Suchergebnisse

Polska należała do pierwotnych członków Ligi Narodów, która rozpoczęła działalność sto lat temu – w 1920 r. Podstawę prawną funkcjonowania organizacji stanowił Pakt Ligi Narodów, włączony do traktatów pokojowych, zawartych po I wojnie światowej. Członkostwo w organizacji miało duże znaczenie dla odro­dzonego państwa polskiego, które kształtowało swoje stosunki w społeczności międzynarodowej. Polska była pierwszym państwem, które ustanowiło przy Lidze swojego stałego delegata. Polscy przedstawiciele uczestniczyli w pracach głównych organów Ligi: Zgromadzeniu i Radzie. Polska starała się o uzyskanie stałego miejsca w Radzie, natomiast była w niej członkiem półstałym. Była też państwem, które często uczestniczyło w postępowaniach przed Stałym Trybuna­łem Sprawiedliwości Międzynarodowej. W latach 30. XX w. w kręgach polskiej dyplomacji wzrastało rozczarowanie działalnością Ligi Narodów spowodowa­ne jej nieskutecznością w zakresie zapobiegania konfliktom międzynarodowym i rozwiązywania sporów międzynarodowych. ; Poland belonged to the original members of the League of Nations, organization that began its activity a hundred years ago – in 1920. The legal basis for the organization's functioning was the Covenant of the League of Nations, incorporated into peace treaties concluded after the First World War. To a recently reborn Polish state aspiring to shape its relations in the international community, the membership in this organization was of great importance. Poland was the first state to establish the permanent delegation to the League of Nations. Polish representatives participated in the works of the main League's bodies: the Assembly and the Council. Poland sought to obtain a permanent seat in the Council, while it was a semi-permanent member there. Poland was also a state that often participated in proceedings before the Permanent Court of International Justice. However, in the 1930s, due to organization's ineffectiveness in preventing the international conflicts and resolving international disputes, has grown ...

Poland belonged to the original members of the League of Nations, organ­ization that began its activity a hundred years ago – in 1920. The legal basis for the organization's functioning was the Covenant of the League of Nations, in­corporated into peace treaties concluded after the First World War. To a recently reborn Polish state aspiring to shape its relations in the international community, the membership in this organization was of great importance. Poland was the first state to establish the permanent delegation to the League of Nations. Polish rep­resentatives participated in the works of the main League's bodies: the Assembly and the Council. Poland sought to obtain a permanent seat in the Council, while it was a semi-permanent member there. Poland was also a state that often partic­ipated in proceedings before the Permanent Court of International Justice. How­ever, in the 1930s, due to organization's ineffectiveness in preventing the interna­tional conflicts and resolving international disputes, has grown disappointment with the activities of the League of Nations among the Polish diplomacy. ; Polska należała do pierwotnych członków Ligi Narodów, która rozpoczęła działalność sto lat temu – w 1920 r. Podstawę prawną funkcjonowania organizacji stanowił Pakt Ligi Narodów, włączony do traktatów pokojowych, zawartych po I wojnie światowej. Członkostwo w organizacji miało duże znaczenie dla odro­dzonego państwa polskiego, które kształtowało swoje stosunki w społeczności międzynarodowej. Polska była pierwszym państwem, które ustanowiło przy Lidze swojego stałego delegata. Polscy przedstawiciele uczestniczyli w pracach głównych organów Ligi: Zgromadzeniu i Radzie. Polska starała się o uzyskanie stałego miejsca w Radzie, natomiast była w niej członkiem półstałym. Była też państwem, które często uczestniczyło w postępowaniach przed Stałym Trybuna­łem Sprawiedliwości Międzynarodowej. W latach 30. XX w. w kręgach polskiej dyplomacji wzrastało rozczarowanie działalnością Ligi Narodów spowodowa­ne jej nieskutecznością w zakresie zapobiegania konfliktom międzynarodowym i rozwiązywania sporów międzynarodowych.

