Suchergebnisse

U ovom radu istražuje se veza između gospodarskog rasta i razvoja tržišta dionica u regiji GCC, a to je Vijeće za suradnju arapskih država Zaljeva, odnosno Saudijske Arabije, Bahreina, Ujedinjenih Arapskih Emirata, Omana, Kuvajta i Katara u razdoblju od 2000. do 2017. godine. Generalizirani linearni mješoviti model (GLMM) primjenjuje se kako bi se utvrdila povezanost i priroda odnosa. U usporedbi s konvencionalnim regresijskim modelima, GLMM pruža pouzdanije rezultate uzimajući u obzir podatke koji nedostaju i uklanja razlike specifične za pojedine zemlje. Ovim istraživanjem se potvrđuje značajna pozitivna povezanost između likvidnosti na burzi (SML) i realnog bruto domaćeg proizvoda (BDP) po stanovniku, kao i da je negativna povezanost između tržišne kapitalizacije (SMC) i BDP-a dugoročno beznačajna. Rezultati također ukazuju da su SML i SMC značajno i pozitivno povezani. Uzimajući u obzir da uspješne burze mogu povećati nacionalno bogatstvo, smanjiti preveliku ovisnost o nafti kao glavnom faktoru gospodarskog rasta, rezultati sugeriraju da bi kreatori politike u regiji trebali imati aktivniju ulogu u stimuliranju svojih tržišta dionica uključujući i globalnu integraciju. ; This paper attempts to test the relationship between economic growth and equity market development in GCC region which is the Cooperation Council for the Arab States of the Gulf, namely, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, the United Arab Emirates, Oman, Kuwait and Qatar over the period of 2000 and 2017. The Generalized Linear Mixed Model (GLMM) is adopted to find the nexus and the nature of the relationship. Compared to the conventional regression models, GLMM provides a more reliable conclusion accounting for the missing data and eliminate the country specific differences. The study finds a significant positive association between stock market liquidity (SML) and per capita real gross domestic product (GDP) but insignificant negative association between stock market capitalization (SMC) and GDP in the long run. The results also indicate that SML and SMC are significantly and positively correlated. Considering well-performing stock markets can enhance the nation's wealth, reduce the over-dependence on oil as a major contributor to the economic growth, the results suggest that policy makers in the region ought to play more active role to stimulate their equity markets together with global integration.

In this article, the author analyzes the International Relations (IR) liberal theory and its "interdependence" paradigm. The first part presents the liberal "interdependence" paradigm by defining the state and power as the key elements of every political science analysis, including the IR theory. The second part overviews the academic critique of the IR liberalism, as a methodologically outdated and historically disputed theory. Finally, the third part focuses on the contemporary "interdependence" paradigm as crucial for understanding the current international processes in the global society. The goal of this article is to present the reevaluation of the contemporary IR liberal theory in the "real world politics", and indicate the possible directions of its ongoing theoretic development. Adapted from the source document.

The author clarifies the point of publishing a series of translations of some fundamental texts regarding the conception of politics/the political. The selection includes the following: "The Political Paradox" (1964/1957) by Paul Ricoeur; What is Politics? (1993) by Hannah Arendt; "An epilogue" (1968/1962) by Leo Strauss; and For a Conceptual History of the Political (2003) by Pierre Rosanvallon. In contemporary political theory, the conceptual differentiation between politics and the political is termed "Political Difference". The contribution to reflection on this conceptual pair in the political theories of Schmitt, Arendt and Lefort is briefly outlined. The problem matter is masterfully presented and critically valued in Oliver Marchart's book Post-Foundational Political Thought (2007). This paper summarizes and evaluates the sense of Marchart's theoretical investigation of "political difference" as a conceptual differentiation between the ontological moment and the ontic moment of new political ontology. The radically new concept of the political is a transcendental prerequisite for the possibility of existence of society, while politics is a social sub-system and a special type of activity. "Political difference" is, in fact, political-ontological difference; it constitutes a theoretical field which eludes both traditional political philosophy and political science. Marchart's principal theoretical insight is that, in political difference, the political appears in two meanings: as the ontological moment of original commencement and the way of establishing the social, and also as the way of relating two moments in their irrevocable difference, but also in their essential interdependence. The primacy of the political over politics (and the social in general) is thus manifest in the mediationally understood political, which discursively constitutes and maintains political difference between the ontologically understood political ("moment" of Being) and the ontically understood politics ("moment" of being). And this is precisely the conceptual determination of freedom. Adapted from the source document.

