Suchergebnisse

Slapin (2011) and Finke et al. (2012) represent the best theory-based book-length studies of the most active period of treaty reform in the history of the European Union – from the Treaty of Amsterdam to the Treaty of Lisbon. These works offer the opportunity to assess the extent to which liberal intergovernmentalism – a 'baseline' theory of regional integration – has withstood empirical scrutiny. I first address what I consider a misinterpretation of liberal intergovernmentalism – the presumed pre-eminence given to a country's relative capability. I then identify challenges to this framework. Methodologically, they concern the measurement of preferences, value of disagreement and opportunities for linkages in treaty negotiations. I then assess evidence of lower-than-unanimity thresholds for treaty reform, which may represent a theoretical challenge. Finally, I suggest that focal points and bargaining dynamics deserve greater scholarly attention.

The functioning of the European Union (EU) has been explored extensively in recent years. The dominant prism through which to look at the EU is still one of locus: i.e. whether decisions are made in the capitals of its member states or in Brussels. This debate is contained in the dualism between intergovernmentalism and supranationalism, but drawing the boundaries between the two concepts is still undone. This article attempts to contribute to solving this problem by investigating the restrictive measures policy of the EU in order to identify three conditions under which intergovernmentalism should be used. First, when EU institutions are dependent on EU member states for information and expertise; second, when decision-making powers rest mainly in EU capitals; and three, when there are no exclusive fora for decision-making in Brussels. The study of the restrictive measures of the European Union does not meet any of these three conditions; therefore the article argues that the concept of supranational intergovernmentalism offers useful insights to understand the EU security governance of CFSP sanctions. The article is divided into four parts. The first introduces the debate on security governance and justifies the selection of this specific approach to the study of sanctions. The second part presents the restrictive measures policy of the European Union and justifies its pertinence to the field of security. The third part of the article investigates the emerging patterns in security governance by testing the three conditions on the decision-making process for EU restrictive measures. Finally, the conclusion summarises the main argument and indicates ways forward in the study of EU sanctions from a governance perspective.

Fabio Franchino provides an insightful and critical examination of the findings of my book Veto Power, as well as the volume by Finke et al., Reforming the European Union. Here I respond to some of the issues raised by Franchino. First, I discuss Franchino's replication of my main empirical results, and then I discuss my treatment of intergovernmentalism.

The purpose of research – to find out the possibilities of Eurasian Union realization; the object of research – the idea of Eurasian Union and possibilities of its realization; the problem of research is the tangibility of Eurasian Union idea's realization and perspectives of further regional integration. The chosen analytical methods are descriptive research and analysis, which help to reveal characteristics and development of the research object and to consider possibilities of further realization; comparative analysis helps to distinguish differences and similarities of various sources. Primary and secondary sources are used in the analysis. Structure of this master thesis is based on the raised goals and research starts with presentation of the Eurasian Union idea (mostly the analysis of primary sources). After presenting the research object (Eurasian Union idea) and scholars and politicians opinions about the idea, research concentrates on the analysis of regional integration. Intergovernmentalism and liberal intergovernmentalism are determined as the most appropriate theories of analyzing realization of Eurasian Union idea. The third chapter of master thesis analyzes the concept of neoauthoritarianism and functioning of neoauthoritarian states. In order to improve quality of analyzing Eurasian Union idea's realization possibilities, master thesis concentrates on the specific of the region; Russia's role in the region; problems of the interstate relations in the region; and the post-Soviet regional experiences. After the analysis of situation in the region and the process of Eurasian Union idea's realization through intergovernmentalism and neoauthoritarianism theories, conclusions are formulated. Conclusions of master thesis states: Eurasia's Union idea's realization is realistic, but in limited space of post-Soviet area. The integration process is driven by the state's national interests and economical interdependence. First of all, effective integration must be achieved in limited number of states, and just after widening can be started. The success of idea's realization will depend on process of intergovernmental negotiations; on side-payments and discounts; on the possible alternatives to Eurasian Union; on Russia's capability to keep other countries in region in economical dependence; on common legal system development; and on the efficiency of institutional cooperation.

The purpose of research – to find out the possibilities of Eurasian Union realization; the object of research – the idea of Eurasian Union and possibilities of its realization; the problem of research is the tangibility of Eurasian Union idea's realization and perspectives of further regional integration. The chosen analytical methods are descriptive research and analysis, which help to reveal characteristics and development of the research object and to consider possibilities of further realization; comparative analysis helps to distinguish differences and similarities of various sources. Primary and secondary sources are used in the analysis. Structure of this master thesis is based on the raised goals and research starts with presentation of the Eurasian Union idea (mostly the analysis of primary sources). After presenting the research object (Eurasian Union idea) and scholars and politicians opinions about the idea, research concentrates on the analysis of regional integration. Intergovernmentalism and liberal intergovernmentalism are determined as the most appropriate theories of analyzing realization of Eurasian Union idea. The third chapter of master thesis analyzes the concept of neoauthoritarianism and functioning of neoauthoritarian states. In order to improve quality of analyzing Eurasian Union idea's realization possibilities, master thesis concentrates on the specific of the region; Russia's role in the region; problems of the interstate relations in the region; and the post-Soviet regional experiences. After the analysis of situation in the region and the process of Eurasian Union idea's realization through intergovernmentalism and neoauthoritarianism theories, conclusions are formulated. Conclusions of master thesis states: Eurasia's Union idea's realization is realistic, but in limited space of post-Soviet area. The integration process is driven by the state's national interests and economical interdependence. First of all, effective integration must be achieved in limited number of states, and just after widening can be started. The success of idea's realization will depend on process of intergovernmental negotiations; on side-payments and discounts; on the possible alternatives to Eurasian Union; on Russia's capability to keep other countries in region in economical dependence; on common legal system development; and on the efficiency of institutional cooperation.

