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A number of recent developments have prompted a revival of interest in liberal theories of international relations, among them the spread of democratic institutions, economic liberalisation and the increasing significance of international institutions in many aspects of life. This paper argues that liberal international relations theory, overimpressed by developments such as these, risks becoming an apologia for a narrow version of liberalism currently promoted by Western governments. The challenge of rethinking the meaning of liberalism in a 'globalising' world characterised by extreme economic inequality, social upheavals and the reassertion of cultural differences—and the questions whether and how liberal values can at all be realised in such a world—have been left to political theorists, whose struggles with these issues attract little interest in an international relations discipline still largely committed to the idea of a purely empirical social science. The paper suggests that a different, 'critical' conception of liberalism offers a way of relating pressing liberal normative concerns to empirical research, instead of seeking to keep the two entirely separate. It presents a critique of current liberal international relations theory and outlines an alternative approach.

The purpose of this study is to examine municipal involvement in international relations in the United States. This municipal phenomenon is occurring concurrently with both a shift away from the traditional nation-centric structure of international relations under the influence of globalism as well as a sharp decline in intergovernmental aid. The research questions were: (1) What are the indicators that define municipal involvement in international relations? and (2) What is the extent of that involvement? Extensive qualitative and research was conducted in the form of an exploratory literature survey which was set forth in narrative analysis to overcome the paucity of specific research in this area. The qualitative research developed 121 indicators of municipal international involvement. The 121 indicators were analytically grouped into economic, technological, sociocultural, political, and intergovernmental relations indicator groups. The qualitative research concluded that municipal involvement in international relations was a spreading phenomenon and that many American municipalities are substantially involved in international activities. In support of the qualitative results, 32 of the 121 indicators were validated through analysis of an independent random sample quantitative cross-sectional survey of American municipalities. The survey indicated substantial but varied involvement in international activities by municipalities. Exploratory quantitative analysis indicated that 12 of the 34 indicator variables, split between the economic, sociocultural, and political constructs, contributed significantly to municipal strength as an indicator of municipal international involvement. Exploratory quantitative analysis also indicated that the 32 indicators grouped into three composite constructs; i.e., economic, sociocultural, and political activities. Analysis of the composite constructs determined that only sociocultural activities made a significant contribution to municipal strength as an indicator of the degree of international involvement. The results of this study indicated that many municipalities in the United States are involved in international relations and assisted in the definition of variables indicating the nature and extent of that involvement. Many avenues of future research are warranted.

Includes bibliographical references (275-298) and index. ; Forms of methodology in political psychology -- Theoretical concepts in political psychology -- Cognitions and attitudes : what we think we know and why -- Behavior : do actions speak louder than words? -- Emotion : why we love to hate -- Psychobiography -- Leadership -- Group processes. ; Mode of access: Internet.

This issue of the International Political Science Review is devoted to new challenges and opportunities-as well as attendant problems-created by new information and communication technologies and applications in political science, with special attention to implications for international relations. The challenges are shaped in large part by the convergence of three trends: globalization, world-wide electronic connectivity, and emergent practices in knowledge networking. Increasingly, this convergence is reinforcing the role of knowledge in the global economy and in power politics. While each of these trends, individually, is having an impact on social discourse and modes of interaction, jointly they may be shaping powerful new parameters of politics, both nationally and internationally. They may also affect our ways of generating and managing knowledge, creating new knowledge, and even framing or re-framing the core concepts in political science. Central among these concepts, of course, are power, politics, representation, accountability, conflict, contention, and a host of others. In the context of the broader social sciences, these trends are also transforming traditional know- ledge practices, creating new research modes, and accelerating "new knowledge."

In this chapter, we trace the emergence of institutional approaches in IR theory, outline three important areas of research on international institutions, and suggest promising directions for future research. The review demonstrates that rational choice institutionalism, historical institutionalism, and normative institutionalism, as developed in the study of domestic institutions, have constituted sources of inspiration in IR theory. At the same time, the relative absence of formal institutions in the international realm has encouraged IR scholars to theorize more subtle institutional forms and influences, with general implications for institutional analysis in political science.

