Suchergebnisse

In recent years, there have been forged in Peru years' experience who have tried to move towards sectoral integration efforts and intergovernmental coordination. This is the case of Aprende Saludable an initiative that since 2013 has sought to articulate sectoral programs from Ministry of Health and Ministry of Development and Social Inclusion with the strategies of the Ministry of Education to improve student learning. The aim of the paper is to analyse the possibilities and limits of the implementation of public policies oriented to intergovernmental and inter-sectorial approaches. This requires the implementation of «Aprende Saludable» was studied from a qualitative approach with case study method. The main result is that «Aprende Saludable» is an initiative of inter-sectorial coordination, rather than an inter-sectorial experience, based on individual rather than institutional efforts. Barriers represent institutional design of the government in a context of decentralization and clashes of different traditions and cultures institutional sector. ; En los últimos años, en el Perú se han ido forjando experiencias que han intentado buscar integración sectorial y coordinación intergubernamental. Este es el caso de la Iniciativa «Aprende Saludable», que desde 2013 ha buscado articular programas sectoriales de los Ministerios de Salud y de Desarrollo e Inclusión Social a las estrategias del Ministerio de Educación para la mejora de los aprendizajes de los estudiantes. El objetivo del artículo es analizar las posibilidades y los límites de la puesta en marcha de políticas públicas intersectoriales e intergubernamentales. Para ello se estudió la implementación de Aprende Saludable desde un enfoque cualitativo con el método de estudio de caso. El resultado principal es que Aprende Saludable es más una iniciativa de coordinación intersectorial, antes que una experiencia de intersectorialidad, apoyada en esfuerzos individuales más que institucionales. En ese sentido, ilustra las barreras de diseño institucional del Estado en un contexto de descentralización y los enfrentamientos de distintas tradiciones y culturas institucionales sectoriales.

Abstract. The aim of the article is double: on the one hand, to explore the EU's ability to conduct a foreign audiovisual policy towards the Mercosur region and to promote the norms of the Convention on diversity of cultural expressions; on the other hand, to analyze the impact of the EU audiovisual policy model on the development of the Mercosur audiovisual cooperation and to focus on the main forces shaping the Mercosur audiovisual landscape. The article seeks to emphasize why and how the EU pursues an audiovisual foreign policy towards the Mercosur region, for which purposes as well as to highlight the resistances. In this sense, it is more concerned with understanding how the EU's audiovisual diplomacy interplays with other main factors, such as the governmental action, namely the EU and Mercosur members' audiovisual diplomacy and the practices of private sector (Hollywood and big media conglomerates). ; Peer reviewed

The aim of the article is double: on the one hand, to explore the EU's ability to conduct a foreign audiovisual policy towards the Mercosur region and to promote the norms of the Convention on diversity of cultural expressions; on the other hand, to analyze the impact of the EU audiovisual policy model on the development of the Mercosur audiovisual cooperation and to focus on the main forces shaping the Mercosur audiovisual landscape. The article seeks to emphasize why and how the EU pursues an audiovisual foreign policy towards the Mercosur region, for which purposes as well as to highlight the resistances. In this sense, it is more concerned with understanding how the EU's audiovisual diplomacy interplays with other main factors, such as the governmental action, namely the EU and Mercosur members' audiovisual diplomacy and the practices of private sector (Hollywood and big media conglomerates). ; El objetivo de este artículo es doble: por un lado explorar la habilidad de la Unión Europea para llevar a cabo una política audiovisual dirigida al Mercosur y promover las normas de la Convención sobre la diversidad de las expresiones culturales; por otro, analizar el impacto del modelo de política audiovisual de la UE en el desarrollo de la cooperación audiovisual con el Mercosur y centrarse en los principales vectores que configuran el paisaje audiovisual del Mercosur. El texto pretende destacar cómo y por qué la UE persigue una política audiovisual con esa región, cuáles son los propósitos y los límites de actuación. En este sentido, se preocupa por entender cómo la diplomacia audiovisual de la UE interactúa con otros actores, como las acciones gubernamentales llevadas a cabo desde la propia UE y el Mercosur, así como las prácticas del sector privado (Hollywwod y los grandes conglomerados de medios).

