Suchergebnisse

The Thesis explores the motives and conditions under which the US, China, and Russia are likely to cooperate on arms control in cyberspace in order to improve both their national and international security. It is stated that hostile states will be in favor of negotiating a limitation of cyber capabilities to reduce escalation and avoid the damage caused by a potential conflict. The analysis is based on defensive realism theory, which explains the conditions leading to "negative cooperation" among potential adversaries. Three variables are identified which help to analyze the potential of cooperation in cyberspace: a) motives; b) the distinction between defensive and offensive cyber capabilities; c) information. The research shows that the risk of a cyberspace conflict escalating between the US, China and Russia encouraged them to seek cooperation. However, only few cooperation precedents could be described as successful. The same principles and conditions are valid for both cyber and military disarmament regimes. Two types of conditions necessary for effective cyber disarmament are identified. The first refers to external conditions such as the increased confrontation, the use of offensive cyber capabilities and applying of exhaustion strategy. The second refers to internal condition – this is a lack of trust between states which deepens the security dilemma in cyberspace. While evaluating the potential of cyber disarmament regime, worth mentioning that conditions which lead to "negative cooperation" create the ground for the disarmament regime in cyberspace.

The Thesis explores the motives and conditions under which the US, China, and Russia are likely to cooperate on arms control in cyberspace in order to improve both their national and international security. It is stated that hostile states will be in favor of negotiating a limitation of cyber capabilities to reduce escalation and avoid the damage caused by a potential conflict. The analysis is based on defensive realism theory, which explains the conditions leading to "negative cooperation" among potential adversaries. Three variables are identified which help to analyze the potential of cooperation in cyberspace: a) motives; b) the distinction between defensive and offensive cyber capabilities; c) information. The research shows that the risk of a cyberspace conflict escalating between the US, China and Russia encouraged them to seek cooperation. However, only few cooperation precedents could be described as successful. The same principles and conditions are valid for both cyber and military disarmament regimes. Two types of conditions necessary for effective cyber disarmament are identified. The first refers to external conditions such as the increased confrontation, the use of offensive cyber capabilities and applying of exhaustion strategy. The second refers to internal condition – this is a lack of trust between states which deepens the security dilemma in cyberspace. While evaluating the potential of cyber disarmament regime, worth mentioning that conditions which lead to "negative cooperation" create the ground for the disarmament regime in cyberspace.

The Thesis explores the motives and conditions under which the US, China, and Russia are likely to cooperate on arms control in cyberspace in order to improve both their national and international security. It is stated that hostile states will be in favor of negotiating a limitation of cyber capabilities to reduce escalation and avoid the damage caused by a potential conflict. The analysis is based on defensive realism theory, which explains the conditions leading to "negative cooperation" among potential adversaries. Three variables are identified which help to analyze the potential of cooperation in cyberspace: a) motives; b) the distinction between defensive and offensive cyber capabilities; c) information. The research shows that the risk of a cyberspace conflict escalating between the US, China and Russia encouraged them to seek cooperation. However, only few cooperation precedents could be described as successful. The same principles and conditions are valid for both cyber and military disarmament regimes. Two types of conditions necessary for effective cyber disarmament are identified. The first refers to external conditions such as the increased confrontation, the use of offensive cyber capabilities and applying of exhaustion strategy. The second refers to internal condition – this is a lack of trust between states which deepens the security dilemma in cyberspace. While evaluating the potential of cyber disarmament regime, worth mentioning that conditions which lead to "negative cooperation" create the ground for the disarmament regime in cyberspace.