This book of ten original essays provides a showcase of currently diverse theoretical agendas in the field of international relations. Contributors address the theoretical analysis that their perspective brings to the issue of change in global politics. Written for readers with a general interest in and knowledge of world affairs, New Thinking in International Relations Theory can also be assigned in international relations theory courses.The volume begins with an essay on the classical tradition at the end of the Cold War. Essays explore work outside the mainstream, such as Jean Bethke Elshtain on feminist theory and James Der Derian on postmodern theory as well as those developing theoretical advances within traditional realms from James DeNardo's formal modeling to the more descriptive analyses of Miles Kahler and Steve Weber. Other essays include Matthew Evangelista on domestics structure, Daniel Deudney on naturalist and geopolitical theory, and Joseph Grieco on international structuralist theory. ; https://scholarship.law.columbia.edu/books/1241/thumbnail.jpg

Environmental issues and questions of global change are now firmly established on the international political agenda. This book provides a wide-ranging survey of the current treatment of environmental issues in international relations. This book begins by looking at the relevance of the different theoretical approaches current in international relations to the study of the environment. It analyzses a wide range of approaches from the debate between neo-realism and liberal institutionalism to the significant connections between gender and global environmental change. The book goes on to consider a range of key international processes, discussing the monitoring and implementation of environmental agreements, the place of ideology in negotiations and the role of international organisations.

There is no international bankruptcy law, but only the national bankruptcy laws of various states. The failure of a multinational firm therefore raises difficult questions of conflict and cooperation among national bankruptcy regimes. Theorists have proposed various reforms to the uncoordinated territorial approach that most states pursue when a multinational firm suffers financial distress. Among these reform proposals, universalism has long been the dominant idea. Under universalism, the bankruptcy regime of the debtor firm's home country would govern, and that regime would have extraterritorial reach to treat all of the debtor's assets and claimants worldwide. Despite its conceptual dominance, universalism has yet to find vindication in any concrete policy enactments. No universalist arrangements exist. While recent challenges to universalism have emerged, the current lively debate over universalism and rival proposals focuses almost exclusively on their comparative efficiencies. This article provides an entirely new perspective. Applying insights from elementary game theory and international relations theory, I show that universalism is politically implausible. Even for states interested in establishing universalist arrangements, they will be unable to do so. They will find themselves caught in a prisoners' dilemma with no ready solution. I conclude therefore that universalism holds only dubious promise as a prescription for international bankruptcy cooperation.

In this study the author seeks to develop Historical Realism as a new approach to International Relations. Drawing on recent theoretical developments in International Relations and Historical Sociology it is argued, first, that a distinction between constitutive and causal theory is necessary and, second, that this distinction makes comparisons at a high level of abstraction across time and space possible. The explanatory focus of Historical Realism is the political reproduction of states. States are seen as constantly facing a double security dilemma: it is being threatened, or potentially threatened, by two sets of rivals for revenue. At the level of abstraction of Historical Realism, states have two possible responses, short of collapse, to this double security dilemma. They can either pursue a fortifying mode of political reproduction, whereby the essence of their strategy is to prevent rivals from gaining strength. Alternatively, they can pursue an alliance-building mode of political reproduction, whereby they cooperate with or co-opt rivals, turning them into allies instead. Which response states' choose depend on the constitutive context they exist in, and how this is changing. The constitutive context is conceptualised with four dichotomous dimensions. International systems, it is argued, can either be functionally differentiated or not, and political relations in these systems can either be embedded in economic relations or not. The societies from which states' extract revenue can, further, either be competitive or not, and either logistically closed or open. The second part of the study develops this conceptual framework in the contexts of Japanese political reproduction towards the end of the nineteenth century, the political reproduction, and failure, of the Roman Republic, and political reproduction in early medieval western Europe.

This paper attempts to provide a new framework of analysis for understanding China's international relations. It argues that "traditional" conceptions of international relations, based on "statist" and "realist" methodology, do not capture the dynamics of China's international relations in an era of globalisation. Rather, we need to consider the analytical tools of international political economy as a means of breaking down the barriers between the domestic and the international, and between politics and economics. At the same time as enriching the study of China, such an approach can also enrich the discipline of international political economy, by breaking away from the OECD-centric nature of much research in the field.

Includes bibliographical references and indexes. ; Introduction : methodology in international relations research / Detlef F. Sprinz and Yael Wolinsky-Nahmias -- Case study methods : design, use, and comparative advantages / Andrew Bennett -- Case study methods in international political economy / John S. Odell -- Beyond story-telling : designing case study research in international environmental policy / Ronald Mitchell and Thomas Bernauer -- Case study methods in international security studies / Arie M. Kacowicz -- The promise and peril of statistics in international relations / Bear F. Braumoeller and Anne E. Sartori -- Quantitative approaches to the international political economy / Edward D. Mansfield -- Quantitative analysis of international environmental policy / Detlef F. Sprinz -- Research design in testing theories of international conflict / Paul Huth and Todd Allee -- Formal models of international politics / Duncan Snidal -- Formal methods and international political economy / Helen V. Milner -- Consumption, production, and markets : applications of microeconomics to international politics / John A.C. Conybeare -- Game theory and international environmental policy / D. Marc Kilgour and Yael Wolinsky-Nahmias -- The art of Shaker modeling : game theory and security studies / Andrew Kydd -- Conclusions / Detlef F. Sprinz and Yael Wolinsky-Nahmias. ; Mode of access: Internet.

