Suchergebnisse

The article analyzes the wars & conflicts of the Horn of Africa from a regional point of view. Although it is argued that the many conflicts largely arise for reasons internal to the individual state -- in particular, due to tensions between groups & the state stemming from the way the state formation is constituted -- it is also pointed out that the dynamics of these conflicts can only be understood in a regional perspective. As armed opposition groups use neighboring countries as bases for their attacks on the regime, & as networks of alliances are built around the principle of "my enemy's enemy is my friend," the different conflicts are interwoven into a regional conflict pattern. As the states of the region are chronically conflict-ridden & failing to maintain monopoly of violence throughout their territories, they are challenged by liberation movements that assume many of the characteristics ordinarily understood as prerogatives of the state. 14 References. Adapted from the source document.

At the close of Norway's 2-year appointment to one of the rotating seats of the UN Security Council, the actions of the Security Council, & Norway in particular, are reviewed by Norway's ambassador to the UN, with particular attention to the correlation between Norway's UN votes & its own foreign policy. Also discussed is the political campaigning that UN members must engage in for consideration for Security Council seats, not only with countries from other parts of the world but with other Nordic countries. Norway's service on the council coincided with the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001 & the US-led war against the Taliban in Afghanistan that followed. Norway played a large role in mediating Horn of Africa conflicts between Ethiopia & Eritrea, & the civil unrest in Somalia. The ambassador also addresses the outsized influence that the P-5 (the five permanent Security Council members) play in decision making, & also summarizes Norway's role in the ongoing Iraq question, as well as the installation of the International Criminal Court. A. Siegel

Acknowledges that Norwegian participation in the Security Council led to some good things (the Mar 2002 Mideast peace resolution, the settling of the Eritrean-Ethiopian conflict), the breakdown of the Security Council over the Iraq question during this period does not reflect well on anyone, even Norway. Norway also was too willing to accommodate the US's demands for immunity from any International Criminal Court indictments. It is unlikely that Norway will serve on the Security Council in the near future, but it is hoped that the council itself will be reformed, & no longer will be subject to the same veto pressures of the five permanent members. A. Siegel

Does international law provide a basis for use of military force against Iraq? The article summarizes the UN Security Council's handling of the Iraq issue from the Kuwait invasion in Aug 1990 to late Feb 2003. The authors conclude that any US led-military action without explicit UN authorization will be in breach of the UN Charter. Adapted from the source document.

The author seeks to show that when Germany surprised the world by signaling its disagreement with President Bush regarding the attack on Iraq, it could not be explained by Chancellor Schroder's election campaign, nor by the lack of rapport between the two leaders. At issue are differences regarding principles as well as interests in the wake of the revision of American security policy after September 11, 2001. After reunification, Germany felt freer to express its own interests regarding these & other issues such as closer European security cooperation that Washington now seems to see as a challenge to its own interests. The author concludes by suggesting that this development indicates that the disagreement between Berlin & Washington is not of a temporary nature as some would like to think. 17 References. Adapted from the source document.

The article gives a background to the resumption of peace negotiations in Nicosia in Jan 2002. The negotiations follow on a period of increased polarization in the conflict resulting from the prospects that Cyprus will be admitted to the European Union (EU). Concepts from ripeness theory are thereafter used in an analysis of whether the Cyprus conflict is now ripe for resolution. Although the prospect of EU membership is found to have provided Greek & Turkish Cypriots with new incentives to strike a deal in their long-standing conflict, the prevailing asymmetry -- to which EU has added -- raises doubts on the possibility of reaching an agreement in time for admission. In addition, on neither side has the ground been prepared for a compromise settlement. However, the development of EU's relationship with Turkey is found to be of even more crucial importance, as that will have a decisive effect on the respective parties' incentive structure. 17 References. Adapted from the source document.