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The global human influence on the climate is growing at an alarming pace. This trend appears doomed to continue. Polar regions are feeling the effects first. This means that if the impacts of climate change serve to motivate effective policies, polar regions could be a good place to look for climate policy innovation. It is within this context that this article considers Arctic climate policy in Russia and Canada. The basic question posed is whether the unique and immediate threat climate change presents in the Arctic is reflected in progressive laws and policies with respect to four key areas: mitigation, adaptation, impacts and vulnerability, and development.

Most studies of Asian state involvement in Arctic affairs assume that shorter sea-lanes to Europe are a major driver of interest, so this article begins by examining the prominence of shipping concerns in Arctic policy statements made by major Asian states. Using a bottom-up approach, we consider the advantages of Arctic sea routes over the Suez and Panama alternatives in light of the political, bureaucratic and economic conditions surrounding shipping and shipbuilding in China, Japan and the Republic of Korea. Especially Japanese and Korean policy documents indicate soberness rather than optimism concerning Arctic sea routes, noting the remaining limitations and the need for in-depth feasibility studies. That policymakers show greater caution than analysts, links in with our second finding: in Japan and Korea, maritime-sector bureaucracies responsible for industries with Arctic experience have been closely involved in policy development, more so than in China. Thirdly, we find a clear tendency towards rising industry-level caution and restraint in all three countries, reflecting financial difficulties in several major companies as well as growing sensitivity to the economic and political risks associated with the Arctic routes. Finally, our examination of bilateral and multilateral Chinese, Japanese and Korean diplomatic activity concerning Arctic shipping exhibits a lower profile than indicated by earlier studies.

The Arctic has been home to Indigenous peoples since long before the international legal system of sovereign states came into existence. International law has increasingly recognized the rights of Indigenous peoples, who also have status as Permanent Participants in the Arctic Council. In northern Canada, the majority of those who live in the Arctic are recognized as Indigenous. However, in northern Russia, a much smaller percentage of the population is identified as Indigenous, as legal recognition is only accorded to groups with a small population size. This article will compare Russian and Canadian approaches to recognition of Indigenous peoples and Indigenous rights in the Arctic with attention to the implications for Arctic Ocean governance.
The article first introduces international legal instruments of importance to Indigenous peoples and their rights in the Arctic. Then it considers the domestic legal and policy frameworks that define Indigenous rights and interests in Russia and Canada. Despite both states being members of the Arctic Council and parties to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, there are many differences in their treatment of Indigenous peoples with implications for Arctic Ocean governance.

"This anthology examines various ethical issues related to conflicts of interest in research and raises fundamental questions about the role of research in society. In recent years, researchers and others have expressed concern on several occasions about how research has been conducted or used for political or economic gain, where outcomes of research have been called into question and accusations of rigging or poor quality have been leveled. "Conflict of interest" is a term from research ethics that can help clarify what is at the core of many of these cases.

Questions posed and explored in this anthology include: What exactly is a conflict of interest within the context of research? Is the ideal of pure, unbiased objectivity even realistic? To what degree can transparency remediate challenges associated with conflicts of interest?

The objective with this collection of chapters is to encourage reflection and discourse about the ethical principles and norms that insure quality and integrity in research. The anthology will be of interest to researchers in particular, and all others concerned with ethics in research." - "Denne antologien belyser ulike forskningsetiske aspekter ved interessekonflikter i forskning, og reiser grunnleggende spørsmål om forskningens rolle i samfunnet. I løpet av de siste årene har forskere og andre i flere tilfeller uttrykt bekymring over hvordan forskning styres og brukes av politiske og økonomiske interesser, der forskningsresultater trekkes i tvil, og der det fremmes anklager om fusk eller dårlig kvalitet. «Interessekonflikter» er et begrep fra forskningsetikken som kan bidra til å avklare hva som står på spill i mange av disse sakene. Spørsmål som tas opp i antologien, inkluderer:

Hva er egentlig interessekonflikter i forskning?
Er idealet om interesseløshet realistisk?
I hvilken grad kan åpenhet bøte på utfordringene knyttet til interessekonflikter?
Målet er at tekstene i denne boken skal bidra til refleksjon og debatt om de etiske prinsippene og normene som skal verne om forskningens kvalitet og troverdighet. Antologien henvender seg til forskere og en bredere offentlighet som er opptatt av forskningsetiske spørsmål. Bidragsyterne er forskere, hovedsakelig innenfor naturvitenskapelige og teknologiske fag."

The Iraq War in 2003 represented a conflict of interest for the Norwegian government, as the situation called for them to choose between the relationship with the United States & international law. Being a small nation, it was in Norway's interest to protect both these interests. In the end, the government decided not to support the American-led invasion, with reference to international law. This decision has by some been interpreted as a shift away from Norway's traditional Atlanticist policy. This article illustrates how the second Bondevik Government succeeded in balancing different national interests in the decision-making process. On the one hand, it supported the UN & met the demands of the Norwegian public opinion. On the other hand, it managed to uphold its relationship with the United States. This balancing act illustrates that small states have limited room for manoeuvre in international politics, & will most likely continue to have so in the future. References. Adapted from the source document.

Philosophizes over the concept 'national interest'. 'Nation' is a problematic concept, because it assumes a united people acting together. The 'state' also possesses its conceptual problems, but can be characterized as an ideological object able to act. It is therefore important to realize that the concept 'national interest' is not exactly definable, but is instead dependent upon who, where and how it is used. L. Pitkaniemi

A national interest, as an expression, fits poorly in the Norwegian language and the country's political culture. Norwegian politicians rarely mention it and internationally the country is isolationist due to its small size, distant location and historical circumstances. However, in the northern European context, Norway has strong resource and environmental political interests, as well as keeping a stable and peaceful relationship with its neighbor Russia. L. Pitkaniemi

The author seeks to show that when Germany surprised the world by signaling its disagreement with President Bush regarding the attack on Iraq, it could not be explained by Chancellor Schroder's election campaign, nor by the lack of rapport between the two leaders. At issue are differences regarding principles as well as interests in the wake of the revision of American security policy after September 11, 2001. After reunification, Germany felt freer to express its own interests regarding these & other issues such as closer European security cooperation that Washington now seems to see as a challenge to its own interests. The author concludes by suggesting that this development indicates that the disagreement between Berlin & Washington is not of a temporary nature as some would like to think. 17 References. Adapted from the source document.