The article of record as published may be located at http://www.jstor.org/stable/2625234 ; The recently published lectures by Martin Wight (1913-72) on the history thought regarding international politics are of exceptional importance. points out, the lectures answer a number of questions about what Wight 'traditions' and what his own position was with regard to their validity. analysis and organizing framework capture and clarify a complex historical greater justice and lucidity than many others that have been proposed. lectures place in perspective what has been the most indisputable criticism approach-his 'Eurocentrism' and neglect of non-Western traditions-opportunitiesforfurther research building on these foundations.

This Article explores the European Union Data Privacy Directive and its impact upon international relations. Part II provides a background upon which the Privacy Directive is built. In Part III, the Article confronts the differences between how the United States and its European counterparts address privacy issues generally. Part IV analyzes the Privacy Directive in detail, while Part V explores possible effects that the Privacy Directive might have on international relations.

Titelblatt, Danksagung und Inhaltsverzeichnis 1\. Einleitung 4 2\. Internationale Gerechtigkeit 17 2.1 Was ist Gerechtigkeit? 17 2.2 Was ist Verteilungsgerechtigkeit? 23 2.3 Gerechtigkeitstheorien 26 3\. John Rawls 34 3.1 Eine Theorie der Gerechtigkeit34 3.2 Die Idee des politischen Liberalismus49 3.3 The Law of Peoples51 3.4 Zusammenfassung: John Rawls und globale Gerechtigkeit67 4\. Kosmopolitismus 75 4.1 Thomas Pogge81 4.2 Charles Beitz101 4.3 Brian Barry128 4.4 Zusammenfassung139 5\. John Rawls Gerechtigkeitstheorie und kosmopolitische Theorien: Vor- und Nachteile einer Realisierung 152 5.1 Anwendungsvoraussetzungen 152 6\. Die Realisierbarkeit globaler Gerechtigkeitstheorien in der gegenwärtigen Weltordnung 183 6.1 Das Verhältnis von Theorie und Praxis 183 6.2 Die Bedeutung internationaler Gerechtigkeit 186 6.3 Struktur des internationalen Systems 201 6.4 Internationale Akteure 207 7\. Schluss 230 Literatur 249 ; Die internationalen Beziehungen sind weitgehend bestimmt durch spezielle Interessen der einzelnen außenpolitischen Akteure. Gerechtigkeitsfragen spielen in den politischen Strategien eher eine untergeordnete Rolle. Dennoch ist die Gerechtigkeit vor allem in den internationalen Beziehungen von hoher Bedeutung. Die gerechte Verteilung von Menschenrechten, von lebensnotwendigen Grundgütern und sozialem Wohlstand trägt wesentlich zur Stabilität in den internationalen Beziehungen bei. Können Interessenkonflikte, die allein aufgrund ungerechter Verteilungen basieren, vermieden werden, so ist mit einer stabilen internationalen Ordnung zu rechnen. Den Bürgern gerechter Gesellschaften ist ein selbstbestimmtes, eigenverantwortliches Leben ermöglicht, dass sie auf der Grundlage der gerechten und sicheren Lebensverhältnisse führen können. Als John Rawls 1971 seine "Theorie der Gerechtigkeit" erstmals veröffentlichte, war diese auf eine geschlossene, nationale Gesellschaft zugeschnitten. Im Laufe der Jahre entwickelte Rawls seine Gerechtigkeitstheorie jedoch fort. Er dachte zunehmend auch über internationale ...

Nine years ago, Kenneth Abbott published an article exhorting international lawyers to read and master regime theory, arguing that it had multiple uses for the study of international law.1 He went as far as to call for a 'joint discipline" that would bridge the gap between international relations theory (IR) and international law (IL). Several years later, one of us followed suit with an article mapping the history of the two fields and setting forth an agenda for joint research. 2 Since then, political scientists and international lawyers have been reading and drawing on one another's work with increasing frequency and for a wide range of purposes.3 Explicitly interdisciplinary articles have won the Francis Deak Prize, awarded for the best work by a younger scholar in this Journal, for the past two years running;4 the publication of an interdisciplinary analysis of treaty law in the Harvard International Law journal prompted a lively exchange on the need to pay attention to legal as well as political details;5 and the Hague Academy of International Law has scheduled a short course on international law and international relations for its millennial lectures in the year 2000. Further, the American Society of International Law and the Academic Council on the United Nations System sponsor joint summer workshops explicitly designed to bring young IR and IL scholars together to explore the overlap between their disciplines.