The European Union is going through a difficult crisis phase. It is a crisis that affects material aspects such as its economy and finances and, very specifically, the economies and finances of some of its member states; but it is a crisis that affects also immaterial aspect such as its own identity and the future of its political project. Many are the solutions that have been proposed in order to overcome this difficult stage, but in most of the cases these are inadequate solutions since they are not adapted to the peculiar nature of the EU as a legal and political organization. Therefore, firstly, this article analyzes the nature of the EU as a political organization and the different theories that have been issued in this regard. Secondly, the present situation of the EU is analyzed, including a perspective on what it is doing in this regard, and thirdly, the solutions to overcome this critical situation which have been proposed so far are also analyzed. ; La Unión Europea atraviese por una etapa difícil de crisis. Crisis que afecta a aspectos materiales, como su economía, sus finanzas y, muy en particular, las economías y finanzas de algunos de sus Estados miembros; pero crisis que afecta también a aspectos inmateriales, como su propia identidad y el futuro de su proyecto político. Muchas son las soluciones que se aportan para tratar de superar esta difícil etapa, sin embargo, en la mayoría de los casos se trata de soluciones inadecuadas porque no se adaptan a la naturaleza peculiar de la UE como entidad jurídico-política. Así, este trabajo, analiza, en primer lugar la naturaleza de la UE como entidad jurídico-política y las diferentes teorías que se han producido al respecto. En segundo lugar se analiza la situación actual de la UE y lo que ella hace al respecto, y, en tercer lugar se analizan las posibles soluciones que se aportan para esta situación crítica.The European Union is going through a difficult crisis phase. It is a crisis that affects material aspects such as its economy and finances and, very specifically, the economies and finances of some of its member states; but it is a crisis that affects also immaterial aspect such as its own identity and the future of its political project. Many are the solutions that have been proposed in order to overcome this difficult stage, but in most of the cases these are inadequate solutions since they are not adapted to the peculiar nature of the EU as a legal and political organization. Therefore, firstly, this article analyzes the nature of the EU as a political organization and the different theories that have been issued in this regard. Secondly, the present situation of the EU is analyzed, including a perspective on what it is doing in this regard, and thirdly, the solutions to overcome this critical situation which have been proposed so far are also analyzed.

Over the last two years Russian and European Union, as well as Russian and Lithuanian relations became the worst since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Russia's annexation of Crimea peninsula and aggression in Eastern Ukraine has made a serious impact on relations with Russian and for security of the European Continent. After all, not so long ago EU and Russia was strategic partners, developed common projects and was preparing to renew a Strategic Partnership Agreement. However at this moment EU is imposing economic sanctions on Russia. At that time Moscow even not trying to accomplish Minsk agreement. Lithuania–Russia relations was consistently complicated. In 2004 Lithuania's accession to the EU made a possibility to influence and increase one's role in EU-Russian relations by using Foreign policy instruments - Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). To some purpose Lithuania is the country which criticizing Russia's actions the most in the EU. In this thesis is trying to find out Lithuanian role in forming the EU common Foreign and Security policy against Russia during the crisis in Ukraine. The aim of the thesis – by using European integration theories to analyze Lithuanian role of the formation of the EU common Foreign and Security policy against Russian Federation in 2014-2015. The first part of the thesis is written about the European integration theories. By using these theories in this thesis is trying to present the main ideas and postulates of the European integration. The second part of the thesis is written about the Common Foreign and Security Policy historical development. Also in this part of the thesis is identifying the national States role in CFSP decision making. It is important to mention that in this part of the thesis is trying to find out why the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy is not that effective and common. The third part of the thesis is written about Lithuanian foreign policy towards Russia since 1990 to present day. Also in this part is analyzing the main three phases of the Lithuanian foreign policy towards Russia. The last part of the thesis is analyzing Lithuanian representatives in the European Parliament, President Dalia Grybauskaitė and Minister of Foreign Affairs Linas Linkevičius official discourse towards Russia in 2014-2015.

