International audience ; The political life of the States refers to a number of issues, particularly in the social, economic and cultural fields, specific to each society. The specialty of any activity in international politics would be to make collective problems emerge, to reveal the demands of political power and to propose solutions. In this context, the media would be involved in actions of socialization, mobilization, negotiation, promotion and participation. As the fourth power, they would play alongside the executive, legislative and judicial branches an essential role of actors and witnesses in the life of modern States and in relations between States. By their intervention in the process of pacifying conflicts, their power is no longer in doubt since they have proved their indispensable role both in liberal democracies and in other political systems. ; La vie politique des Etats renvoie à quantité d'enjeux notamment dans le domaine social, économique et culturel, propre à chaque société. La spécialité de toute activité en politique internationale, consisterait à faire émerger les problèmes collectifs, à révéler les demandes au pouvoir politique et de proposer des projets de solutions. Dans ce contexte, les médias seraient impliqués dans des actions de socialisation, de mobilisation, de négociation, de promotion et de participation. En tant que quatrième pouvoir, ils joueraient aux côtés des pouvoirs exécutif, législatif et judiciaire, un rôle essentiel d'acteurs et de témoins dans la vie des Etats modernes et dans les rapports entre Etats. Par leur intervention dans le processus de pacification des conflits, leur puissance ne fait plus aucun doute dès lors qu'ils ont prouvé leur indispensable rôle tant dans les démocraties libérales que dans les autres systèmes politiques.
This text is the introduction to the international relations review (Paris — Geneva) on "Latin America in international relations". He gave a brief overview of the historical history on the issue and the prospects opened up by the articles in this dossier. ; International audience ; This text is the introduction to the international relations review (Paris — Geneva) on "Latin America in international relations". He gave a brief overview of the historical history on the issue and the prospects opened up by the articles in this dossier. ; Ce texte constitue l'introduction au dossier de la revue Relations internationales (Paris - Genève) consacré à "L'Amérique latine dans les relations internationales". Il présente un bref tableau de l'historiographie sur la question et les perspectives ouvertes par les articles réunis dans ce dossier.
The reform of external relations was a source of discord within the Convention. It is true that the agreement in principle was reached on an old objective: the affirmation of the Union's identity on the international stage, which calls for greater visibility, coherence, effectiveness and democratisation of its action. But the sovereignty issues underlying trade with third parties, development cooperation, humanitarian aid and the external dimension of the various internal policies, not to mention the common foreign and security policy, have given rise to numerous confrontations between advocates of the diplomatic method and promoters of a more integrated Europe. In these circumstances, a compromise was found. It reveals a mismatch between new, potentially successful institutional tools and the unbold arrangement of skills and procedures. ; International audience ; The reform of external relations was a source of discord within the Convention. It is true that the agreement in principle was reached on an old objective: the affirmation of the Union's identity on the international stage, which calls for greater visibility, coherence, effectiveness and democratisation of its action. But the sovereignty issues underlying trade with third parties, development cooperation, humanitarian aid and the external dimension of the various internal policies, not to mention the common foreign and security policy, have given rise to numerous confrontations between advocates of the diplomatic method and promoters of a more integrated Europe. In these circumstances, a compromise was found. It reveals a mismatch between new, potentially successful institutional tools and the unbold arrangement of skills and procedures. ; La réforme des relations extérieures a constitué une pomme de discorde au sein de la Convention. Certes, l'accord de principe fut acquis sur un vieil objectif : l'affirmation de l'identité de l'Union sur la scène internationale, qui appelle une visibilité, une cohérence, une efficacité et une démocratisation accrue ...
Today, Europe is living a new decisive time as it has been in its past after World War II, in search of unity in diversity in the name of a peace project to safeguard future. If, on the one hand, Europe expresses aspirations for profound changes in its external environment, in the domestic context, it ends up colliding with aspects linked to sovereignty and human rights; on the other hand, in European foreign policy, the model reveals the search to legitimize its action. Precisely, the objective and the motivation of this study seek, through the qualitative methodology in Political Science, to analyse and understand the current context of the European Union in the international system. In fact, it is identified that this new hierarchy of powers, in the reaffirmation of the Westphalian system, where economic power comes, is bound to consolidate the democratic development between the old and new times of international relations in the destiny of Europe. From the results obtained during the analysis, in order to face again the unpredictability of the world scenario, it is a reality that Europe must promote the re-encounter of an alternative role, in other words, to assume its initial project of European edification in the name of equality of circumstances and rights of its affirmation in the global arena.