The Thesis explores the motives and conditions under which the US, China, and Russia are likely to cooperate on arms control in cyberspace in order to improve both their national and international security. It is stated that hostile states will be in favor of negotiating a limitation of cyber capabilities to reduce escalation and avoid the damage caused by a potential conflict. The analysis is based on defensive realism theory, which explains the conditions leading to "negative cooperation" among potential adversaries. Three variables are identified which help to analyze the potential of cooperation in cyberspace: a) motives; b) the distinction between defensive and offensive cyber capabilities; c) information. The research shows that the risk of a cyberspace conflict escalating between the US, China and Russia encouraged them to seek cooperation. However, only few cooperation precedents could be described as successful. The same principles and conditions are valid for both cyber and military disarmament regimes. Two types of conditions necessary for effective cyber disarmament are identified. The first refers to external conditions such as the increased confrontation, the use of offensive cyber capabilities and applying of exhaustion strategy. The second refers to internal condition – this is a lack of trust between states which deepens the security dilemma in cyberspace. While evaluating the potential of cyber disarmament regime, worth mentioning that conditions which lead to "negative cooperation" create the ground for the disarmament regime in cyberspace.

The Thesis explores the motives and conditions under which the US, China, and Russia are likely to cooperate on arms control in cyberspace in order to improve both their national and international security. It is stated that hostile states will be in favor of negotiating a limitation of cyber capabilities to reduce escalation and avoid the damage caused by a potential conflict. The analysis is based on defensive realism theory, which explains the conditions leading to "negative cooperation" among potential adversaries. Three variables are identified which help to analyze the potential of cooperation in cyberspace: a) motives; b) the distinction between defensive and offensive cyber capabilities; c) information. The research shows that the risk of a cyberspace conflict escalating between the US, China and Russia encouraged them to seek cooperation. However, only few cooperation precedents could be described as successful. The same principles and conditions are valid for both cyber and military disarmament regimes. Two types of conditions necessary for effective cyber disarmament are identified. The first refers to external conditions such as the increased confrontation, the use of offensive cyber capabilities and applying of exhaustion strategy. The second refers to internal condition – this is a lack of trust between states which deepens the security dilemma in cyberspace. While evaluating the potential of cyber disarmament regime, worth mentioning that conditions which lead to "negative cooperation" create the ground for the disarmament regime in cyberspace.

The Thesis explores the motives and conditions under which the US, China, and Russia are likely to cooperate on arms control in cyberspace in order to improve both their national and international security. It is stated that hostile states will be in favor of negotiating a limitation of cyber capabilities to reduce escalation and avoid the damage caused by a potential conflict. The analysis is based on defensive realism theory, which explains the conditions leading to "negative cooperation" among potential adversaries. Three variables are identified which help to analyze the potential of cooperation in cyberspace: a) motives; b) the distinction between defensive and offensive cyber capabilities; c) information. The research shows that the risk of a cyberspace conflict escalating between the US, China and Russia encouraged them to seek cooperation. However, only few cooperation precedents could be described as successful. The same principles and conditions are valid for both cyber and military disarmament regimes. Two types of conditions necessary for effective cyber disarmament are identified. The first refers to external conditions such as the increased confrontation, the use of offensive cyber capabilities and applying of exhaustion strategy. The second refers to internal condition – this is a lack of trust between states which deepens the security dilemma in cyberspace. While evaluating the potential of cyber disarmament regime, worth mentioning that conditions which lead to "negative cooperation" create the ground for the disarmament regime in cyberspace.

The Thesis explores the motives and conditions under which the US, China, and Russia are likely to cooperate on arms control in cyberspace in order to improve both their national and international security. It is stated that hostile states will be in favor of negotiating a limitation of cyber capabilities to reduce escalation and avoid the damage caused by a potential conflict. The analysis is based on defensive realism theory, which explains the conditions leading to "negative cooperation" among potential adversaries. Three variables are identified which help to analyze the potential of cooperation in cyberspace: a) motives; b) the distinction between defensive and offensive cyber capabilities; c) information. The research shows that the risk of a cyberspace conflict escalating between the US, China and Russia encouraged them to seek cooperation. However, only few cooperation precedents could be described as successful. The same principles and conditions are valid for both cyber and military disarmament regimes. Two types of conditions necessary for effective cyber disarmament are identified. The first refers to external conditions such as the increased confrontation, the use of offensive cyber capabilities and applying of exhaustion strategy. The second refers to internal condition – this is a lack of trust between states which deepens the security dilemma in cyberspace. While evaluating the potential of cyber disarmament regime, worth mentioning that conditions which lead to "negative cooperation" create the ground for the disarmament regime in cyberspace.

