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On 9 July 2014, Joko Widodo became Indonesia's seventh president, winning the election by around six percentage points. The man he defeated, Prabowo Subianto, is suspected of committing a range of human rights offences in Java in 1997–1998. Even though Prabowo failed to win the presidency, his strong candidacy highlights the ongoing impunity for perpetrators of serious human rights violations in Indonesia. Despite a human rights court being legislated for in Indonesia, it has yet to convict a single case or prosecute past human rights abuses by state officials. While Prabowo's crimes may come under the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court, temporal jurisdiction renders prosecution impossible. This article explores Prabowo's human rights abuses, and how international criminal law has failed to achieve justice for these crimes. It concludes that Prabowo's political rise threatens the aims of international criminal justice.

"Harvey Mansfield's most recent book is about "manliness." I want to talk about honor. Honor is, at least in some of its aspects, related to manliness, perhaps even a child of manliness, as Professor Mansfield indicates in his book. But honor operates more on the surface of political life. It is more insistent on being seen or recognized in public and it varies, according to the different "publics" of different eras or different political regimes."(.)

The paper is an outcome of the research programme on climate economics developed at the Economics Laboratory under the supervision of Jean-Pierre Ponssard with the support of Chair Business Economics and Chair Sustainable Development of Ecole Polytechnique. It is based on an invited presentation given at the Executive Seminar on Climate Governance, organized by the Global Governance Programme of the European University Institute in Florence, 13-15 June 2011. ; For 20 years, climate negotiations have faced the difficult task of designing an international regime accepted by the main parties as fair, equitable and efficient. Climate justice is called for from all sides, but there is no agreement as to what justice actually requires. The goal of this paper is to propose a critical overview of the intellectual landscape surrounding the concept of climate justice, and to clarify the challenges, positions, arguments and theoretical background of a concept that is dramatically exposed to the risk of being reduced to either naive moral calls, simple ideological slogans or political gesticulations from stakeholders and parties to negotiations. I will dispute the idea that moral intuition offers a sufficient basis to elicit the correct standard of justice. To begin with, I will underline the sharp contrasts between four rival intellectual constructs: utilitarianism, cosmopolitanism, international justice and the rejection of the relevance of the concept of justice in the context of international relations. In particular, cosmopolitan justice is shown to be inconsistent with and wholly inappropriate to the situation of climate negotiations. The second part of the paper develops an alternative analysis based on justification theory: the pluralism of justification is consubstantial with complex societies, but the criterion of the appropriateness of norms of justice to situations helps us to understand which norms of justice can be supported and which should be disregarded. In particular, the choice of a given coordination regime is shown to have huge implications for the appropriate norms of justice, taking the case of international carbon trading in a Kyoto Protocol-type regime as an example.

Cosmopolitanism considers the citizens of states as citizens of the world. In this way, cosmopolitanism transcends the idea of the state. The question then is, can cosmopolitanism offer a conceptual grid from where to begin to theorize the possibility of principles of international justice? Does cosmopolitanism carry a credible understanding of the relationship between the self and the other which could inform a viable and valid conception of justice for states? Does the cosmopolitan perspective contain the basis for international justice? In a world constitutive of cosmopolitan individual citizens, what constitutes and represents our agency, choice and consensus? Which of us would be responsible for working out the appropriate understanding of justice and its applicability? By merely labelling all individuals as citizens of the world, it does not offer an adequate or compelling account of the mechanisms of enforceability? And finally, and perhaps most importantly, who is the other in a cosmopolitan world? These and many more are questions in which this work tends to shed light on. This work points that, in a world divided by nation states, this seems somewhat impractical as well as undesirable. This work argues that cosmopolitan account does offer a convincing moral perspective, it fails almost entirely in offering a compelling political narrative.

This practice note describes and critiques the initial years of the International Criminal Court's (ICC) involvement in Uganda from the perspective of local civil society actors. It argues that the substance and process of the ICC's intervention fell chronically short of generating justice for those who had lived with the conflict for over two decades, and therefore created a disconnect between the priorities of those on the ground, and the priorities of the Court and its international minders. In order to unravel some of the dynamics that underpinned this disconnect, the paper asserts that the pivotal relationship between citizen and state provides a lens through which to assess any approach to generating justice in Uganda. It concludes that those promoting international justice need to be more cognisant of the fact that international justice mechanisms are obsolete unless they can move from theory to practice and make a genuine difference in people's lives. In this regard, a better understanding and awareness of the political and social context in which they are operating, as well as greater self-critique and honesty, is critical.