French edition (Paris, A. Colin, 1923) has title: Limpérialisma économique et les relations internationales pendant le dernier-demi-siècle (1870-1920). ; Bibliography: p. 171-178. ; Mode of access: Internet.
SOMMAIRE: Introduction/Section I. The constituent entities of the Belgian State/§ 1. The spheres of government/§ 2. Bodies and their powers/Section II. The involvement of the entities involved in the exercise of the treaty-making power/§ 1. Association with international negotiations/§ 2. The approval of the community councils/Section III. — Extension of the competence of the constituent entities over the maritime areas adjacent to their territory/§ 1. Maritime boundaries of composing entities/§ 2. Granting of extraterritorial powers/Conclusion ; SOMMAIRE : Introduction / Section I. Les entités composantes de l'Etat belge / § 1er. Les sphères de compétence / § 2. Les organes et leurs attributions / Section II. L'association des entités composantes à l'exercice du treaty-making power / § 1er. L'association aux négociations internationales / § 2. L'assentiment des conseils de communauté / Section III. -L'extension de la compétence des entités composantes sur les espaces maritimes adjacents à leur territoire / § 1er. Les limites maritimes des entités composantes / § 2. L'octroi de compétences extraterritoriales / Conclusion
despite the conclusions of the liberal analysis, war and militarism appear in international economic relations because interests between states are often divergent. The sharing of rents of raw materials and the concrete conditions for economic competition create many opportunities for conflict. Under certain conditions, war is still an interesting situation and an opportunity for certain economic and political interests. The globalisation of international flows of goods, capital and information poses major risks, including shortages of food and raw materials, systemic financial crises and global cyber attacks. ; International audience This article questions the persistence of militarism in a globalized economy, contrary to the conclusions of the liberal economic theory. Globalization even seems to generate new sources of international conflict and new ways of waging war. ; despite the conclusions of the liberal analysis, war and militarism appear in international economic relations because interests between states are often divergent. The sharing of rents of raw materials and the concrete conditions for economic competition create many opportunities for conflict. Under certain conditions, war is still an interesting situation and an opportunity for certain economic and political interests. The globalisation of international flows of goods, capital and information poses major risks, including shortages of food and raw materials, systemic financial crises and global cyber attacks. ; Malgré les conclusions de l'analyse libérale, la guerre et le militarisme s'invitent dans les relations économiques internationales parce que les intérêts entre les Etats sont souvent divergents. Le partage des loyers des matières premières et les conditions concrètes de la concurrence économique créent de nombreuses opportunités de conflits. Dans certaines conditions, la guerre est toujours une situation intéressante et une opportunité pour certains intérêts économiques et politiques. La mondialisation des flux internationaux de ...