The Thesis explores the motives and conditions under which the US, China, and Russia are likely to cooperate on arms control in cyberspace in order to improve both their national and international security. It is stated that hostile states will be in favor of negotiating a limitation of cyber capabilities to reduce escalation and avoid the damage caused by a potential conflict. The analysis is based on defensive realism theory, which explains the conditions leading to "negative cooperation" among potential adversaries. Three variables are identified which help to analyze the potential of cooperation in cyberspace: a) motives; b) the distinction between defensive and offensive cyber capabilities; c) information. The research shows that the risk of a cyberspace conflict escalating between the US, China and Russia encouraged them to seek cooperation. However, only few cooperation precedents could be described as successful. The same principles and conditions are valid for both cyber and military disarmament regimes. Two types of conditions necessary for effective cyber disarmament are identified. The first refers to external conditions such as the increased confrontation, the use of offensive cyber capabilities and applying of exhaustion strategy. The second refers to internal condition – this is a lack of trust between states which deepens the security dilemma in cyberspace. While evaluating the potential of cyber disarmament regime, worth mentioning that conditions which lead to "negative cooperation" create the ground for the disarmament regime in cyberspace.

This work aims to evaluate the international legal status of Chechnya in different periods of its fight for independence on the basis of international legal norms and to determine a type of armed conflicts that took place in Chechnya as well as to review violations of human rights and the international humanitarian law made during these armed conflicts. Following international legal acts the work reveals contents of the freedom of national self-determination and its relation to the principle of territorial integrity. Also, the work reviews qualifications of persons of the international law with a particular attention given to the concept and attributes of the state and examines the most important aspects of the status of Chechnya. Also, this research presents the concept of the armed conflict and discusses features of international and non-international armed conflicts on which basis the type of conflicts that took place in Chechnya has been determined. The work overviews the case law of the European Court of Human Rights on which basis violations of the humanitarian law that were made during the armed conflicts in Chechnya have been determined. In 1991/1992 Chechnya had all main qualifications of the state: population, a defined territory and the government. According to the norms of the international law this meant its establishment as the state. The victory of Chechnya in the First Chechnya War has proved Chechnya statehood once again. Russia de facto confirmed independence of Chechnya by its subsequent actions. After examination of possible different assessments of the armed conflicts in Chechnya and on the basis of the conclusion that Chechnya is an unrecognised state, it has been determined that the above armed conflicts should be considered as international conflicts.

This work aims to evaluate the international legal status of Chechnya in different periods of its fight for independence on the basis of international legal norms and to determine a type of armed conflicts that took place in Chechnya as well as to review violations of human rights and the international humanitarian law made during these armed conflicts. Following international legal acts the work reveals contents of the freedom of national self-determination and its relation to the principle of territorial integrity. Also, the work reviews qualifications of persons of the international law with a particular attention given to the concept and attributes of the state and examines the most important aspects of the status of Chechnya. Also, this research presents the concept of the armed conflict and discusses features of international and non-international armed conflicts on which basis the type of conflicts that took place in Chechnya has been determined. The work overviews the case law of the European Court of Human Rights on which basis violations of the humanitarian law that were made during the armed conflicts in Chechnya have been determined. In 1991/1992 Chechnya had all main qualifications of the state: population, a defined territory and the government. According to the norms of the international law this meant its establishment as the state. The victory of Chechnya in the First Chechnya War has proved Chechnya statehood once again. Russia de facto confirmed independence of Chechnya by its subsequent actions. After examination of possible different assessments of the armed conflicts in Chechnya and on the basis of the conclusion that Chechnya is an unrecognised state, it has been determined that the above armed conflicts should be considered as international conflicts.

