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One of the fundamental categories of general sociology concerns power. Regardless of differences in interpretation, power can be defined as the dependence between subordinator and subordinated. This relation is unidirectional. When discussing influence, this property is significant, as otherwise it could be reciprocal, or an influence could be exerted by many other entities that are not bound by the relationship of subordination. The nature of international relations is too specific to allow a simple transfer of power-related phenomena from the realm of domestic relations. One can indicate the presence of delegated power, resulting from the mutual assignment of subordination rights to international decision- making bodies. The processes of international power are divided into procedures of hard power, soft power and smart power, the latter signifying the manifestation of effective power, making use of the mechanisms of the former two. It is also important to take into account the specificity of the legitimization of international power and manifestations of accountability. Also not without significance is the capacity for the implementation of international power, equipped with the relevant enforcement instruments. ; One of the fundamental categories of general sociology concerns power. Regardless of differences in interpretation, power can be defined as the dependence between subordinator and subordinated. This relation is unidirectional. When discussing influence, this property is significant, as otherwise it could be reciprocal, or an influence could be exerted by many other entities that are not bound by the relationship of subordination. The nature of international relations is too specific to allow a simple transfer of power-related phenomena from the realm of domestic relations. One can indicate the presence of delegated power, resulting from the mutual assignment of subordination rights to international decision- making bodies. The processes of international power are divided into procedures of hard power, soft power and smart power, the latter signifying the manifestation of effective power, making use of the mechanisms of the former two. It is also important to take into account the specificity of the legitimization of international power and manifestations of accountability. Also not without significance is the capacity for the implementation of international power, equipped with the relevant enforcement instruments.

The article discusses the relationship between the occurrence of international conflicts and the desire of states to implement their own geopolitical interests. The key factor in the emergence of conflicts is the concept of an inter-civilization clash by Samuel Huntington, where the role of states in the formation of the international system is the trigger for decision-making. The author states that in modern conditions Russia defends its interests, which should not be perceived by other actors of international relations as a threat, but as competition.

Aus polnischer Sicht

The purpose of this article is to discuss the trajectory of Belarusian-Lithuanian relations with a particular focus on the period after the 2020 Belarusian presidential election, which resulted in a change in international relations in the region. This was the moment that redefined the Lithuanian-Belarusian relations, which until 2020 were satisfactory for both sides (especially in the economic aspect). However, Lithuania began to pursue a reactive policy of promoting the democratisation of Belarus and provided multi-level support to Belarusian opposition forces. The current problems in bilateral relations (e.g., the future of Belarusian Nuclear Power Plant located in Astravyets) have been put on the agenda for discussion at the EU level, while the instruments of a hybrid conflict in the form of an influx of immigrants into Lithuania, controlled by the Belarusian regime, have become a key issue for the future prospects of relations between Belarus and Lithuania.

Europe/the European Union, with its obvious trump cards, should be an active and efficient player on the international arena. Such are the expectations of the United States, formulated especially by the administration of Barack Obama. However, from the American perspective, the EU has not proved successful as an important international actor, engaged in resolving global problems and prepared to assume greater responsibility for the course of events in the world. This inertia of the EU resulted in the marginalisation of Europe in American politics, as manifested by the latter's pivot to the Pacific Rim. It was only after the developments in the Ukraine, which resulted from Russia's imperial tendencies, that a greater activity and coherence in American and European politics was triggered, having a positive influence also on transatlantic relations. ; Europe/the European Union, with its obvious trump cards, should be an active and efficient player on the international arena. Such are the expectations of the United States, formulated especially by the administration of Barack Obama. However, from the American perspective, the EU has not proved successful as an important international actor, engaged in resolving global problems and prepared to assume greater responsibility for the course of events in the world. This inertia of the EU resulted in the marginalisation of Europe in American politics, as manifested by the latter's pivot to the Pacific Rim. It was only after the developments in the Ukraine, which resulted from Russia's imperial tendencies, that a greater activity and coherence in American and European politics was triggered, having a positive influence also on transatlantic relations.