In the years 1990/2000, the Failling State, Failed State, Collapsed State, Quasi-State and Weak State upset the international political thought. What definition (s) could we bring to these states in one or more meanings that political science would hear? In what way would they contribute to enriching political theory?Fearing the normative effects and lack of scientific objectivity of a provisional definition at the outset, we have chosen to define the concept descriptively, that is to say at the end of an empirical analysis. The problem was then methodological: how to describe an object that we did not suspect existed there is little? And how to analyze it?We started from the idea that Failling State, Failed State, Collapsed State, Quasi-State and Weak State were synonymous notions from the same concept, "failing states". The use of this philosophical term therefore gave us the task of determining all the meanings, notions and uses attached to it. The concept could also be characteristic of a paradigm. This term borrowed from the philosophy of science made it possible to envisage the existence of a community of thinkers, co-authors of the concept-paradigm thanks to their socio-political lexical uses, even to their theories.With these two reflective frameworks, we had to follow the lexicographer's approach. Supported by the tools of discourse analysis, especially on form and lexicological methods, it was a question of retracing the history of the concept over a long period of time: from its genesis, its phases of construction and deconstruction to our days.From this diachronic approach, three results have emerged:The first was to discover the theoretician of the concept-paradigm "Failling State" in the person of René de Lucinge, Sieur des Allymes. The ambassador of Savoy to the Court of France under King Henry III, friend a time of Giovanni Botero, exposes for the first time, the theory of failure that is to say the fall of the state in his little political treatise De la Naissance, Duree et Cheutte des Estats, published in 1588 in Paris. Disgraced in 1602 for having signed the Treaty of Lyon, his name and his works were damnati for three hundred years. Through the discovery of René de Lucinge, the original community of the paradigm's thinkers can be revealed. The "failing state" thus appears at the same time as the concept of "state" itself, that is to say in the sixteenth century.The second result concerns the cognitive changes of the concept-paradigm between Naissance and the 2000s. For example, it loses one of its key concepts, the antonym, the conservation of state. And, the dominance of the jurists, at several moments of the "life" of the concept, exerts an effect stopping on its meaning. Words having a "memory", it is indeed no longer possible to think or use it without associating it with the terms "deficiencies", "duties" or "obligations". This second result makes it possible to reveal other communities of scientists thanks to their socio-political uses.The last result allows us to evaluate the American contribution in the history of the concept. Certainly, this innovation pushes the paradigm towards its climax. It is enriched by models that reveal the existence of analytical rules common to the communities of the paradigm. However, American domination makes it enter the international political field. However, this evolution leads to the creation of a competitor, the Fragile State, whose gradual emergence causes, in the end, the concomitant extinction of the concept-paradigm "failling states" ; Dans les années 1990/2000, les termes Failling State, Failed State, Collapsed State, Quasi-State et Weak State bouleversent la pensée politique internationale. On s'est alors posé la question de savoir s'ils n'étaient pas en train de créer une nouvelle catégorie d'États dans le champ de la science politique, une catégorie des États « déviants » ? De quelles déviances s'agissait-t-il alors ? Quelles normes politiques et internationales avaient-t-ils transgressé ? Au final, quelle(s) définition(s) pouvions-nous apporter à ces États dans un ou des sens que la science politique entendrait ? En quoi contribueraient-t-elles à enrichir la théorie politique ? Craignant les effets normatifs et l'absence d'objectivité scientifique d'une définition provisoire de départ, nous avons choisi de définir le concept de manière descriptive c'est-à-dire au terme d'une analyse empirique. Le problème était alors d'ordre méthodologique : comment décrire un objet dont on ne soupçonnait pas l'existence il y a peu? Et comment l'analyser ? Nous sommes parties de l'idée que les Failling State, Failed State, Collapsed State, Quasi-State et Weak State étaient des notions synonymes issues d'un même concept, « États défaillants ». L'emploi de ce terme philosophique nous donnait donc pour tâche de déterminer tous les sens, notions et usages rattachés. Le concept pouvait également être caractéristique d'un paradigme. Ce terme emprunté à la philosophie des sciences permettait d'envisager l'existence d'une communauté de penseurs, co-auteurs du concept-paradigme grâce à leurs usages lexicaux socio-politiques voire à leurs théories.Il nous restait à emprunter la démarche du lexicographe. Appuyée sur les outils de l'analyse du discours, en particulier sur les méthodes formulaire et lexicologiques, il s'est agi de retracer l'histoire du concept sur un temps long : de sa genèse, ses phases de construction et de déconstruction à nos jours.De cette approche diachronique, trois