Children who appears to be in the territory of armed conflict, can be divided in two large groups according to the Intenational Law. Firstly, there is children who participate in conflicts directly engaging in combat or act indirectly trough such acts as seeking and sending military information and transporting arms and munitions, they are refered in this master thesis as child soldiers. Next group is known as child civilians, who do not participate in military activities, however, they are still affected by conflict. The international law prohibits recruitment and participation in hostilities of child soldiers. Among others this prohibition brings into focus such issues: the type of participation with which international law is concerned; minimum age of recruitment and the specific situation of children who are 15 to 18 years old; whether there is effective mechanism of implementation; what is the extent of duty upon states, and many more. Also, the possibility of prosecution when the child soldiers seriously violate international criminal law is discussed. Lastly, the short study of three recent armed conflicts where the child soldiers were massively recruited is provided. International law seeks to provide child civilians with protection and care both because children are regarded as a part of the general civilian population and also because children are one of the more vulnerable groups in the population for which internation humanitarian law provides special protection and assistance. Both types of protection are disccused in the work, together, the special status of child prisoner of war is revealed. The main aim of the master thesis is to provide comprehensive study of international law concerning the child in armed conflict.

Children who appears to be in the territory of armed conflict, can be divided in two large groups according to the Intenational Law. Firstly, there is children who participate in conflicts directly engaging in combat or act indirectly trough such acts as seeking and sending military information and transporting arms and munitions, they are refered in this master thesis as child soldiers. Next group is known as child civilians, who do not participate in military activities, however, they are still affected by conflict. The international law prohibits recruitment and participation in hostilities of child soldiers. Among others this prohibition brings into focus such issues: the type of participation with which international law is concerned; minimum age of recruitment and the specific situation of children who are 15 to 18 years old; whether there is effective mechanism of implementation; what is the extent of duty upon states, and many more. Also, the possibility of prosecution when the child soldiers seriously violate international criminal law is discussed. Lastly, the short study of three recent armed conflicts where the child soldiers were massively recruited is provided. International law seeks to provide child civilians with protection and care both because children are regarded as a part of the general civilian population and also because children are one of the more vulnerable groups in the population for which internation humanitarian law provides special protection and assistance. Both types of protection are disccused in the work, together, the special status of child prisoner of war is revealed. The main aim of the master thesis is to provide comprehensive study of international law concerning the child in armed conflict.

Protrected Conflicts: a Case of Syria The paper contains analysis of the phenomenon of protracted conflict. Usually, these kinds of conflicts get a lot of international attention, and thus it is necessary to understand what factors affect the duration of the conflict. This work is a case study of the civil war in Syria. The analysis uses databases and the method of qualitative data analysis. Theoretical background comes from Edvar Azar who says that there are four main reasons for the conflict to be protracted: the existence of identity groups, social inequality, government's inability to fulfil basic human needs, and international relations. The assumption is made that despite the first three factors, the involvement of third parties into the conflict has the principal impact on the conflict duration. The analysis of the war in Syria is herein presented by describing the most important events, breaking points, and the course of the conflict. In addition, main domestic and external actors as well as their goals are analyzed. Few assumptions were examined in this work with reference to E. Azar. Though all of the first three factors mentioned before can be found in the conflict, the findings suggest that these factors identify the reasons why the Arab Spring in Syria was followed by the civil war afterwards more than why the conflict itself is protracted. The main hypothesis, that the duration of the conflict is mostly affected by the involvement of third parties is confirmed. The analysis shows that external actors have a big influence on the conflict by providing support to either of the conflicting sides and thus blocking the possibility for one conflicting party to win. The paper analyses the impact of the U.S., Russia, Turkey, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Hezbollah, and ISIS by providing the reasons that have made them to join the conflict, as well as presenting the main goals and the measures they took in the conflict. By comparing the goals of these actors in the conflict, it became clear that it is impossible to find the solution that would be acceptable for all of the conflicting parties and their allies. Different actors support different sides of the conflict though the fact that all these parties has different goals and such goals are incompatible makes it even more chaotic. That is why the actors get involved in 'zero sum' game, when the benefit of one side is seen as the damage for the other. Based on the collected information it becomes clear that external actors influence the duration of the conflict by providing their support for different domestic actors.