Over the last two years Russian and European Union, as well as Russian and Lithuanian relations became the worst since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Russia's annexation of Crimea peninsula and aggression in Eastern Ukraine has made a serious impact on relations with Russian and for security of the European Continent. After all, not so long ago EU and Russia was strategic partners, developed common projects and was preparing to renew a Strategic Partnership Agreement. However at this moment EU is imposing economic sanctions on Russia. At that time Moscow even not trying to accomplish Minsk agreement. Lithuania–Russia relations was consistently complicated. In 2004 Lithuania's accession to the EU made a possibility to influence and increase one's role in EU-Russian relations by using Foreign policy instruments - Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). To some purpose Lithuania is the country which criticizing Russia's actions the most in the EU. In this thesis is trying to find out Lithuanian role in forming the EU common Foreign and Security policy against Russia during the crisis in Ukraine. The aim of the thesis – by using European integration theories to analyze Lithuanian role of the formation of the EU common Foreign and Security policy against Russian Federation in 2014-2015. The first part of the thesis is written about the European integration theories. By using these theories in this thesis is trying to present the main ideas and postulates of the European integration. The second part of the thesis is written about the Common Foreign and Security Policy historical development. Also in this part of the thesis is identifying the national States role in CFSP decision making. It is important to mention that in this part of the thesis is trying to find out why the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy is not that effective and common. The third part of the thesis is written about Lithuanian foreign policy towards Russia since 1990 to present day. Also in this part is analyzing the main three phases of the Lithuanian foreign policy towards Russia. The last part of the thesis is analyzing Lithuanian representatives in the European Parliament, President Dalia Grybauskaitė and Minister of Foreign Affairs Linas Linkevičius official discourse towards Russia in 2014-2015.

Over the last two years Russian and European Union, as well as Russian and Lithuanian relations became the worst since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Russia's annexation of Crimea peninsula and aggression in Eastern Ukraine has made a serious impact on relations with Russian and for security of the European Continent. After all, not so long ago EU and Russia was strategic partners, developed common projects and was preparing to renew a Strategic Partnership Agreement. However at this moment EU is imposing economic sanctions on Russia. At that time Moscow even not trying to accomplish Minsk agreement. Lithuania–Russia relations was consistently complicated. In 2004 Lithuania's accession to the EU made a possibility to influence and increase one's role in EU-Russian relations by using Foreign policy instruments - Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). To some purpose Lithuania is the country which criticizing Russia's actions the most in the EU. In this thesis is trying to find out Lithuanian role in forming the EU common Foreign and Security policy against Russia during the crisis in Ukraine. The aim of the thesis – by using European integration theories to analyze Lithuanian role of the formation of the EU common Foreign and Security policy against Russian Federation in 2014-2015. The first part of the thesis is written about the European integration theories. By using these theories in this thesis is trying to present the main ideas and postulates of the European integration. The second part of the thesis is written about the Common Foreign and Security Policy historical development. Also in this part of the thesis is identifying the national States role in CFSP decision making. It is important to mention that in this part of the thesis is trying to find out why the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy is not that effective and common. The third part of the thesis is written about Lithuanian foreign policy towards Russia since 1990 to present day. Also in this part is analyzing the main three phases of the Lithuanian foreign policy towards Russia. The last part of the thesis is analyzing Lithuanian representatives in the European Parliament, President Dalia Grybauskaitė and Minister of Foreign Affairs Linas Linkevičius official discourse towards Russia in 2014-2015.