The Israeli military operation against the Gaza Strip of 27 December 2008 – 18 January 2009 (so-called Operation Cast Lead) started a critical debate at the international level on the alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity committed in Gaza. In September 2009 the UN Fact Finding Mission on the Gaza Conflict presented its results: the Goldstone Report, named after the president of the mission, found that grave violations of international law, humanitarian law and human rights had been committed by both sides of the conflict, but in particular by the Israeli side. The report also denounced the possible commission of war crimes and crimes against humanity and called for proper accountability mechanisms at the national and international level. The report's conclusions and recommendations were endorsed by the UN Human Rights Council and by the General Assembly amidst high political pressure. In case of lack of proper domestic investigations and prosecutions, it was recommended the recourse to international justice mechanisms, and in particular to the ICC. The ICC Prosecutor in fact had opened a preliminary examination of the situation, but difficulties arose because of the uncertain status of Palestine under international law. In the meanwhile, the principle of universal jurisdiction seems to represent the only available, although difficult, option in the search for justice and accountability. The Gaza situation can be seen as a test case for international justice and sheds a light on the role of international institutions in the difficult mix of law and politics that is the feature of international justice.

Islands make a remarkable contribution to understandings of decolonization, in particular where severance with former colonial powers was impeded by dependency. In their decolonization narrative, Mauritian politicians drove negotiations with the British imperial power but were hoodwinked by the detachment of the Chagos Archipelago, also known as the British Indian Ocean Territory, in 1965. Chagossian activists and a new generation of Mauritian politicians kept the Chagos Archipelago on the political agenda while varied economic and diplomatic relations allowed Mauritius greater freedom to exercise its sovereignty. Finally, in 2018, Mauritius contested the status of the Archipelago before the International Court of Justice. The case represents an episode of anti-colonial struggle where participants sought to reframe and officialise their shared island histories. The event also revealed broader shifts in global politics in which former imperial powers seem less likely to reap the benefits of the international institutions they designed. ; peer-reviewed

The institutional arrangements for the promotion of peace, truth, justice, reparation and reconciliation of countries that are rebuilding democratic institutions following long years of war and conflict, are complex and should necessarily be varied. This article will focus on one salutary global development, namely the adoption of the Rome Statute for the establishment of an International Criminal Court. The author argues that it is essential that states display courage, tenacity and strong political will in actively pursuing the path of international justice and realizing the project of making the court a reality. The article highlights the contribution that civil society organizations including non-governrnental organizations, women's rights groups, academics, journalists, church groups and legal experts can play in educating their fellow citizens and in encouraging states to ratify the Rome Statute. This article approaches the International Criminal Court from three vantage points: first, the opening up of international law to a diversity of actors in the field of human rights; second, the universality of human rights and third, the emerging alliance between some States and civil society actors in ending the cycle of impunity. ; Les dispositions institutionnelles pour la promotion de la paix, de la vérité, de la justice, de la reconstruction et de la réconciliation de pays qui cherchent à reconstituer leurs institutions démocratiques après de longues années de guerre et de conflit sont complexes et ne peuvent qu'être fluctuantes. Le présent article concentre son attention sur un élément salutaire du développement global, nommément l'adoption des Statuts de Rome pour la mise en place d'une Cour Criminelle Internationale. L'auteur présente une argumentation selon laquelle il est crucial que les états fassent preuve de courage, de ténacité, et d'une ferme volonté politique dans la poursuite active du projet d'une Cour Internationale de Justice, et vers la réalisation effective de ce projet. L'article met en ...

In April 2010, the Brazilian Supreme Federal Court (Supremo Tribunal Federal, or STF) controversially decided to uphold the country's amnesty law, which currently prevents prosecutions for violations of human rights committed during the military dictatorship. However, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights immediately followed with an opposing view in the Araguaia case, declaring that the amnesty law lacks effect under the American Convention on Human Rights. Brazilian society now faces an unprecedented challenge: can it expect its domestic courts to implement such international obligations? Drawing upon the prospects that a renewed STF may revisit the case in response to the mounting pressures of Araguaia, this article examines the complex legal issues that remain around the enforceability of international justice under Brazil's constitutional framework. The analysis suggests that different judicial strategies could still be explored in order to shift the STF's stance towards a more consistent application of international human rights principles.