résultats ont été dégagés :Le premier a été de découvrir le théoricien du concept-paradigme « État-défaillant » en la personne de René de Lucinge, Sieur des Allymes. L'ambassadeur de la Savoie à la Cour de France sous le roi Henri III, proche un temps de Giovanni Botero, expose pour la première fois, la théorie de la défaillance c'est-à-dire de la chute de l'État dans son petit traité politique De la Naissance, Duree et Cheutte des Estats, publié en 1588 à Paris. Disgracié en 1602 pour avoir signé le traité de Lyon, son nom et ses œuvres ont été damnati trois cents ans durant. À travers la découverte de René de Lucinge, la communauté originelle des penseurs du paradigme peut ainsi être révélée. L' « État défaillant » apparaît donc au même moment que le concept d' « État », lui-même, c'est-à-dire au XVIe siècle.Le second résultat porte sur les évolutions cognitives du concept-paradigme entre Naissance et les années 2000. Il perd, par exemple, une de ses notions phares, la notion antonyme de conservation de l'État. Et, la domination des juristes, à plusieurs moments de la « vie » du concept, exerce un effet dirimant sur son sens. Les mots ayant une « mémoire », il n'est, en effet, plus possible de le penser ou de l'employer sans lui associer les termes de « manquements », « devoirs » ou « obligations ». Ce second résultat permet de révéler d'autres communautés de savants grâce à leurs usages socio-politiques. Le dernier résultat permet d'évaluer l'apport américain dans l'histoire du concept. Certes, cette innovation pousse le paradigme vers son apogée. Il s'enrichit de modélisations qui révèlent l'existence de règles analytiques communes aux communautés du paradigme. Cependant, la domination américaine le fait entrer dans le champ politique international. Or, cette évolution conduit à la création d'un concurrent, le Fragile State, dont l'émergence progressive provoque, au final, l'extinction concomitante du concept-paradigme « États défaillants »
In the years 1990/2000, the Failling State, Failed State, Collapsed State, Quasi-State and Weak State upset the international political thought. What definition (s) could we bring to these states in one or more meanings that political science would hear? In what way would they contribute to enriching political theory?Fearing the normative effects and lack of scientific objectivity of a provisional definition at the outset, we have chosen to define the concept descriptively, that is to say at the end of an empirical analysis. The problem was then methodological: how to describe an object that we did not suspect existed there is little? And how to analyze it?We started from the idea that Failling State, Failed State, Collapsed State, Quasi-State and Weak State were synonymous notions from the same concept, "failing states". The use of this philosophical term therefore gave us the task of determining all the meanings, notions and uses attached to it. The concept could also be characteristic of a paradigm. This term borrowed from the philosophy of science made it possible to envisage the existence of a community of thinkers, co-authors of the concept-paradigm thanks to their socio-political lexical uses, even to their theories.With these two reflective frameworks, we had to follow the lexicographer's approach. Supported by the tools of discourse analysis, especially on form and lexicological methods, it was a question of retracing the history of the concept over a long period of time: from its genesis, its phases of construction and deconstruction to our days.From this diachronic approach, three results have emerged:The first was to discover the theoretician of the concept-paradigm "Failling State" in the person of René de Lucinge, Sieur des Allymes. The ambassador of Savoy to the Court of France under King Henry III, friend a time of Giovanni Botero, exposes for the first time, the theory of failure that is to say the fall of the state in his little political treatise De la Naissance, Duree et Cheutte des Estats, ...
Le phénomène de globalisation ainsi que les mutations économiques et politiques des dernières décennies ont vu émerger un nouveau type de diplomatie, porté par les entreprises sur un marché concurrentiel. La diplomatie d'entreprise est aujourd'hui incontournable et s'impose comme une nouvelle voie de relations entre les dirigeants économiques et les pouvoirs publics. Le poids des facteurs économiques et politiques dans l'évolution d'une entreprise est le résultat des négociations internationales. Néanmoins, dans ce cadre, les entreprises ont des responsabilités en ce qui concerne des questions relatives aux droits de l'homme et la situation des pays d'accueil. Dans quelle mesure les grandes entreprises contribuent-elles à l'élaboration de cette nouvelle diplomatie ? ; The phenomenon of globalization, in conjunction with the economic and political transformations of recent decades, has involved the emergence of a new form of diplomacy that is driven by businesses in competitive markets. Business diplomacy has become indispensable, and is now established as a new means for economic leaders and public authorities to interact and develop relations. The importance of political and economic factors in the growth of a corporation is the product of international negotiations. However, in this context, the private sector has responsibilities in relation to issues of human rights and the conditions in host countries. To what extent can big business contribute to the development of this new diplomacy?