The European Union, created -in its previous versions- by the Treaties of Paris (1951) and Rome (1957), represents the initiative of greatest regional integration known up to now. Unlike other projects, its level of integration is advanced, but at the same time irregular. In the project, priority has been given to economic field rather than political ones. At the present time, the EU is at a crossroads: moving towards a more federal path (giving more powers to the Commission and Parliament), or maintaining the predominant intergovernmental dynamics so far (based on the relevant role, also in the legislative, of the Council). This paper tries to define the European Union and analyze the different integration paths that are presented, as well as the different proposals that have recently been presented supporting one or the other. ; La Unión Europea, creada -en sus versiones anteriores- por los Tratados de París (1951) y de Roma (1957), representa la iniciativa de mayor integración regional conocida hasta ahora. A diferencia de otros proyectos, su nivel de integración es avanzado, pero al mismo tiempo irregular. En él se ha dado prioridad al campo económico sobre el político. En el momento actual, la UE se encuentra en una encrucijada entre avanzar hacia una vía más federal (dando más poderes a la Comisión y al Parlamento), o mantener la dinámica intergubernamental predominante hasta ahora (basada en el papel relevante, también en el aspecto legislativo, del Consejo). En el presente trabajo se trata de definir la Unión Europea y de analizar las diversas vías de integración que se presentan, así como las distintas propuestas que se han expuesto recientemente apoyando unas u otras.

This paper presents the contributions of the theory of intergovernmental relations (IGR) and multilevel governance approach (MLG) in the study of relations between governmental levels. Both, from political science, contribute to the understanding of the phenomenon of intergovernmental relations, while enabling the study of formal and informal aspects in determining the stage of negotiation, coordination, policy development, and joint decision making and, in general, actions that involve various levels of government. Both IGR as MLG focus in theoretical and analytical elements different, but complementary, to the understanding of the mechanisms for coordination between government levels that make a state. More precisely, the IGR allows the study of intergovernmental relations from an institutional trend that examines the powers of different levels, the policy, the role of political parties, bureaucracy and the government instruments for the relationship. In turn, the MLG allows the study of the relationships that develop between different levels of government from the way the actors are forging, by giving less importance to the legal and institutional frameworks imposed from above. ; Este artículo presenta los aportes de la teoría de las Relaciones intergubernamentales (RIG) y en enfoque de la Gobernanza Multinivel (GMN) en el estudio de las relaciones entre niveles de gobierno. Ambos, desde la ciencia política, aportan a la comprensión del fenómeno de las relaciones intergubernamentales en tanto permiten el estudio de aspectos formales e informales determinantes en el escenario de negociación, coordinación, formulación de políticas, articulaciones y toma de decisión y, en general, de las acciones que comprometen varios niveles de gobierno. Tanto RIG como GMN abordan elementos teórico-analíticos diferenciados, pero complementarios, para el entendimiento de los mecanismos de coordinación y articulación entre los niveles gubernamentales que conforman un Estado. Más precisamente, las RIG permiten el estudio de las relaciones intergubernamentales desde una tendencia institucional que examina las competencias de los diferentes niveles, la normatividad, el rol de los partidos políticos, la burocracia y los instrumentos de gobierno para el relacionamiento. Por su parte, la GMN permite el estudio de las relaciones que se desarrollan entre diferentes niveles de gobierno desde la manera como los actores las van forjando, por lo que da menos importancia a los marcos jurídicos e institucionales impuestos desde arriba.