Review-Essay of: ROBERTSON, Geoffrey, Crímenes contra la Humanidad. La lucha por una justicia global, Ed. Siglo XXI, Madrid, 2008. DEL PONTE, Carla, La caza. Yo y los criminales, Ed. Ariel, Barcelona, 2009. ; Review-Essay de: ROBERTSON, Geoffrey, Crímenes contra la Humanidad. La lucha por una justicia global, Ed. Siglo XXI, Madrid, 2008. DEL PONTE, Carla, La caza. Yo y los criminales, Ed. Ariel, Barcelona, 2009.

New and rev. ed. of The World court, 1922-1928. ; 3 p.l., 199, xli p.

Međunarodni kazneni sud novo je međunarodno tijelo kojem je glavni cilj istraga i suđenje slučajeva genocida, ratnih zločina, te zločina protiv čovječnosti u zemljama članicama. Iako su Sjedinjene Američke Države u 2000. potpisale Rimski statut, međunarodnu povelju iz 1998. koja predstavlja osnovicu Međunarodnog kaznenog suda, Busheva vlada napravila je velik zaokret godinu dana kasnije, potpuno se ograđujući od svake ideje o suđenju Amerikancima izvan zemlje. Tekst analizira glavne argumente američke vanjske politike povezane s Međunarodnim kaznenim sudom, od navodne pristranosti Suda, te odnosa između Suda i Ujedinjenih naroda, pa sve do pitanja američkog suvereniteta. Također, ponuđena je i međunarodnopravna politička kritika nedavnih poteza američke vlade, koji štete i američkim nacionalnim interesima, i međunarodnoj sigurnosti. ; The International Criminal Court is a new international body constituted with the aim of prosecuting and trying cases of genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity. Although in 2000 the United States signed the 1998 Rome Statute, which is the foundation of the International Criminal Court, the Bush Administration took a radically different position the following year, protecting itself from any idea of trying American citizens abroad. This text analyses the main U.S. foreign policy arguments pertaining to the ICC, from the alleged impartiality of the Court and the relationship between the Court and the United Nations, to the question of American sovereignty. In addition, the text offers an international legal and political critique of the recent U.S. policy actions, which harmed both American national interests, as well as international security.

The International Military Tribunal (IMT) at Nuremberg made history by introducing simultaneous interpreting to the world arena. In time, other tribunals of this sort have been organized. The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) was tasked with punishing the perpetrators of the Rwandan genocide of 1994. Then as now, the interpreters were a linchpin for the proper functioning of an international tribunal. Although the recruitment, training, and practical working conditions of interpreters have evolved since Nuremberg, some issues remain eerily similar. Interpreters cannot be mere service providers, whether in terms of their positioning, the specific skills required, the technical equipment, logistical concerns, the inherent emotional immediacy, or the safeguarding of personal integrity. This paper attempts a comparison between the IMT and the ICTR considering these aspects and aims to extrapolate analogies and differences, hoping to witness an improvement in working conditions for interpreters in multilingual trials.

One of the most important issues for the Albanian country in the period 1922-1925 has been that of the north and north-east frontier with the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes at the Monastery of Saint Naoum. Referring to the historical facts, the area of St. Naoum was occupied by Serbian troops in 1913. During World War I, they were forced to flee from there (1917). During the period when Commission (of delimitation) had visited the monastery they found there, only two priests, one of whom spoke English, the other Serbo-Croatian. From a geographic standpoint monastery had no particular value, while in terms of religious side he had a lot of great importance for all surrounding regions making up for them a religious pilgrimage site. The problem that had arisen during the fieldwork of Delimitation Commission stood on the fact that the Protocol of London of 1913 expressly stated that "up to the Monastery of Saint Naoum", thus leaving unclear that the word "until" will include or leave abroad it. This problem was brought to the attention of the Conference by a note of September 27th, 1922, from the British Embassy, through which it asked the Delimitation Commission to furnish all the information which might assist the Conference in reaching a decision. The issue spanned a period of several years and took importance because Albanian politics tried to save the limits set in 1913 by the Conference of Ambassadors in London, as well as not to create to the neighboring countries the opportunity to extend their hand to distract from "existing Albania" even a single inch of land. However, the happenings will take different shades because they were held in difficult years of turbulence in Albania and will begin to receive solution only when King Zog returns to power with help of Serbia in December 1924. DOI:10.5901/ajis.2015.v4n3s1p354

Mode of access: Internet. ; With this are bound: League of nations. Assembly. First committee. Proposal of the Danish government concerning the establishment of a Conciliation commission (A. 85. 1925. V.)and, The pacific settlement of international disputes. Report. (A. 115. 1925.V.) also League of nations. 6th Assembly, 1925. Réglement pacifique des différends internationaux. Résolutions (A. 136. 1925. V.)