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"International Justice" published on by Oxford University Press.

The question of whether traditional liberalism can function as the foundation of social justice in the future is investigated. Liberalism's ambiguous treatment of ethical & moral issues in its attempt to ensure both individual autonomy & cosmopolitanism is reviewed. The problem concerning whether liberalism should treat international justice as both theory & practice is addressed. The need to integrate the concepts of duty & sentiment into contemporary liberal thought is then discussed. Informed by the thought of Jean-Jacques Rousseau, it is subsequently asserted that the language of sentiment offers an alternative that allows democratic societies to accept certain moral laws while avoiding violations of principles of social justice. Difficulties that arise when universalist & particularist thought are negotiated within the context of international justice are also covered. It is concluded that liberalism's claim that membership in a given political community is not an ethical issue requires additional review. 18 References. J. W. Parker

The question of whether traditional liberalism can function as the foundation of social justice in the future is investigated. Liberalism's ambiguous treatment of ethical & moral issues in its attempt to ensure both individual autonomy & cosmopolitanism is reviewed. The problem concerning whether liberalism should treat international justice as both theory & practice is addressed. The need to integrate the concepts of duty & sentiment into contemporary liberal thought is then discussed. Informed by the thought of Jean-Jacques Rousseau, it is subsequently asserted that the language of sentiment offers an alternative that allows democratic societies to accept certain moral laws while avoiding violations of principles of social justice. Difficulties that arise when universalist & particularist thought are negotiated within the context of international justice are also covered. It is concluded that liberalism's claim that membership in a given political community is not an ethical issue requires additional review. 18 References. J. W. Parker

On 9 July 2014, Joko Widodo became Indonesia's seventh president, winning the election by around six percentage points. The man he defeated, Prabowo Subianto, is suspected of committing a range of human rights offences in Java in 1997–1998. Even though Prabowo failed to win the presidency, his strong candidacy highlights the ongoing impunity for perpetrators of serious human rights violations in Indonesia. Despite a human rights court being legislated for in Indonesia, it has yet to convict a single case or prosecute past human rights abuses by state officials. While Prabowo's crimes may come under the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court, temporal jurisdiction renders prosecution impossible. This article explores Prabowo's human rights abuses, and how international criminal law has failed to achieve justice for these crimes. It concludes that Prabowo's political rise threatens the aims of international criminal justice.

"Harvey Mansfield's most recent book is about "manliness." I want to talk about honor. Honor is, at least in some of its aspects, related to manliness, perhaps even a child of manliness, as Professor Mansfield indicates in his book. But honor operates more on the surface of political life. It is more insistent on being seen or recognized in public and it varies, according to the different "publics" of different eras or different political regimes."(.)

The paper is an outcome of the research programme on climate economics developed at the Economics Laboratory under the supervision of Jean-Pierre Ponssard with the support of Chair Business Economics and Chair Sustainable Development of Ecole Polytechnique. It is based on an invited presentation given at the Executive Seminar on Climate Governance, organized by the Global Governance Programme of the European University Institute in Florence, 13-15 June 2011. ; For 20 years, climate negotiations have faced the difficult task of designing an international regime accepted by the main parties as fair, equitable and efficient. Climate justice is called for from all sides, but there is no agreement as to what justice actually requires. The goal of this paper is to propose a critical overview of the intellectual landscape surrounding the concept of climate justice, and to clarify the challenges, positions, arguments and theoretical background of a concept that is dramatically exposed to the risk of being reduced to either naive moral calls, simple ideological slogans or political gesticulations from stakeholders and parties to negotiations. I will dispute the idea that moral intuition offers a sufficient basis to elicit the correct standard of justice. To begin with, I will underline the sharp contrasts between four rival intellectual constructs: utilitarianism, cosmopolitanism, international justice and the rejection of the relevance of the concept of justice in the context of international relations. In particular, cosmopolitan justice is shown to be inconsistent with and wholly inappropriate to the situation of climate negotiations. The second part of the paper develops an alternative analysis based on justification theory: the pluralism of justification is consubstantial with complex societies, but the criterion of the appropriateness of norms of justice to situations helps us to understand which norms of justice can be supported and which should be disregarded. In particular, the choice of a given coordination regime is shown to have huge implications for the appropriate norms of justice, taking the case of international carbon trading in a Kyoto Protocol-type regime as an example.

"The International Criminal Court in Africa and the Politics of International Justice" published on by Oxford University Press.

Cosmopolitanism considers the citizens of states as citizens of the world. In this way, cosmopolitanism transcends the idea of the state. The question then is, can cosmopolitanism offer a conceptual grid from where to begin to theorize the possibility of principles of international justice? Does cosmopolitanism carry a credible understanding of the relationship between the self and the other which could inform a viable and valid conception of justice for states? Does the cosmopolitan perspective contain the basis for international justice? In a world constitutive of cosmopolitan individual citizens, what constitutes and represents our agency, choice and consensus? Which of us would be responsible for working out the appropriate understanding of justice and its applicability? By merely labelling all individuals as citizens of the world, it does not offer an adequate or compelling account of the mechanisms of enforceability? And finally, and perhaps most importantly, who is the other in a cosmopolitan world? These and many more are questions in which this work tends to shed light on. This work points that, in a world divided by nation states, this seems somewhat impractical as well as undesirable. This work argues that cosmopolitan account does offer a convincing moral perspective, it fails almost entirely in offering a compelling political narrative.

This practice note describes and critiques the initial years of the International Criminal Court's (ICC) involvement in Uganda from the perspective of local civil society actors. It argues that the substance and process of the ICC's intervention fell chronically short of generating justice for those who had lived with the conflict for over two decades, and therefore created a disconnect between the priorities of those on the ground, and the priorities of the Court and its international minders. In order to unravel some of the dynamics that underpinned this disconnect, the paper asserts that the pivotal relationship between citizen and state provides a lens through which to assess any approach to generating justice in Uganda. It concludes that those promoting international justice need to be more cognisant of the fact that international justice mechanisms are obsolete unless they can move from theory to practice and make a genuine difference in people's lives. In this regard, a better understanding and awareness of the political and social context in which they are operating, as well as greater self-critique and honesty, is critical.