RESUMEN: Este artículo presenta los aportes de la teoría de las Relaciones intergubernamentales (RIG) y en enfoque de la Gobernanza Multinivel (GMN) en el estudio de las relaciones entre niveles de gobierno. Ambos, desde la ciencia política, aportan a la comprensión del fenómeno de las relaciones intergubernamentales en tanto permiten el estudio de aspectos formales e informales determinantes en el escenario de negociación, coordinación, formulación de políticas, articulaciones y toma de decisión y, en general, de las acciones que comprometen varios niveles de gobierno. Tanto RIG como GMN abordan elementos teórico-analíticos diferenciados, pero complementarios, para el entendimiento de los mecanismos de coordinación y articulación entre los niveles gubernamentales que conforman un Estado. Más precisamente, las RIG permiten el estudio de las relaciones intergubernamentales desde una tendencia institucional que examina las competencias de los diferentes niveles, la normatividad, el rol de los partidos políticos, la burocracia y los instrumentos de gobierno para el relacionamiento. Por su parte, la GMN permite el estudio de las relaciones que se desarrollan entre diferentes niveles de gobierno desde la manera como los actores las van forjando, por lo que da menos importancia a los marcos jurídicos e institucionales impuestos desde arriba. ; ABSTRACT: This paper presents the contributions of the theory of intergovernmental relations (IGR) and multilevel governance approach (MLG) in the study of relations between governmental levels. Both, from political science, contribute to the understanding of the phenomenon of intergovernmental relations, while enabling the study of formal and informal aspects in determining the stage of negotiation, coordination, policy development, and joint decision making and, in general, actions that involve various levels of government. Both IGR as MLG focus in theoretical and analytical elements different, but complementary, to the understanding of the mechanisms for coordination between government levels that make a state. More precisely, the IGR allows the study of intergovernmental relations from an institutional trend that examines the powers of different levels, the policy, the role of political parties, bureaucracy and the government instruments for the relationship. In turn, the MLG allows the study of the relationships that develop between different levels of government from the way the actors are forging, by giving less importance to the legal and institutional frameworks imposed from above.

The purpose of research – to find out the possibilities of Eurasian Union realization; the object of research – the idea of Eurasian Union and possibilities of its realization; the problem of research is the tangibility of Eurasian Union idea's realization and perspectives of further regional integration. The chosen analytical methods are descriptive research and analysis, which help to reveal characteristics and development of the research object and to consider possibilities of further realization; comparative analysis helps to distinguish differences and similarities of various sources. Primary and secondary sources are used in the analysis. Structure of this master thesis is based on the raised goals and research starts with presentation of the Eurasian Union idea (mostly the analysis of primary sources). After presenting the research object (Eurasian Union idea) and scholars and politicians opinions about the idea, research concentrates on the analysis of regional integration. Intergovernmentalism and liberal intergovernmentalism are determined as the most appropriate theories of analyzing realization of Eurasian Union idea. The third chapter of master thesis analyzes the concept of neoauthoritarianism and functioning of neoauthoritarian states. In order to improve quality of analyzing Eurasian Union idea's realization possibilities, master thesis concentrates on the specific of the region; Russia's role in the region; problems of the interstate relations in the region; and the post-Soviet regional experiences. After the analysis of situation in the region and the process of Eurasian Union idea's realization through intergovernmentalism and neoauthoritarianism theories, conclusions are formulated. Conclusions of master thesis states: Eurasia's Union idea's realization is realistic, but in limited space of post-Soviet area. The integration process is driven by the state's national interests and economical interdependence. First of all, effective integration must be achieved in limited number of states, and just after widening can be started. The success of idea's realization will depend on process of intergovernmental negotiations; on side-payments and discounts; on the possible alternatives to Eurasian Union; on Russia's capability to keep other countries in region in economical dependence; on common legal system development; and on the efficiency of institutional cooperation.

The purpose of research – to find out the possibilities of Eurasian Union realization; the object of research – the idea of Eurasian Union and possibilities of its realization; the problem of research is the tangibility of Eurasian Union idea's realization and perspectives of further regional integration. The chosen analytical methods are descriptive research and analysis, which help to reveal characteristics and development of the research object and to consider possibilities of further realization; comparative analysis helps to distinguish differences and similarities of various sources. Primary and secondary sources are used in the analysis. Structure of this master thesis is based on the raised goals and research starts with presentation of the Eurasian Union idea (mostly the analysis of primary sources). After presenting the research object (Eurasian Union idea) and scholars and politicians opinions about the idea, research concentrates on the analysis of regional integration. Intergovernmentalism and liberal intergovernmentalism are determined as the most appropriate theories of analyzing realization of Eurasian Union idea. The third chapter of master thesis analyzes the concept of neoauthoritarianism and functioning of neoauthoritarian states. In order to improve quality of analyzing Eurasian Union idea's realization possibilities, master thesis concentrates on the specific of the region; Russia's role in the region; problems of the interstate relations in the region; and the post-Soviet regional experiences. After the analysis of situation in the region and the process of Eurasian Union idea's realization through intergovernmentalism and neoauthoritarianism theories, conclusions are formulated. Conclusions of master thesis states: Eurasia's Union idea's realization is realistic, but in limited space of post-Soviet area. The integration process is driven by the state's national interests and economical interdependence. First of all, effective integration must be achieved in limited number of states, and just after widening can be started. The success of idea's realization will depend on process of intergovernmental negotiations; on side-payments and discounts; on the possible alternatives to Eurasian Union; on Russia's capability to keep other countries in region in economical dependence; on common legal system development; and on the efficiency of institutional cooperation.