Protrected Conflicts: a Case of Syria The paper contains analysis of the phenomenon of protracted conflict. Usually, these kinds of conflicts get a lot of international attention, and thus it is necessary to understand what factors affect the duration of the conflict. This work is a case study of the civil war in Syria. The analysis uses databases and the method of qualitative data analysis. Theoretical background comes from Edvar Azar who says that there are four main reasons for the conflict to be protracted: the existence of identity groups, social inequality, government's inability to fulfil basic human needs, and international relations. The assumption is made that despite the first three factors, the involvement of third parties into the conflict has the principal impact on the conflict duration. The analysis of the war in Syria is herein presented by describing the most important events, breaking points, and the course of the conflict. In addition, main domestic and external actors as well as their goals are analyzed. Few assumptions were examined in this work with reference to E. Azar. Though all of the first three factors mentioned before can be found in the conflict, the findings suggest that these factors identify the reasons why the Arab Spring in Syria was followed by the civil war afterwards more than why the conflict itself is protracted. The main hypothesis, that the duration of the conflict is mostly affected by the involvement of third parties is confirmed. The analysis shows that external actors have a big influence on the conflict by providing support to either of the conflicting sides and thus blocking the possibility for one conflicting party to win. The paper analyses the impact of the U.S., Russia, Turkey, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Hezbollah, and ISIS by providing the reasons that have made them to join the conflict, as well as presenting the main goals and the measures they took in the conflict. By comparing the goals of these actors in the conflict, it became clear that it is impossible to find the solution that would be acceptable for all of the conflicting parties and their allies. Different actors support different sides of the conflict though the fact that all these parties has different goals and such goals are incompatible makes it even more chaotic. That is why the actors get involved in 'zero sum' game, when the benefit of one side is seen as the damage for the other. Based on the collected information it becomes clear that external actors influence the duration of the conflict by providing their support for different domestic actors.

Protrected Conflicts: a Case of Syria The paper contains analysis of the phenomenon of protracted conflict. Usually, these kinds of conflicts get a lot of international attention, and thus it is necessary to understand what factors affect the duration of the conflict. This work is a case study of the civil war in Syria. The analysis uses databases and the method of qualitative data analysis. Theoretical background comes from Edvar Azar who says that there are four main reasons for the conflict to be protracted: the existence of identity groups, social inequality, government's inability to fulfil basic human needs, and international relations. The assumption is made that despite the first three factors, the involvement of third parties into the conflict has the principal impact on the conflict duration. The analysis of the war in Syria is herein presented by describing the most important events, breaking points, and the course of the conflict. In addition, main domestic and external actors as well as their goals are analyzed. Few assumptions were examined in this work with reference to E. Azar. Though all of the first three factors mentioned before can be found in the conflict, the findings suggest that these factors identify the reasons why the Arab Spring in Syria was followed by the civil war afterwards more than why the conflict itself is protracted. The main hypothesis, that the duration of the conflict is mostly affected by the involvement of third parties is confirmed. The analysis shows that external actors have a big influence on the conflict by providing support to either of the conflicting sides and thus blocking the possibility for one conflicting party to win. The paper analyses the impact of the U.S., Russia, Turkey, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Hezbollah, and ISIS by providing the reasons that have made them to join the conflict, as well as presenting the main goals and the measures they took in the conflict. By comparing the goals of these actors in the conflict, it became clear that it is impossible to find the solution that would be acceptable for all of the conflicting parties and their allies. Different actors support different sides of the conflict though the fact that all these parties has different goals and such goals are incompatible makes it even more chaotic. That is why the actors get involved in 'zero sum' game, when the benefit of one side is seen as the damage for the other. Based on the collected information it becomes clear that external actors influence the duration of the conflict by providing their support for different domestic actors.