The paper analyzes the link between Kant's 'Perpetual peace' and the democratic peace paradigm with which contemporary International Relations are being interpreted. In doing so, the monadic and dyadic versions of liberal theory of democratic peace are explained through the institutional-structural and cultural-normative models. The theory of democratic peace is critically analyzed, with emphasis on the causal relationship between the independent variable, the democratic regime, and the dependent variable, peace. Empirical studies of cases in which the crises among democratic states have not resulted in war are also questioned, which brings into doubt the causal logic of the theory itself. In critical thought about the democratic peace theory, special emphasis is placed on the realistic interpretation of causes that are believed to contribute to democratic peace, as well as on the existence of the so-called 'democratic war'. There exist a number of factors explaining this foreign policy behavior of democracies and their hiding behind the theses of the theory of democratic peace. An example is the position of power that democracy occupies in International Relations, with which, aside from liberal dependent variables, realistic variables must be taken into account as well, such as the concentration of power, economic interdependence and national interest. Adapted from the source document.

Globalizacija kao proces povezivanja svijeta na gospodarskoj, političkoj, kulturalnoj i ekološkoj razini započeo je s idejom ostvarenja mira, sigurnosti i stabilnosti u svijetu te gospodarskog boljitka svih. Razvojem i jačanjem multinacionalnih kompanija osnovna ideja pokretanja procesa globalizacije je zamijenjena drugim najvažnijim ciljem, ostvarivanjem profita. Pod utjecajem globalnih procesa i integracija osnovane su brojne međunarodne i regionalne organizacije. Europska unija kao jedna od najznačajnijih regionalnih organizacija predstavlja ujedinjenje europskih zemalja na temeljima gospodarske suradnje. Njezina opstojnost, gospodarski razvoj i stabilnost ovisi o međusobnoj suradnji i međuovisnosti njezinih zemalja članica te suradnji njezinih institucija s ostalim regionalnim, međunarodnim i gospodarskim organizacijama. ; Globalization as a process of connecting the world on an economic, political, cultural and environmental level began with the idea of achieving peace, security and stability in the world and the economic well-being of all. With the development and strengthening of multinational companies, the basic idea of starting the process of globalization has been replaced by the second most important goal, making a profit. Under the influence of global processes and integration, numerous international and regional organizations have been established. The European Union, as one of the most important regional organizations, represents the unification of European countries on the basis of economic cooperation. Its survival, economic development and stability of interdependence on mutual cooperation and interdependence of its member states and cooperation of its institutions with other regional, international and economic organizations.

Globalizacija kao proces povezivanja svijeta na gospodarskoj, političkoj, kulturalnoj i ekološkoj razini započeo je s idejom ostvarenja mira, sigurnosti i stabilnosti u svijetu te gospodarskog boljitka svih. Razvojem i jačanjem multinacionalnih kompanija osnovna ideja pokretanja procesa globalizacije je zamijenjena drugim najvažnijim ciljem, ostvarivanjem profita. Pod utjecajem globalnih procesa i integracija osnovane su brojne međunarodne i regionalne organizacije. Europska unija kao jedna od najznačajnijih regionalnih organizacija predstavlja ujedinjenje europskih zemalja na temeljima gospodarske suradnje. Njezina opstojnost, gospodarski razvoj i stabilnost ovisi o međusobnoj suradnji i međuovisnosti njezinih zemalja članica te suradnji njezinih institucija s ostalim regionalnim, međunarodnim i gospodarskim organizacijama. ; Globalization as a process of connecting the world on an economic, political, cultural and environmental level began with the idea of achieving peace, security and stability in the world and the economic well-being of all. With the development and strengthening of multinational companies, the basic idea of starting the process of globalization has been replaced by the second most important goal, making a profit. Under the influence of global processes and integration, numerous international and regional organizations have been established. The European Union, as one of the most important regional organizations, represents the unification of European countries on the basis of economic cooperation. Its survival, economic development and stability of interdependence on mutual cooperation and interdependence of its member states and cooperation of its institutions with other regional, international and economic organizations.

The author considers the three definite articles of Kant's text Towards the Perpetual Peace -- their inner logic & interdependence. Peace in the world can only be achieved if the constitution is republican, if the relations among the states are based on federalness, & if the right of the citizen of the world is secured. The author highlights the importance & the novelty of the right that belongs to a person as a citizen of the world, not just of a particular state. 1 Reference. Adapted from the source document.