The present paper seeks to analyze the activities of the Group of Six (G-6) in the field of prevention and combating terrorism in the context of the EU's anti-terrorism strategy. G6 is an example of initiatives which were born outside the legal-institutional framework of the European Union yet were aiming to bring about a significant change in the process of European integration. As an informal forum of consultations between the leading EU member states in the area of internal security policy, the Group of Six since its establishment in 2003 has exercised a considerable impact on EU cooperation in justice and home affairs, particularly on anti-terrorism strategy developed both in the framework of the EU as well as in the transatlantic dimension. The thesis put forward in this paper is the following: G-6 contributed to an activation of internal security policy during the crisis in the EU's area of freedom, security and justice. The reform of European integration resulted in a change in the very formula of G-6 cooperation and a shift of preferences towards transatlantic homeland security. The new role of G-6 consists in stimulating transatlantic dialogue in the area of homeland security due to flexible and discreet formula of cooperation between the US and major EU member states

Lithuania officially declared their support for international mission in Iraq 21st March 2003. Four days later, 25th March, Parliament of the Republic of Lithuania adopted the resolution, in which resolved "to dispatch for a six-month period to the international operation led by United States of America in the Persian Gulf Region, a humanitarian type mission of Lithuanian soldiers." Assignment of that mission was a support of international operation and assistance to victims of the conflict. In the beginning of the mission Lithuanian soldiers served in two areas of responsibility: Polish and British. This country delegated officers to the headquaters of the divisions in Basra and Babylon, and to the NATO Training Mission. In each unit, a total of 100 Lithuanian military personnel served in the UK- and Polishcontrolled sectors in Iraq. Lithuania took part in the European Union's training program called EU Integrated Rule of Law Mission for Iraq. On this initiative, the Iraqi officers familiarized themselves with the implementation of Lithuanian penitentiary system reform and the respect for human rights in the area of criminal justice. 25th January 2006 was the last day of Lithuanian military contingent duty within Multinational Division Central South. ; Lithuania officially declared their support for international mission in Iraq 21st March 2003. Four days later, 25th March, Parliament of the Republic of Lithuania adopted the resolution, in which resolved "to dispatch for a six-month period to the international operation led by United States of America in the Persian Gulf Region, a humanitarian type mission of Lithuanian soldiers." Assignment of that mission was a support of international operation and assistance to victims of the conflict. In the beginning of the mission Lithuanian soldiers served in two areas of responsibility: Polish and British. This country delegated officers to the headquaters of the divisions in Basra and Babylon, and to the NATO Training Mission. In each unit, a total of 100 Lithuanian military personnel served in the UK- and Polishcontrolled sectors in Iraq. Lithuania took part in the European Union's training program called EU Integrated Rule of Law Mission for Iraq. On this initiative, the Iraqi officers familiarized themselves with the implementation of Lithuanian penitentiary system reform and the respect for human rights in the area of criminal justice. 25th January 2006 was the last day of Lithuanian military contingent duty within Multinational Division Central South.

Lithuania officially declared their support for international mission in Iraq 21st March 2003. Four days later, 25th March, Parliament of the Republic of Lithuania adopted the resolution, in which resolved "to dispatch for a six-month period to the international operation led by United States of America in the Persian Gulf Region, a humanitarian type mission of Lithuanian soldiers." Assignment of that mission was a support of international operation and assistance to victims of the conflict. In the beginning of the mission Lithuanian soldiers served in two areas of responsibility: Polish and British. This country delegated officers to the headquaters of the divisions in Basra and Babylon, and to the NATO Training Mission. In each unit, a total of 100 Lithuanian military personnel served in the UK- and Polishcontrolled sectors in Iraq. Lithuania took part in the European Union's training program called EU Integrated Rule of Law Mission for Iraq. On this initiative, the Iraqi officers familiarized themselves with the implementation of Lithuanian penitentiary system reform and the respect for human rights in the area of criminal justice. 25th January 2006 was the last day of Lithuanian military contingent duty within Multinational Division Central South. ; Lithuania officially declared their support for international mission in Iraq 21st March 2003. Four days later, 25th March, Parliament of the Republic of Lithuania adopted the resolution, in which resolved "to dispatch for a six-month period to the international operation led by United States of America in the Persian Gulf Region, a humanitarian type mission of Lithuanian soldiers." Assignment of that mission was a support of international operation and assistance to victims of the conflict. In the beginning of the mission Lithuanian soldiers served in two areas of responsibility: Polish and British. This country delegated officers to the headquaters of the divisions in Basra and Babylon, and to the NATO Training Mission. In each unit, a total of 100 Lithuanian military personnel served in the UK- and Polishcontrolled sectors in Iraq. Lithuania took part in the European Union's training program called EU Integrated Rule of Law Mission for Iraq. On this initiative, the Iraqi officers familiarized themselves with the implementation of Lithuanian penitentiary system reform and the respect for human rights in the area of criminal justice. 25th January 2006 was the last day of Lithuanian military contingent duty within Multinational Division Central South.