The purpose of this article is to present the topics raised in relation to Polish-American relations during the parliamentary debate after the exposés of the Ministers of Foreign Affairs and to compare it with the content of the election programs of Polish political parties. The basic research method used for the purposes of this article is content analysis and framing analysis. These included the exposés of the Ministers of Foreign Affairs and programs of Polish political parties in relation to Polish-American relations. It aims to compare and confront the content and topics raised in the parties' programs with the content and topics raised by the Minister of Foreign Affairs in the government's information. ; Celem tego artykułu jest przedstawienie tematów poruszanych w odniesieniu do relacji polsko-amerykańskich podczas debaty parlamentarnej odbywającej się po exposé ministrów spraw zagranicznych oraz porównanie jej do treści zawartych w programach wyborczych polskich partii politycznych. Podstawową metodą badawczą użytą na potrzeby tego artykułu jest analiza zawartości oraz ramowanie (framing analysis). Objęto nimi exposé ministrów spraw zagranicznych oraz programy polskich partii politycznych w odniesieniu do relacji polsko-amerykańskich. Ma ona na celu porównanie i skonfrontowanie treści i tematów poruszanych w programach partii z treścią i tematami poruszanymi przez ministra spraw zagranicznych w corocznej informacji rządu.

The purpose of this article is to present the topics raised in relation to Polish-American relations during the parliamentary debate after the exposés of the Ministers of Foreign Affairs and to compare it with the content of the election programs of Polish political parties. The basic research method used for the purposes of this article is content analysis and framing analysis. These included the exposés of the Ministers of Foreign Affairs and programs of Polish political parties in relation to Polish-American relations. It aims to compare and confront the content and topics raised in the parties' programs with the content and topics raised by the Minister of Foreign Affairs in the government's information. ; Celem tego artykułu jest przedstawienie tematów poruszanych w odniesieniu do relacji polsko-amerykańskich podczas debaty parlamentarnej odbywającej się po exposé ministrów spraw zagranicznych oraz porównanie jej do treści zawartych w programach wyborczych polskich partii politycznych. Podstawową metodą badawczą użytą na potrzeby tego artykułu jest analiza zawartości oraz ramowanie (framing analysis). Objęto nimi exposé ministrów spraw zagranicznych oraz programy polskich partii politycznych w odniesieniu do relacji polsko-amerykańskich. Ma ona na celu porównanie i skonfrontowanie treści i tematów poruszanych w programach partii z treścią i tematami poruszanymi przez ministra spraw zagranicznych w corocznej informacji rządu.

Bilateral relations between the Republic of Turkey and the individual successor states of former Yugoslavia differ, after thirty years since its dissolution, in form and in substance. While just after the breakup of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Turkey managed to establish and sustain cordial ties with such countries as, for instance, Macedonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, relations with Serbia (Serbia and Montenegro) remained tense and the two countries perceived themselves, in the best case, as traditional opponents. The basic aim of this paper is to analyse the bilateral relations of these two states and Turkish foreign policy towards Serbia, a country currently perceived as a 'neighbour,' despite the fact that they do not share common border. The paper argues that rapprochement of two countries, so clearly visible in several dimensions after 2002, marks a new phase in Turkey's general foreign policy. The paper will trace the thirty-year evolution of bilateral contacts while arguing that the current positive relations have their source also in the domestic arena, both of Turkey and Serbia, which is willing to increase influence in the Western Balkans and institutionalise her international position. Thus, the two states for the first time share similar foreign policy goals. The whole analysis is theoretically anchored in the behavioural approach of the 'middle power' paradigm. An author-applied qualitative content analysis is the main research technique. The main sources are official documents, selected monographs, academic articles, and analytical reports.