International audience ; Established in 1919 by Part XIII of the Treaty of Versailles, the ILO is the result of a political compromise intended to meet the expectations of public opinion while avoiding a major social crisis in a context of demobilization and Communist revolutionary contagion. In the short time of the social history of the industrial world, its creation is a continuation of the nebulous reformer of the social question, as in the dynamics impelled by the international trade union movement during the war. Conceived as a tripartite organization associating employers and workers representatives with States, it focuses its activity on the elaboration of international labor legislation which it bases on humanist values and a fundamental principle inscribed in the first lines of the preamble of the Part XIII: the indissoluble link between the promotion of social justice and the establishment of universal peace. The present study is based on the examination of these legal productions which account for the polemical nature of the debates which cross and surround the nascent institution, in particular in the Twenties. At the same time, they legitimize the ILO as the site of a deeply innovative experience in the field of contemporary international relations which would illustrate a questioning of the presuppositions of the Westphalian system brought about by the growing interdependence of societies and states . By inscribing this organization in a temporality of modernity, this production translates the significance of political and social issues in legal discourse. The empirical and concrete character of the legitimation process is illustrated by the validation of practices contested by certain socio-professional groups, or by certain States, by the voice of diplomats or licensed jurists, which concern the nature of the institution, its areas of competence and its normative capacity. ; Instituée en 1919 par la Partie XIII du Traité de Versailles, l'OIT (ILO) est le résultat d'un compromis politique destiné ...
International audience ; Established in 1919 by Part XIII of the Treaty of Versailles, the ILO is the result of a political compromise intended to meet the expectations of public opinion while avoiding a major social crisis in a context of demobilization and Communist revolutionary contagion. In the short time of the social history of the industrial world, its creation is a continuation of the nebulous reformer of the social question, as in the dynamics impelled by the international trade union movement during the war. Conceived as a tripartite organization associating employers and workers representatives with States, it focuses its activity on the elaboration of international labor legislation which it bases on humanist values and a fundamental principle inscribed in the first lines of the preamble of the Part XIII: the indissoluble link between the promotion of social justice and the establishment of universal peace. The present study is based on the examination of these legal productions which account for the polemical nature of the debates which cross and surround the nascent institution, in particular in the Twenties. At the same time, they legitimize the ILO as the site of a deeply innovative experience in the field of contemporary international relations which would illustrate a questioning of the presuppositions of the Westphalian system brought about by the growing interdependence of societies and states . By inscribing this organization in a temporality of modernity, this production translates the significance of political and social issues in legal discourse. The empirical and concrete character of the legitimation process is illustrated by the validation of practices contested by certain socio-professional groups, or by certain States, by the voice of diplomats or licensed jurists, which concern the nature of the institution, its areas of competence and its normative capacity. ; Instituée en 1919 par la Partie XIII du Traité de Versailles, l'OIT (ILO) est le résultat d'un compromis politique destiné ...
International audience ; Established in 1919 by Part XIII of the Treaty of Versailles, the ILO is the result of a political compromise intended to meet the expectations of public opinion while avoiding a major social crisis in a context of demobilization and Communist revolutionary contagion. In the short time of the social history of the industrial world, its creation is a continuation of the nebulous reformer of the social question, as in the dynamics impelled by the international trade union movement during the war. Conceived as a tripartite organization associating employers and workers representatives with States, it focuses its activity on the elaboration of international labor legislation which it bases on humanist values and a fundamental principle inscribed in the first lines of the preamble of the Part XIII: the indissoluble link between the promotion of social justice and the establishment of universal peace. The present study is based on the examination of these legal productions which account for the polemical nature of the debates which cross and surround the nascent institution, in particular in the Twenties. At the same time, they legitimize the ILO as