The purpose of research – to find out the possibilities of Eurasian Union realization; the object of research – the idea of Eurasian Union and possibilities of its realization; the problem of research is the tangibility of Eurasian Union idea's realization and perspectives of further regional integration. The chosen analytical methods are descriptive research and analysis, which help to reveal characteristics and development of the research object and to consider possibilities of further realization; comparative analysis helps to distinguish differences and similarities of various sources. Primary and secondary sources are used in the analysis. Structure of this master thesis is based on the raised goals and research starts with presentation of the Eurasian Union idea (mostly the analysis of primary sources). After presenting the research object (Eurasian Union idea) and scholars and politicians opinions about the idea, research concentrates on the analysis of regional integration. Intergovernmentalism and liberal intergovernmentalism are determined as the most appropriate theories of analyzing realization of Eurasian Union idea. The third chapter of master thesis analyzes the concept of neoauthoritarianism and functioning of neoauthoritarian states. In order to improve quality of analyzing Eurasian Union idea's realization possibilities, master thesis concentrates on the specific of the region; Russia's role in the region; problems of the interstate relations in the region; and the post-Soviet regional experiences. After the analysis of situation in the region and the process of Eurasian Union idea's realization through intergovernmentalism and neoauthoritarianism theories, conclusions are formulated. Conclusions of master thesis states: Eurasia's Union idea's realization is realistic, but in limited space of post-Soviet area. The integration process is driven by the state's national interests and economical interdependence. First of all, effective integration must be achieved in limited number of states, and just after widening can be started. The success of idea's realization will depend on process of intergovernmental negotiations; on side-payments and discounts; on the possible alternatives to Eurasian Union; on Russia's capability to keep other countries in region in economical dependence; on common legal system development; and on the efficiency of institutional cooperation.

En la investigación que se propone, se indagará, teniendo como marco el intergubernamentalismo de la región de América Latina, el tratamiento en materia de seguridad alimentaria y del derecho a la alimentación en particular de los alimentos sin gluten. Existen áreas de vacancia científica en la consideración y acompañamiento desde la perspectiva del derecho a la alimentación y de la seguridad alimentaria, para aquellas personas que deben seguir una dieta estricta. El conocimiento especializado se encuentra presente: en los temas alimentación sin gluten en el ámbito de las ciencias médicas y desde las ciencias exactas; respecto del derecho a la alimentación y de la seguridad alimentaria en el derecho internacional público y desde la perspectiva de derechos humanos; y las aproximaciones desde la dimensión social en los modelos de integración. Sin embargo, pareciera que existen áreas de vacancia científica en la consideración y acompañamiento desde la perspectiva del derecho a la alimentación y de la seguridad alimentaria, para aquellas personas que deben seguir una dieta estricta. Las iniciativas gubernamentales vinculadas al Derecho a la Alimentación y Seguridad Alimentaria, más importantes que hemos identificado son: a nivel internacional (la incorporación del Relator Especial para el Derecho a la alimentación en el Consejo de la ONU; la Aprobación en la FAO de las "Directrices Voluntarias sobre el Derecho a la Alimentación"; la aprobación del Marco Estratégico Mundial para la Seguridad Alimentaria del Comité de Seguridad Alimentaria de la FAO); a nivel regional (la formulación del Plan Estratégico de Acción Social en el MERCOSUR; la suscripción del Plan de Acción de Seguridad Alimentaria y Nutricional de los países integrantes de la CELAC); y a nivel local (Leyes sancionadas en materia de seguridad alimentaria). Casi todas ellas focalizando en las personas que padecen extremas necesidades (sin acceso a los alimentos por dificultades económicas). Entre lo expuesto no se visualiza un diálogo común; y pareciera que todas las iniciativas van por caminos distintos. También surge el interrogante sobre cuál ha sido la importancia en la región, teniendo en consideración las características particulares de estos alimentos. Por ello, se realizará una búsqueda de los diferentes documentos normativos para clasificar y analizar los alcances de los mismos. Luego identificar las referencias expresas de los alimentos sin gluten y señalar qué recursos normativos pueden ser útiles para este escenario. Entre los resultados esperados deseo: complementar los conocimientos sobre seguridad alimentaria y derecho a la alimentación, especializando en la alimentación libre de gluten bajo los paradigmas intergubernamentales; y de ser posible, realizar alguna propuesta legislativa para complementar los alcances de la seguridad alimentaria.

