give rise to different European territorial policies. (1) The "continent" view of Europe entails several assets: Central and Eastern European member states would benefit from subsidies and western private foreign direct investments; Trans-European Networks would be implemented at a large European scale, which would be favourable to all the European territory; the German territory would become the genuine centre of Europe. On the other hand, this view drives to territorial shortcomings: a "Nimby" interpretation of the European Neighbourhood Policy would have negative impacts on the peripheral parts of the EU's space; obstructing population exchanges with the neighbourhood would hamper the European economy and territory as a whole, and increase its ageing. (2) The "centre-periphery" view would quite deeply change the European geography due to a greater Euro-Mediterranean economic integration, despite ...

Siberian regionalism movement is discussed in the paper in relation to classical Eurasianism of the 1920s. the political differences between Siberian regionalism and Eurasianism were by no means accidental. They were a consequence of deep theoretical differences. The Siberian regional concept was based on the idea of Siberia as a separate economic and geographical region, completely different in its natural and climatic conditions from the European part of Russia. The regionalists focussed on the geographical originality of Russian Siberia, as well as its remoteness and isolation from the "metropolitan state" in geographic and economic terms. All this fundamentally contradicted the "Eurasian geography," which as persistently smoothed out the geographical space of Russia, trying to present it more homogeneous than it really was. The mental maps of the regionalists and Eurasians did not coincide on the basic level: they both saw the geographic space of Russia in different ways, just as they perceived the structure of its economy. The analysis performed in the article may help to evaluate ideological foundations of modern Eurasian political blocks and alliances as well as Eurasian international legal initiatives.

1\. Introduction 2\. The History of Regionalism: European Integration and Beyond 3\. The Outcome of Regionalism: Inter-, Supra- or Post-National? 3.1 From Cooperation to Integration 3.2 New and Old Regionalism 3.3 Persisting Diversity or Emerging Similarity? 4\. The Drivers of Regionalism: Old Theories and New Puzzles 4.1 The Demand for Regionalism. It Is Not Only the Economy, Stupid! 4.2 The Supply of Regionalism. Interests, Power, and Norms 5\. When Regionalism Hits Home. Policy Harmonization and Structural Change 5.1 From Second Image Reversed. 5.2 . to Europeanization and Domestic Change 6\. Conclusions Literature ; After the end of the Cold War, students of International Relations observed an expansion of inter-state activities at the regional level. Regional and sub- regional groupings appeared to gain momentum as the way in which countries cooperate and should cooperate to pursue peace, stability, wealth and social justice. The surge and resurgence of regionalism has triggered the proliferation of concepts and approaches. The focus of this paper will be on processes and structures of state-led regionalism driven by the delegation of policies and political authority to regional institutions. Based on this understanding of regionalism, the existing literature will be reviewed with regard to three general questions. These questions do not only require research across regions but also allow developing a common research agenda to accumulate knowledge generated about specific regions. First, what are the outcomes of regionalism? How can we describe and compare the results of the delegation of policies and political authority? Second, what are the drivers of regionalism? Why do some governments choose to delegate policies and political authority while others do not? Finally, what are the internal effects of regionalism? How does the delegation of policies and political authority impact back on the domestic structures of the states involved?

In the member states of the European Union, especially in Germany and Austria, regionalism has a growing importance by the organising of public services. At the field of public transport services the regional organising methods will be realised through the establishment of public transport associations in interest of coordinating the local, suburban and regional public transport interests. In the period since the 90's there are a not a lot of best practices regarding the regional organisation of public transport services in Hungary. The study goals to present the position of the local and regional interest in the public transport organisation in Hungary, and deals with the reason the lack of best practices also.

Internships have become integral to the development of vocational education in China. This article looks into the quasi-employment arrangements of student interns, who occupy an ambiguous space between being a student and being a worker at the point of production. Some employers recruit interns on their own, while others secure a supply of student labor through coordinated support of provincial and lower-level governments that prioritize investments, as well as through subcontracting services of private labor agencies. The incorporation of teachers into corporate management can strengthen control over students during their internships. While interns are required to do the same work as other employees, their unpaid or underpaid working experiences testify that intern labor is devalued. Exposés of abuses, such as using child labor in the guise of interns, have pressured the Chinese state and companies to eventually take remedial action. Reclaiming student workers' educational and labor rights in the growing intern economy, however, remains contested.This is a reprint of the original article that appeared in:Rural China: An International Journal of History and Social Science, 14 (2017) 82-100.Reprinted with permission.