The purpose of research – to find out the possibilities of Eurasian Union realization; the object of research – the idea of Eurasian Union and possibilities of its realization; the problem of research is the tangibility of Eurasian Union idea's realization and perspectives of further regional integration. The chosen analytical methods are descriptive research and analysis, which help to reveal characteristics and development of the research object and to consider possibilities of further realization; comparative analysis helps to distinguish differences and similarities of various sources. Primary and secondary sources are used in the analysis. Structure of this master thesis is based on the raised goals and research starts with presentation of the Eurasian Union idea (mostly the analysis of primary sources). After presenting the research object (Eurasian Union idea) and scholars and politicians opinions about the idea, research concentrates on the analysis of regional integration. Intergovernmentalism and liberal intergovernmentalism are determined as the most appropriate theories of analyzing realization of Eurasian Union idea. The third chapter of master thesis analyzes the concept of neoauthoritarianism and functioning of neoauthoritarian states. In order to improve quality of analyzing Eurasian Union idea's realization possibilities, master thesis concentrates on the specific of the region; Russia's role in the region; problems of the interstate relations in the region; and the post-Soviet regional experiences. After the analysis of situation in the region and the process of Eurasian Union idea's realization through intergovernmentalism and neoauthoritarianism theories, conclusions are formulated. Conclusions of master thesis states: Eurasia's Union idea's realization is realistic, but in limited space of post-Soviet area. The integration process is driven by the state's national interests and economical interdependence. First of all, effective integration must be achieved in limited number of states, and just after widening can be started. The success of idea's realization will depend on process of intergovernmental negotiations; on side-payments and discounts; on the possible alternatives to Eurasian Union; on Russia's capability to keep other countries in region in economical dependence; on common legal system development; and on the efficiency of institutional cooperation.

During the process of European integration, the main institutions created since the founding Treaties of the European Communities have played a decisive role in pushing the European project forward. Among these institutions, the Court of Justice of the European Union (EU) 1 is said to be the most neglected by the academics, although it has extended significantly the EU policy for decades. This article reviews the Court's evolution, function and main decisions and discusses its role, not only as an exclusively legal institution but also as a political player capable of driving forward European integration. This article claims that the Court has pushed forward integration process in some important ways, clarifying and extending EU law. However, the Court is primarily a legal institution of an intergovernmental organization, the European Union. Thus, its political power and role is limited to Treaties' provisions and the Member States remain the key -actors of the EU's decision making system until today. ; durante o processo de integração europeia, as principais instituições criadas a partir dos tratados fundadores das comunidades europeias desempenharam um papel decisivo no desenvolvimento do projeto europeu. entre estas instituições, o tribunal de Justiça da união europeia (tJue) é referido como sendo o mais negligenciado pelos académicos, não obstante a sua ampla contribuição para a consolidação institucional da ue. este artigo examina a evolução, função e principais decisões do tJue e discute o seu papel, não só como uma instituição exclusivamente judicial, mas também como um interveniente na cena política e institucional da ue, capaz de conduzir e promover a integração europeia. este artigo argumenta que o tribunal tem potenciado o processo de integração em alguns aspetos importantes, esclarecendo e ampliando, por exemplo, o direito da união europeia. no entanto, o tribunal é principalmente uma instituição judicial de uma organização intergovernamental, a união europeia. assim, o seu poder de intervenção política e papel institucional alargado é limitado às disposições dos tratados, permanecendo os estados ‑membros os atores ‑chave do sistema de tomada de decisão da ue.

In 2008 we published an article finding evidence for political constraints on European Court of Justice (ECJ) decision making. Stone Sweet and Brunell (this issue) argue that our theoretical foundations are fundamentally flawed and that our empirical evidence supports neofunctionalism over intergovernmentalism "in a landslide." We respectfully disagree with Stone Sweet and Brunell regarding both their conclusions about our theoretical arguments and what the empirical evidence demonstrates. We use this response to clarify our argument and to draw a clearer contrast between our and their perspective on the role the ECJ plays in European integration. Finally, we reevaluate their neofunctionalist hypotheses. Ultimately, we do not find support in the data for Stone Sweet and Brunell's empirical claims.

AbstractWhat is the impact of Greece's fiscal meltdown on the effectiveness of Europe's response? Using Perrow's normal accidents theory, I argue that efforts to reduce the likelihood of a Greek default activated conflicting centripetal and centrifugal modes of governance. Greater centralisation in decision-making at the European Union level improves policy effectiveness because it addresses problems of contagion but it simultaneously raises the risk of overall failure by increasing diagnosis, coordination and compliance costs. Three episodes are explored: the first bailout in May 2010, the mid-term fiscal strategy in June–July 2011 and the second bailout in February 2012. Implications are drawn for theories of delegation, intergovernmentalism and the future of EU crisis management.