Europa/Unia Europejska, dysponując niekwestionowanymi atutami, powinna też być aktywnym i skutecznym graczem na arenie międzynarodowej. Takie były oczekiwania Stanów Zjednoczonych, formułowane zwłaszcza przez administrację Baracka Obamy. Jednak z amerykańskiej perspektywy Europa nie sprawdziła się jako ważny aktor na scenie międzynarodowej, zaangażowany w rozwiązywanie problemów globalnych i gotowy brać większą odpowiedzialność zabieg spraw w świecie. Tainercja Unii Europejskiej powodowała, że nastąpiła marginalizacja Europy w polityce amerykańskiej, czego wyrazem był "pivot to the Pacific Rim". Dopiero wydarzenia na Ukrainie, będące efektem imperialnych tendencji w działaniach Rosji, spowodowały większą aktywność i koherentność polityki amerykańskiej i europejskiej, prowadząc też do wzmocnienia układu transatlantyckiego ; Europe/the European Union, with its obvious trump cards, should be an active and efficient player on the international arena. Such are the expectations of the United States, formulated especially by the administration of Barack Obama. However, from the American perspective, the EU has not proved successful as an important international actor, engaged in resolving global problems and prepared to assume greater responsibility for the course of events in the world. This inertia of the EU resulted in the marginalisation of Europe in American politics, as manifested by the latter's pivot to the Pacific Rim. It was only after the developments in the Ukraine, which resulted from Russia's imperial tendencies, that a greater activity and coherence in American and European politics was triggered, having a positive influence also on transatlantic relations.

The article analyses the current situation in Estonia and Lithuania in the context of the position of both states and their public relations strategy and image since 1991, as well as the role of national minorities in this process. The authors emphasize that even though Estonia and Lithuania tend to be treated as very similar state organisms, they chose different ways of building their legal and democratic structures. Despite many similarities between the two states, such as location, size, small population, common historical background and, above all, ethnic divisions, one should pay attention to successful attempts to strengthen the statehood of Estonia and Lithuania.

The article presents international relations (or relations among nations) as based on a voluntarily accepted and previously negotiated agreements and treaties which form ground for a quite efficient and mostly peaceful anarchic system (order). Based on a libertarian political philosophy, supported by selected international relations theories, the article shows that even between the agencies of territorial monopoly on the use of force and decision making who are in possession of a military forces or weaponry of mass destruction there can exist peaceful and beneficial bilateral and multilateral contacts and relations based on the norms of the international law (characterized as norms and rules of behavior for governments with respect to relations with other governments), despite the fact that war is still one of the possible scenarios of a governmental action on the international arena. Furthermore it has been shown that, contrary to the arguments of some libertarian thinkers, weaponry of mass destruction even in the hands of governments can contribute to stabilizing the international system which proves that - from the libertarian point of view immoral and unethical entities - the States are capable of operating in the anarchic system in a very different manner than the authors like Thomas Hobbes would like to think, wrongly depicting anarchy as a permanent conflict of everyone against everyone, belli omnia conta omnes. In the conclusion main flaws and drawbacks of the anarchic international system are pointed out, however major advantages from the libertarian perspective of the system in question are raised as well.

The article presents international relations (or relations among nations) as based on a voluntarily accepted and previously negotiated agreements and treaties which form ground for a quite efficient and mostly peaceful anarchic system (order). Based on a libertarian political philosophy, supported by selected international relations theories, the article shows that even between the agencies of territorial monopoly on the use of force and decision making who are in possession of a military forces or weaponry of mass destruction there can exist peaceful and beneficial bilateral and multilateral contacts and relations based on the norms of the international law (characterized as norms and rules of behavior for governments with respect to relations with other governments), despite the fact that war is still one of the possible scenarios of a governmental action on the international arena. Furthermore it has been shown that, contrary to the arguments of some libertarian thinkers, weaponry of mass destruction even in the hands of governments can contribute to stabilizing the international system which proves that - from the libertarian point of view immoral and unethical entities - the States are capable of operating in the anarchic system in a very different manner than the authors like Thomas Hobbes would like to think, wrongly depicting anarchy as a permanent conflict of everyone against everyone, belli omnia conta omnes. In the conclusion main flaws and drawbacks of the anarchic international system are pointed out, however major advantages from the libertarian perspective of the system in question are raised as well.