the site of a deeply innovative experience in the field of contemporary international relations which would illustrate a questioning of the presuppositions of the Westphalian system brought about by the growing interdependence of societies and states . By inscribing this organization in a temporality of modernity, this production translates the significance of political and social issues in legal discourse. The empirical and concrete character of the legitimation process is illustrated by the validation of practices contested by certain socio-professional groups, or by certain States, by the voice of diplomats or licensed jurists, which concern the nature of the institution, its areas of competence and its normative capacity. ; Instituée en 1919 par la Partie XIII du Traité de Versailles, l'OIT (ILO) est le résultat d'un compromis politique destiné à répondre à l'attente des opinions publiques tout en évitant une crise sociale majeure dans un contexte de démobilisation et de contagion révolutionnaire communiste. Dans le temps court de l'histoire sociale du monde industriel, sa création s'inscrit dans la continuité de la nébuleuse réformatrice de la question sociale, comme dans la dynamique impulsée par le mouvement syndical international pendant la guerre. Conçue comme une organisation tripartite associant aux Etats des représentants patronaux et ouvriers, elle centre son activité sur l'élaboration d'une législation internationale du travail qu'elle fonde sur des valeurs humanistes et un principe fondamental inscrit dans les premières lignes du préambule de la Partie XIII : le lien indissouble existant entre la promotion d'une justice sociale et l'établissement d'une paix universelle. La présente étude se fonde sur l'examen de ces productions juridiques qui rendent compte du caractère polémique des débats qui traversent et entourent l'institution naissante, notamment dans les années vingt. Ils procèdent dans le même temps à une légitimation de l'OIT comme lieu d'une expérience profondément innovante dans le domaine des relations internationales contemporaines qui illustrerait une remise en cause des présupposés du système westphalien induite par l'interdépendance croissante des sociétés et des Etats. En inscrivant cette organisation dans une temporalité de la modernité, cette production traduit la prégnance des enjeux politiques et sociaux dans le discours juridique. Le caractère empirique et concret du processus de légitimation s'illustre par la validation de pratiques contestées par certains groupes socio-professionnels, ou par certains Etats, par la voix de diplomates ou de jurisconsultes patentés, qui concernent la nature de l'institution, ses domaines de compétence et sa capacité normative.
Dès l'entrée en vigueur de la politique commerciale commune en 1970, les relations entre la Communauté économique européenne (CEE) et le Japon ont rapidement été marquées par des tensions commerciales croissantes. L'arrivée du Premier ministre Yasuhiro Nakasone en 1982, suivie de celle de Jacques Delors à la présidence de la Commission européenne en 1985, semble favoriser une réorientation des rapports vers un renforcement du dialogue au-delà des questions commerciales. Ainsi, les discours semblent s'adoucir pour passer de la confrontation à la coopération entre les deux parties. Pouvons-nous dès lors observer un véritable tournant dans l'évolution des rapports entre la CEE et le Japon en 1985 ? Cette communication a été présentée à l'occasion d'un atelier doctoral en histoire des relations internationales organisé par l'Universidad Complutense de Madrid les 20 et 21 mai 2021, en collaboration avec Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne, l'UCLouvain, l'Università degli Studi di Padova, l'Université de Genève et l'University of Glasgow. Elle s'inscrit dans le cadre d'un projet de recherche doctorale portant sur l'histoire des relations entre le Japon et l'Union européenne de 1985 à 2000, sous la direction du professeur Vincent Dujardin.
Dès l'entrée en vigueur de la politique commerciale commune en 1970, les relations entre la Communauté économique européenne (CEE) et le Japon ont rapidement été marquées par des tensions commerciales croissantes. L'arrivée du Premier ministre Yasuhiro Nakasone en 1982, suivie de celle de Jacques Delors à la présidence de la Commission européenne en 1985, semble favoriser une réorientation des rapports vers un renforcement du dialogue au-delà des questions commerciales. Ainsi, les discours semblent s'adoucir pour passer de la confrontation à la coopération entre les deux parties. Pouvons-nous dès lors observer un véritable tournant dans l'évolution des rapports entre la CEE et le Japon en 1985 ? Cette communication a été présentée à l'occasion d'un atelier doctoral en histoire des relations internationales organisé par l'Universidad Complutense de Madrid les 20 et 21 mai 2021, en collaboration avec Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne, l'UCLouvain, l'Università degli Studi di Padova, l'Université de Genève et l'University of Glasgow. Elle s'inscrit dans le cadre d'un projet de recherche doctorale portant sur l'histoire des relations entre le Japon et l'Union européenne de 1985 à 2000, sous la direction du professeur Vincent Dujardin.