Lithuania officially declared their support for international mission in Iraq 21st March 2003. Four days later, 25th March, Parliament of the Republic of Lithuania adopted the resolution, in which resolved "to dispatch for a six-month period to the international operation led by United States of America in the Persian Gulf Region, a humanitarian type mission of Lithuanian soldiers." Assignment of that mission was a support of international operation and assistance to victims of the conflict. In the beginning of the mission Lithuanian soldiers served in two areas of responsibility: Polish and British. This country delegated officers to the headquaters of the divisions in Basra and Babylon, and to the NATO Training Mission. In each unit, a total of 100 Lithuanian military personnel served in the UK- and Polishcontrolled sectors in Iraq. Lithuania took part in the European Union's training program called EU Integrated Rule of Law Mission for Iraq. On this initiative, the Iraqi officers familiarized themselves with the implementation of Lithuanian penitentiary system reform and the respect for human rights in the area of criminal justice. 25th January 2006 was the last day of Lithuanian military contingent duty within Multinational Division Central South. ; Lithuania officially declared their support for international mission in Iraq 21st March 2003. Four days later, 25th March, Parliament of the Republic of Lithuania adopted the resolution, in which resolved "to dispatch for a six-month period to the international operation led by United States of America in the Persian Gulf Region, a humanitarian type mission of Lithuanian soldiers." Assignment of that mission was a support of international operation and assistance to victims of the conflict. In the beginning of the mission Lithuanian soldiers served in two areas of responsibility: Polish and British. This country delegated officers to the headquaters of the divisions in Basra and Babylon, and to the NATO Training Mission. In each unit, a total of 100 Lithuanian military personnel served in the UK- and Polishcontrolled sectors in Iraq. Lithuania took part in the European Union's training program called EU Integrated Rule of Law Mission for Iraq. On this initiative, the Iraqi officers familiarized themselves with the implementation of Lithuanian penitentiary system reform and the respect for human rights in the area of criminal justice. 25th January 2006 was the last day of Lithuanian military contingent duty within Multinational Division Central South.

The takeover of power in Turkey by the Justice and Progress Party in 2002 opened a new chapter for that country. The practical application of the doctrine of Ahmet Davutoğlu's "strategic depth" and soft power resources has led to a redefinition of the state's position in the international arena and a departure from the static foreign policy paradigm. This led to a change in the role and importance of Turkey as a participant in international relations and to its active involvement in global politics. This article attempts to answer a number of key questions relating to the issues in the title. First, it will answer what is the place and role of the soft power concept in international relations theory. Then, what role and significance did the doctrine of "strategic depth" play in Turkey's foreign policy. Finally, how Turkey used the soft power concept in its foreign policy based on "strategic depth". And what role did Ahmet Davutoğlu play in this. The historical method was used to achieve the research objective.

Problem granic w Afryce nie wiąże się z nieprawdziwym faktem, iż są one "sztuczne" czy "młode" – jako że są w większości starsze niż granice państw europejskich – ale z tym, iż stanowiły dzieło Europejczyków i że nawet do tej pory nie został jeszcze zakończony proces ich delimitacji, a szczególnie demarkacji. O ich trwałości z kolei świadczy zaakceptowana zasada uti possidetis, podkreślana wielokrotnie w wyrokach Międzynarodowego Trybunału Sprawiedliwości i w rezolucjach ONZ. Inne natomiast traktowanie granic w Afryce może prowadzić do rewizjonizmu terytorialnego i konfliktów, a nawet wojen. ; The problem of borders in Africa is not related to the false fact that they are 'artificial' or 'young', for in their majority they are older than those of European countries, but to the fact that they were created by Europeans and even today the process of their delimitation, and especially demarcation, has not been completed. Their permanence is confirmed by the accepted principle uti possidetis, emphasised many times in the judgments of the International Court of Justice in Hague and resolutions of the United Nations. Treating borders differently in Africa can lead to territorial revisionism and conflicts, ending even in wars.