Discusses the possibility, meaning, & definition of a prospective supranational identity, a concept assuming greater importance at the close of the 20th century. A primary focus of the analysis is on subjective interpretations of supranationality, eg, the correlation between supranationality & group identity. In an attempt to determine whether a true supranational identity actually exists, the elements that compose such an identity are defined: interdependence, normative universalism, global outlook, & world order. It is concluded that a supranational identity is not only extant, but necessary. 27 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes fundamental concepts of the school of rational expectation (RATEX, an offspring of the Chicago school of economics). Theoretical foundations of the neoclassical macroeconomy are set out: the hypothesis of rational expectations in the circumstances of perfect competition & the principle of strategic interdependence. Central to these are the hypotheses of variants, misallocation of resources, & neutrality of economic policy. Outlined are rent-seeking & direct unproductive profit-seeking as well as alternative models in the new theoretical economy: economic constitutionalism, deficitarians, the theory of political business cycles, & supply-side economics. 22 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author claims that we are living in a time of formal democracy & multipartyism. He advocates a thesis that the Croatian government tolerates the opposition but at the same time deligitimizes it & renders it untrustworthy. The government does not rule by the book & has no systematic ideology. Thus three types of opposition are immanent to it: the one that leads into totalitarianism, the one that strives towards democracy, & finally the one that is given to internal reforms. The key condition for the success of the move towards democracy in Croatia is in countering nationalism & in coexistence within a heterogeneous society with a functional elite & interdependence as a principle. Adapted from the source document.

In today's world, marked by an increasing interdependence, national security is becoming a component of international security, which is not a mere sum of individual national securities, but a permanent international framework of universally acceptable values. Inter-ethnic relations today are central for a state's security, as well as for international order. There is the question of whether the international system must guarantee individual & collective security of ethnic groups/minorities, regardless of the state they live in. Today, human & minority rights have become an important institutionalized international factor of security & stability & a concern of the entire international community, despite the fact that many states still claim that minority policy is their internal problem into which international community has no right to interfere. The affirmation of the rationalist approach to contemporary security implies that the responsibility for guaranteeing security lies not only on individual states & unions but also on the international system as a whole. 8 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author claims that in Hegel's Philosophy of Law there are two convergent, overlapping, & concurrent tendencies. The first asserts that the state is such a condition of society in which the universal will of citizens is paramount. It is the sole source of positive law, since only the state warrants the laws that do not do injustice to its subjects. In this theory, the state is considered an ideal universal entity, adjusted to the speculative shifts of auto-reflection. The second claims that as the rational state, the state is a union of different interests, providing good life for its citizens. The principle of their union is a particular benefit; not self-determination as the absolute principle but mutual compromise, mutual achievement & relatively equal contribution that creates interdependence. These two tendencies have entirely defined the understanding of the state in the German cultural space: at one time it is an ideal association among reflective individuals, & at other an apparatus of power. These two abstract solutions may only be overcome via a forceful democratic mediation of the civil society. Adapted from the source document.

Since WWII, there have been opposing views of the role & the importance of the state in international affairs. Some think that the importance of the state is slowly decreasing, since the increasing interdependence of the world has an enormous influence on both the internal & foreign policies of a state. On the other hand, some point out that the state has not lost any of its importance; on the contrary, this importance will only be enhanced since the world community has not yet come up with a model to replace sovereign state entities. States generate the structure that has a significant influence on individual & group security. This particularly applies to the post-Cold-War period, since the problems & threats of the present-day world -- economic collapse, political oppression, poverty, ethnic conflicts, uncontrolled population boom, nature degradation, terrorism, crime, & disease -- directly affect many other elements of security. It is these problems that turn our attention to the state as the most important institution of the contemporary world, since it still has at its disposal the resources for reducing or eliminating these threats. Adapted from the source document.

The author claims that the concept of the separation of powers was known to writers of antiquity such as Thucydides, Plato, Aristotle, Polybius, & Cicero, who dealt with the question of the balance of power or the balance of different forms of government. In the modern age, liberal thinkers such as Montesquieu, Locke, Madison, & Hamilton postulated the principle of the tension between the opposing functions of the state as the foundation of a liberal & democratic constitutional system. The principle of separation or division of power has maintained its significance in the 20th-century democracies, despite the relativization of the role of the national state through the interdependence of the global society as well as the development of other principles & mechanisms of curtailing the power of the state (political parties, human rights, the autonomy of the mass media & of various social sectors). The author asserts that the principle of the separation of power is functioning today primarily as a form of labor division among various government institutions; this division gives rise to a miscellany of the participants' opinions & preferences. Adapted from the source document.

The starting point in this article is Hegel's mature understanding of civil society as the birthplace of the modern meaning of the concept. Since this understanding is primarily the consequence of Hegel's coming to terms with political economy, the author problematizes Hegel's first attempt at incorporating modern economic topics into ethical totality in the 1802 Article on Natural Law. It is shown how the fundamental paradox of the first variety of Hegel's science of the state is his effort to renew the classical natural law framework in circumstances of modern economic & political life. It is for this reason that Hegel fails to see the full extent of the emancipatory potential & the specifically modern character of the system of economic & private-legal interdependence of individuals, thus, on the one hand, interpreting these as the consequence of the disintegration of antique ethical life while, on the other hand, in the construction of ethical totality, placing its members in the estate of the unfree. It is precisely due to this historical point of origin of these systems & the ways they incorporate into ethical totality that the article on natural law, concludes the author, cannot be seen as the place where Hegel finally formulated his theory of civil society. Adapted from the source document.