En la investigación que se propone, se indagará, teniendo como marco el intergubernamentalismo de la región de América Latina, el tratamiento en materia de seguridad alimentaria y del derecho a la alimentación en particular de los alimentos sin gluten. Existen áreas de vacancia científica en la consideración y acompañamiento desde la perspectiva del derecho a la alimentación y de la seguridad alimentaria, para aquellas personas que deben seguir una dieta estricta. El conocimiento especializado se encuentra presente: en los temas alimentación sin gluten en el ámbito de las ciencias médicas y desde las ciencias exactas; respecto del derecho a la alimentación y de la seguridad alimentaria en el derecho internacional público y desde la perspectiva de derechos humanos; y las aproximaciones desde la dimensión social en los modelos de integración. Sin embargo, pareciera que existen áreas de vacancia científica en la consideración y acompañamiento desde la perspectiva del derecho a la alimentación y de la seguridad alimentaria, para aquellas personas que deben seguir una dieta estricta. Las iniciativas gubernamentales vinculadas al Derecho a la Alimentación y Seguridad Alimentaria, más importantes que hemos identificado son: a nivel internacional (la incorporación del Relator Especial para el Derecho a la alimentación en el Consejo de la ONU; la Aprobación en la FAO de las "Directrices Voluntarias sobre el Derecho a la Alimentación"; la aprobación del Marco Estratégico Mundial para la Seguridad Alimentaria del Comité de Seguridad Alimentaria de la FAO); a nivel regional (la formulación del Plan Estratégico de Acción Social en el MERCOSUR; la suscripción del Plan de Acción de Seguridad Alimentaria y Nutricional de los países integrantes de la CELAC); y a nivel local (Leyes sancionadas en materia de seguridad alimentaria). Casi todas ellas focalizando en las personas que padecen extremas necesidades (sin acceso a los alimentos por dificultades económicas). Entre lo expuesto no se visualiza un diálogo común; y pareciera que todas las iniciativas van por caminos distintos. También surge el interrogante sobre cuál ha sido la importancia en la región, teniendo en consideración las características particulares de estos alimentos. Por ello, se realizará una búsqueda de los diferentes documentos normativos para clasificar y analizar los alcances de los mismos. Luego identificar las referencias expresas de los alimentos sin gluten y señalar qué recursos normativos pueden ser útiles para este escenario. Entre los resultados esperados deseo: complementar los conocimientos sobre seguridad alimentaria y derecho a la alimentación, especializando en la alimentación libre de gluten bajo los paradigmas intergubernamentales; y de ser posible, realizar alguna propuesta legislativa para complementar los alcances de la seguridad alimentaria. ; Carrera: Maestría en Integración Latinoamericana Tipo de beca: Maestría Año de inicio de beca: 2019 Año de finalización de beca: 2021 Organismo: UNLP Apellido, Nombre del Director/a/e: Gajate, Rita Tipo de investigación: Aplicada ; Facultad de Ciencias Jurídicas y Sociales ; Instituto de Integración Latinoamericana