The problem of borders in Africa is not related to the false fact that they are 'artificial' or 'young', for in their majority they are older than those of European countries, but to the fact that they were created by Europeans and even today the process of their delimitation, and especially demarcation, has not been completed. Their permanence is confirmed by the accepted principle uti possidetis, emphasised many times in the judgments of the International Court of Justice in Hague and resolutions of the United Nations. Treating borders differently in Africa can lead to territorial revisionism and conflicts, ending even in wars. ; Problem granic w Afryce nie wiąże się z nieprawdziwym faktem, iż są one "sztuczne" czy "młode" – jako że są w większości starsze niż granice państw europejskich – ale z tym, iż stanowiły dzieło Europejczyków i że nawet do tej pory nie został jeszcze zakończony proces ich delimitacji, a szczególnie demarkacji. O ich trwałości z kolei świadczy zaakceptowana zasada uti possidetis, podkreślana wielokrotnie w wyrokach Międzynarodowego Trybunału Sprawiedliwości i w rezolucjach ONZ. Inne natomiast traktowanie granic w Afryce może prowadzić do rewizjonizmu terytorialnego i konfliktów, a nawet wojen.

Role theory in international relations is an interdisciplinary approach that combines the key aspects of political science, psychology and sociology. Thus, it allows for a better understanding and an in-depth analysis of the state's behavior in global politics. The methodological advantages of role theory result from its specific structure, which provides a link between several scientific perspectives. In this article, the concept of "strategic depth" in foreign policy of the Republic of Turkey was analyzed. According to its assumptions, diplomatic activity and cooperation with neighboring regions would enable Turkey to gain a position of a medium-sized power and the leader of the Muslim civilization. This study begins with an outline of the theoretical framework and methodology. Next, the twentieth-century geopolitical narratives in Turkey were described. The third part of the article presents the basic assumptions of the concept of "strategic depth". In the fourth part, activities of Turkish diplomacy in the Balkans, the Caucasus, the Middle East and North Africa were described. ; Teoria ról w stosunkach międzynarodowych jest interdyscyplinarnym podejściembadawczym, łączącym w sobie kluczowe elementy politologii, psychologii i socjologii. W związku z tym pozwala na lepsze zrozumienie i dogłębną analizę zachowań państwa na arenie międzynarodowej. Zalety metodologiczne teorii ról wynikają z jej specyficznej struktury, która może stanowić łącznik pomiędzy kilkoma perspektywami naukowymi. W ramach niniejszego artykułu dokonano analizy polityki zagranicznej Republiki Turcji, prowadzonej w oparciu o wytycznezawarte w koncepcji "strategicznej głębi". Zgodnie z jej założeniami aktywność dyplomatyczna i współpraca z sąsiednimi regionami miała zapewnić Turcji pozycję mocarstwa średniej wielkości oraz lidera muzułmańskiego kręgu kulturowego. Niniejszy tekst rozpoczyna się od zarysowania ram teoretycznych i metodologii. Następnie opisano XX-wieczne narracje geopolityczne w Turcji. W trzeciej części artykułu przedstawiono podstawowe założenia koncepcji "strategicznej głębi". Natomiast czwarta część zawiera przegląd działań tureckiej dyplomacji na Bałkanach, Kaukazie oraz Bliskim Wschodzie i Afryce Północnej. Artykuł kończy podsumowanie rozważań oraz wnioski badawcze.