Since neo-liberal planning theory gained reception as planning orthodoxy from the 1980s to mid-2000, urban planning scholarship has engaged the reinvention of planning. It has also redefined the city as an engine of growth. Within this period, attention conceptually withdrew from the city and focused on the people. At the turn of the twenty-first century, post-modernist planning sparked off renewed interest in the city driven by factors of growth and environmental determinism. By 2009, the concern for spatial justice anchored on city development was the vogue. Sequentially the resilient city concept emerged followed by the idea of charter cities. The latest vogue is new regionalism which repositions the city as a functional element of the global political economy. It is therefore necessary to explain the ways imperial practices, unleashed by development ideologies, impact on city restructuring, forcing cities to adopt informal strategies to manage productivity. This paper opens this dimension in resilient city studies with the intent to properly diagnose the stakes of imperial cities as an element of new regionalism in Africa.

Despite a strong and asserted identity, the claim for a right to self-determination is weak in Brittany. Since 1964, this aspiration has been mainly driven by the Breton Democratic Union (Union démocratique bretonne), which, however, never managed to be electorally successful. From the early 2000s, however, the Breton nationalists began to strengthen their political weight by integrating the regional institutions. The emergence of the figure of Christian Troadec and the Red Caps social movement contributed also to a first electoral swing. However, this recent momentum remains fragile.

Despite a strong and asserted identity, the claim for a right to self-determination is weak in Brittany. Since 1964, this aspiration has been mainly driven by the Breton Democratic Union (Union démocratique bretonne), which, however, never managed to be electorally successful. From the early 2000s, however, the Breton nationalists began to strengthen their political weight by integrating the regional institutions. The emergence of the figure of Christian Troadec and the Red Caps social movement contributed also to a first electoral swing. However, this recent momentum remains fragile.

En treinta años del MERCOSUR su lógica institucional fue transformada de un regionalismo intergubernamental a otro interpresidencial. Como consecuencia, el déficit democrático derivado alentó el incumplimiento de acuerdos, afectó su funcionamiento y socavó las bases y la esencia del proceso. El artículo analiza la adhesión de Venezuela, la omisión de sus incompatibilidades y su efímera integración como efectos de la fragilidad institucional del bloque. ; In thirty years of the MERCOSUR its institutional logic was transformed from an inter-governmental regionalism to another inter-presidential one. As a consequence democratic deficit resulting encouraged non-compliance with agreements, affected its operation, and undermined process foundations and essence. This article analyzes Venezuela's accession, country's incompatibilities omission, and its ephemeral integration as MERCOSUR institutional fragility effects. ; 109-140 ; oscarfg.ula@gmail.com ; oscared@ula.ve ; Semestral ; http://www.saber.ula.ve/relacionesinternacionales/

The absolutism of the Habsburgs, who ceased to reign in Spain in 1700, was followed by the even more authoritarian and centralising policy of the Bourbons, which Philip V borrowed from his grandfather Louis XIV of France, his mentor. Of institutions existing at the time of Philip's accession the one which he made the most use of as an instrument of Bourbon autocracy was the Council of Castile, and this was strengthened throughout the eighteenth century as an antidote to regionalism. Practically all the notable statesmen of the period were associated with it, many becoming its President. ; N/A

We examine the incentives of regions in a country to unite or toseparate. We find that smaller regions have greater incentives tounite, relative to larger regions. We show, however, that on thewhole, majority voting on separation and union generates excessiveincentives to separate. This leads us to examine the scope ofalternative political institutions and rules in overcoming thepotential inefficiency. Our paper also provides a wide range ofexamples to illustrate the different institutions used in actualpractice to resolve such problems.

We consider a three country world in which each country's import market is served by competing exporters from it's two trading partners. We assume that weak multilateral enforcement mechanisms prevent governments from implementing efficient trade policies through a multilateral agreement that requires tariffs to conform to the most favored nation (MFN) principle. We then ask whether exceptions from MFN for thepirpose of forming preferential agreements can lead to lower external tariffs, and thereby to a more efficient tariff structure under the multicultural agreement. We identify three opposing effects of preferential agreements on the multilateral tariff structure in this setting. A first effect, the tariff complementarity effect, works to reduce the desired external tariffs of countries that join together in a preferential agreement. Two additional effects of preferential agreements arise only when enforcement issues at the multilateral level are considered. One of these, punishment effect, weakens the ability of the member countries of a preferential agreement to punish deviations from the multilateral agreement. The other of these, the tariff discrimination effect, allows countries to discriminate against those who would "free ride" under MFN, and there for works to increase the desired external tariffs of countries that join together in a preferential agreement. The relative strengths of these three effects determine the impact of preferential agreement on the tariff structure under the multilateral agreement. Our findings suggest that preferential agreements can have their most desiravel effects on the multilateral system when the degree of multilateral cooperation is low.