The paper presents the stance of the European Parliament (EP) on the gravest threats to the security of the EU, in particular, the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and the issue of international terrorism. Prevention of these threats lies predominantly within the competence of EU member states and its intergovernmental bodies. Such situation is implied by the fact that these issues fall within the scope of EU's Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) within which intergovernmental collaboration mechanisms play a dominant role. This means that the EP's role in the shaping of EU's policy on the prevention of weapons of mass destruction proliferation and international terrorism is limited and basically confined to the expression of non-binding opinions in its resolutions. However, relevant resolutions passed by the EP, though not binding in legal terms, have political significance and allow the EP, in contrast to other EU's institutions, to articulate its position in an unequivocal and clear way. This is possible since the EP is the only supranational EU institution that has democratic legitimacy and can claim the right to exercise parliamentary control over the EU's policy with respect to the prevention of the gravest threats to European security. This is particularly vivid as it comes to the fight against terrorism which is also the subject of interest for the common space of freedom, security and justice which employs intragovernmental collaboration mechanisms.

The last decades saw Turkey evolving from its Cold War era model of foreign relations, when it was the bastion of the West in the region, which involved alliance with the US and Israel. Following the doctrine of Ahmed Davutoĝlu, a theoretician of the Islamic Justice and Development Party (AKP), which rose to power in 2002, Turkey opened to the neighbouring states, striving to become a regional power by diplomatic rather than military means and through cultural and economic incentives. Both the internal and international actions of AKP governments were initially successful, and Turkey with its version of Islamic democracy was considered a model during the Arab Spring and a sound counterbalance to such countries as Iran. However, Turkey's bid to join the EU was stalled, and its approach to the civil war in Syria as well as other issues has been heavily criticized both in the West and in the region. The internal tensions are growing too, as the government has failed to recognize the rights of large minority groups, particularly the Kurds and the Alevi, which may threaten the integrity of the country.

The last decades saw Turkey evolving from its Cold War era model of foreign relations, when it was the bastion of the West in the region, which involved alliance with the US and Israel. Following the doctrine of Ahmed Davutoĝlu, a theoretician of the Islamic Justice and Development Party (AKP), which rose to power in 2002, Turkey opened to the neighbouring states, striving to become a regional power by diplomatic rather than military means and through cultural and economic incentives. Both the internal and international actions of AKP governments were initially successful, and Turkey with its version of Islamic democracy was considered a model during the Arab Spring and a sound counterbalance to such countries as Iran. However, Turkey's bid to join the EU was stalled, and its approach to the civil war in Syria as well as other issues has been heavily criticized both in the West and in the region. The internal tensions are growing too, as the government has failed to recognize the rights of large minority groups, particularly the Kurds and the Alevi, which may threaten the integrity of the country.

Without doubt, tension between Turkey's ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the Hizmet Movement is of vital importance for both Turkey and international society. This conflict is also important for Turkey's future when considering the concept of democracy. In this context, this tension has been mentioned by both academic and associated political interests worldwide. Therefore the importance of the outcome of this issue is going to be one of the key factors deciding Turkey's political and social future. To clearly understand and make predictions concerning Turkey's future, it is important to understand not only the actors involved and their normative and ideological perspectives; the deeper problematic areas of the Turkish state should also be explored. This paper outlines almost ten years of Turkey's social and political life under these two main opposing actors. This study will try to find a rational answer to the question of "what will be the outcome of this tension surrounding Turkish democracy for the political arena and civil society?" In this respect, the contemporary meaning of civil society, its importance for a healthy democracy and the relation among the state, the government which controls all state apparatus and the civil society organisations is explained. The final part provides further details about the AKP and Hizmet Movement and the subjects of their tension.

Without doubt, tension between Turkey's ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the Hizmet Movement is of vital importance for both Turkey and international society. This conflict is also important for Turkey's future when considering the concept of democracy. In this context, this tension has been mentioned by both academic and associated political interests worldwide. Therefore the importance of the outcome of this issue is going to be one of the key factors deciding Turkey's political and social future. To clearly understand and make predictions concerning Turkey's future, it is important to understand not only the actors involved and their normative and ideological perspectives; the deeper problematic areas of the Turkish state should also be explored. This paper outlines almost ten years of Turkey's social and political life under these two main opposing actors. This study will try to find a rational answer to the question of "what will be the outcome of this tension surrounding Turkish democracy for the political arena and civil society?" In this respect, the contemporary meaning of civil society, its importance for a healthy democracy and the relation among the state, the government which controls all state apparatus and the civil society organisations is explained. The final part provides further details about the AKP and Hizmet Movement and the subjects of their tension.